Microsoft Word A National Strategic Narrative ALL

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2 PREFACE By Anne-Marie Slaughter Bert G. Kerstetter ’66 University Professor of Poli tics and International Affairs Princeton University Director of Policy Planning, U.S. Department of Sta te, 2009-2011 The United States needs a national strategic narrat ive. We have a national security strategy, which sets forth four core national interests and o utlines a number of dimensions of an st century world. But that is a document overarching strategy to advance those interests in the 21 written by specialists for specialists. It does not answer a fundamental question that more and more Americans are asking. Where is the United Stat es going in the world? How can we get there? What are the guiding stars that will illumin ate the path along the way? We need a story with a beginning, middle, and projected happy endin g that will transcend our political divisions, orient us as a nation, and give us both a common di rection and the confidence and commitment to get to our destination. These questions require new answers because of the universal awareness that we are living th ssumptions of the 20 through a time of rapid and universal change. The a century, of the U.S. as a bulwark first against fascism and then against co mmunism, make little sense in a world in which World War II and its aftermath is as distant to young generations today as the War of 1870 was to the men who designed the United Nations and t he international order in the late 1940s. Consider the description of the U.S. president as “ the leader of the free world,” a phrase that obal order for decades. Yet anyone under encapsulated U.S. power and the structure of the gl thirty today, a majority of the world’s population, likely has no idea what it means. Moreover, the U.S. is experiencing its latest round of “declinism,” the periodic certainty that we are losing all the things that have made us a great nation. In a National Journal poll conducted in 2010, 47% percent of Americans rated China’s econom y as the world’s strongest economy, even though today the U.S. economy is still 2 ½ times la rger than the Chinese economy with only 1/6 of the population. Our crumbling roads and bridges reflect a crumbling self-confidence. Our education reformers often seem to despair that we c an ever educate new generations effectively st century economy. Our health care system lags incre asingly behind that of other for the 21 developed nations – even behind British National Hea lth in terms of the respective overall health of the British and American populations. Against this backdrop, Captain Porter’s and Colonel Mykleby’s “Y article” could not come at a more propitious time. In 1947 George Kennan publish ed “The Sources of Soviet Conduct” in Foreign Affairs under the pseudonym X, so as not to reveal his iden tity as a U.S. Foreign Service Officer. The X article gave us an intellectual fram ework within which to understand the rise and eventual fall of the Soviet Union and a strategy to hasten that objective. Based on that foundation, the strategic narrative of the Cold War was that the United States was the leader of the free world against the communist world; that we would invest in containing the Soviet Union and limiting its expansion while building a d ynamic economy and as just, and prosperous a society as possible. We often departed from that narrative in practice, as George s a narrative that fit the facts of the world we Kennan was one of the first to recognize. But it wa perceived well enough to create and maintain a loos e bipartisan national consensus for forty years. 2

3 Porter and Mykleby give us a non-partisan blueprint for understanding and reacting to the st century world. In one sentence, the strategic narr ative of the United States in changes of the 21 st the 21 want to become the strongest competitor and most in fluential century is that we which requires that we invest less in player in a deeply inter-connected global system , tools of effective global engagement. defense and more in sustainable prosperity and the At first reading, this sentence may not seem to mar k much of a change. But look closer. The Y article narrative responds directly to five major t ransitions in the global system: From control in a closed system to credible influen ce in an open system. The authors 1) igned for a closed system, in which we argue that Kennan’s strategy of containment was des ence, defense, and dominance of the assumed that we could control events through deterr st century is an open system, in which unpredictable external international system. The 21 events/phenomena are constantly disturbing and disr upting the system. In this world control is impossible; the best we can do is to build credible influence – the ability to shape and guide global trends in the direction that serves our valu es and interests (prosperity and security) within an interdependent strategic ecosystem. In other wor ds, the U.S. should stop trying to dominate and direct global events. The best we can do is to build our capital so that we can influence events as they arise. 2 ) From containment to sustainment . The move from control to credible influence as a fundamental strategic goal requires a shift from co ntainment to sustainment (sustainability). Instead of trying to contain others (the Soviet Uni on, terrorists, China, etc), we need to focus on hs and underpin credible influence. That shift sustaining ourselves in ways that build our strengt egy should be internal rather than external. The in turn means that the starting point for our strat 2010 National Security Strategy did indeed focus on national renewal and global leadership, but this account makes an even stronger case for why we have to focus first and foremost on investing our resources domestically in those natio nal resources that can be sustained, such as our youth and our natural resources (ranging from c rops, livestock, and potable water to sources of energy and materials for industry). We can and m ust still engage internationally, of course, but only after a careful weighing of costs and benefits and with as many partners as possible. Credible influence also requires that we model the behavior we recommend for others, and that we pay close attention to the gap between our words and our deeds. 3 ) From deterrence and defense to civilian engag ement and competition. Here in many ways is the hard nub of this narrative. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen has already said publicly that the U.S. deficit is our biggest national security threat. He and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates have also given speeches an d written articles calling for “demilitarizing American foreign policy” and investing more in the tools of civilian engagements – diplomacy th century warfare, pending the tools of 20 and defense. As we modernize our military and cut s we must also invest in a security complex that incl udes all domestic and foreign policy assets. Our credibility also requires a willingness to comp ete with others. Instead of defeatism and protectionism, we must embrace competition as a way to make ourselves stronger and better (e.g. Ford today, now competing with Toyota on electric c ars). A willingness to compete means a new narrative on trade and a new willingness to invest in the skills, education, energy sources, and infrastructure necessary to make our products compe titive. 3

4 4) From zero sum to positive sum global politics/econo . An interdependent world mics for positive-sum rather than zero-sum creates many converging interests and opportunities ence (economic instability, global competition. The threats that come from interdepend pandemics, global terrorist and criminal networks) also create common interests in countering sident Obama has often emphasized the those threats domestically and internationally. Pre . To take only one example, the rise of China significance of moving toward positive sum politics as a major economic power has been overall very pos itive for the U.S. economy and the prosperity and stability of East Asia. The United S tates must be careful to guard our interests and those of our allies, but we miss great opportunitie s if we assume that the rise of some necessarily means the decline of others. 5) From national security to national prosperity and s ecurity . The piece closes with a call for a National Prosperity and Security Act to repla ce the National Security Act of 1947. The term “national security” only entered the foreign policy lexicon after 1947 to reflect the merger of defense and foreign affairs. Today our security lie s as much or more in our prosperity as in our military capabilities. Our vocabulary, our institut ions, and our assumptions must reflect that shift. “National security” has become a trump card, justify ing military spending even as the domestic foundations of our national strength are crumbling. “National prosperity and security” reminds undits have long called for an overhaul of us where our true security begins. Foreign policy p NSC 68, the blueprint for the national security stat e that accompanied the grand strategy of containment. If we are truly to become the stronges t competitor and most influential player in the st century, then we need a new blueprint. deeply interconnected world of the 21 A narrative is a story. A national strategic narrat ive must be a story that all Americans can understand and identify with in their own lives. Am erica’s national story has always see-sawed between exceptionalism and universalism. We think t hat we are an exceptional nation, but a core part of that exceptionalism is a commitment to univ ersal values – to the equality of all human beings not just within the borders of the United St ates, but around the world. We should thus embrace the rise of other nations when that rise is powered by expanded prosperity, opportunity, and dignity for their peoples. In such a world we d o not need to see ourselves as the automatic leader of any bloc of nations. We should be prepare d instead to earn our influence through our ability to compete with other nations, the evident prosperity and wellbeing of our people, and our ability to engage not just with states but with soc ieties in all their richness and complexity. We do not want to be the sole superpower that billions of people around the world have learned to hate from fear of our military might. We seek inste ad to be the nation other nations listen to, rely on and emulate out of respect and admiration. The Y article is the first step down that new path. It is written by two military men who have put their lives on the line in the defense of their cou ntry and who are non-partisan by profession and conviction. Their insights and ideas should spark a national conversation. All it takes is for civic leaders, and engaged citizens across the politicians, pundits, journalists, businesspeople, country to read and respond. 4

5 A NATIONAL STRATEGIC NARRATIVE By Mr. Y tional policy decisions regarding investment, This Strategic Narrative is intended to frame our Na security, economic development, the environment, an d engagement well into this century. It is uring national interests – prosperity and built upon the premise that we must sustain our end security – within a “strategic ecosystem,” at home and abroad; that in complexity and uncertainty, there are opportunities and hope, as w ell as challenges, risk, and threat. The primary approach this Strategic Narrative advocates to achieve sustainable prosperity and fluence and strength, the pursuit of fair security, is through the application of credible in competition, acknowledgement of interdependencies a nd converging interests, and adaptation to complex, dynamic systems – all bounded by our natio nal values. le Influence From Containment to Sustainment: Control to Credib For those who believe that hope is not a strategy, America must seem a strange contradiction of anachronistic values and enduring interests amidst a constantly changing global environment. America is a country conceived in liberty, founded on hope, and built upon the notion that ination. Over time we have continued to anything is possible with enough hard work and imag learn and mature even as we strive to remain true t o those values our founding fathers set forth in n. the Declaration of Independence and our Constitutio America’s national strategy in the second half of t he last century was anchored in the belief that our global environment is a closed system to be con trolled by mankind – through technology, power, and determination – to achieve security and prosperity. From that perspective, anything that challenged our national interests was perceive d as a threat or a risk to be managed. For forty ugh a strategy of containment years our nation prospered and was kept secure thro . That strategy relied on control, deterrence, and the conviction t hat given the choice, people the world over erged from the Twentieth Century as the share our vision for a better tomorrow. America em cognize that dominance, like fossil fuel, is not most powerful nation on earth. But we failed to re a sustainable source of energy. The new century b rought with it a reminder that the world, in fact, is a complex, open system – constantly changi ng. And change brings with it uncertainty. rtainty and change, there is opportunity and What we really failed to recognize, is that in unce hope. It is time for America to re-focus our national int erests and principles through a long lens on the global environment of tomorrow. It is time to move beyond a strategy of containment to a strategy of sustainment (sustainability); from an emphasis on power and control to an emphasis on and influence; from a defensive posture of exclusion , to a proactive posture of strength engagement . We must recognize that security means more than defense, and sustaining security requires adaptation and evolution, the leverage of converging interests and interdependencies. To grow we must accept that competitors are not nec essarily adversaries, and that a winner does not demand a loser . We must regain our credibility as a leader among peers, a beacon of hope, ncing our interests with our principles that we can rather than an island fortress. It is only by bala truly hope to sustain our growth as a nation and to restore our credibility as a world leader. 5

6 As we focus on the opportunities within our strateg ic environment, however, we must also ize that developing credible influence address risk and threat. It is important to recogn to pursue nner requires strength with restraint, power our enduring national interests in a sustainable ma with patience, deterrence with detente. The econom ic, diplomatic, educational, military, and commercial tools through which we foster that credi bility must always be tempered and hardened by the values that define us as a people. Our Values and Enduring National Interests America was founded on the core values and principl es enshrined in our Constitution and proven both our anchor and our compass, at home through war and peace. These values have served as s define our national character, and they are and abroad, for more than two centuries. Our value ing we do. Our values provide the bounds our source of credibility and legitimacy in everyth sts. When these values are no longer within which we pursue our enduring national intere sustainable, we have failed as a nation, because wi thout our values, America has no credibility. As we continue to evolve, these values are reflecte d in a wider global application: tolerance for all cultures, races, and religions; global opportun ity for self-fulfillment; human dignity and freedom from exploitation; justice with compassion and equality under internationally recognized rule of law; sovereignty without tyranny , with assured freedom of expression; and an environment for entrepreneurial freedom and global prosperity, with access to markets, plentiful water and arable soil, clean and abundant energy, a nd adequate health services. From the earliest days of the Republic, America has depended on a vibrant free market and an s of our prosperity. Our strength as a world indomitable entrepreneurial spirit to be the engine play in the global economy. Since the Bretton leader is largely derived from the central role we Woods agreement of 1944, the United States has been viewed as an anchor of global economic nationally recognized medium of exchange, the security and the U.S. dollar has served as an inter monetary standard. The American economy is the str ongest in the world and likely to remain so well into the foreseeable future. Yet, while the d ramatic acceleration of globalization over the last fifteen years has provided for the cultural, i ntellectual and social comingling among people on every continent, of every race, and of every ide ology, it has also increased international economic interdependence and has made a narrowly do mestic economic perspective an unattractive impossibility. Without growth and com petition economies stagnate and wither, so sustaining America’s prosperity requires a healthy global economy. Prosperity at home and through global economic competition and development is then, one of America’s enduring national interests. It follows logically that prosperity without securi ty is unsustainable. Security is a state of mind, as much as it is a physical aspect of our environme nt. For Americans, security is very closely related to freedom, because security represents fre edom from anxiety and external threat, freedom from disease and poverty, freedom from tyra nny and oppression, freedom of expression but also freedom from hurtful ideologies, prejudice and violations of human rights. Security cannot be safeguarded by borders or natural barrier s; freedom cannot be secured with locks or by force alone. In our complex, interdependent, and c onstantly changing global environment, 6

7 security is not achievable for one nation or by one people alone; rather it must be recognized as a rity is not sustainable, and without it there common interest among all peoples. Otherwise, secu can be no peace of mind. Security, then, is our ot her enduring national interest. Our Three Investment Priorities As Americans we have access to a vast array of reso urces. Perhaps the most important first step we can take, as part of a National Strategy, is to i dentify which of these resources are renewable and sustainable, and which are finite and diminishi ng. Without doubt, our greatest resource is America’s young people, who will shape and execute the vision needed to take this nation forward into an uncertain future. But this may req uire a reawakening, of sorts. Perhaps because our nation has been so blessed over time, many of u s have forgotten that rewards must be earned, there is no “free ride” – that fair competition and hard work bring with them a true sense of ity and labor of past generations to sustain accomplishment. We can no longer expect the ingenu must embrace the reality that with our growth as a nation for generations to come. We opportunity comes challenge, and that retooling our competitiveness requires a commitment and investment in the future. and imagination that have made, and will Inherent in our children is the innovation, drive, continue to make, this country great. By investing energy, talent, and dollars now in the education and training of young Americans – the sci entists, statesmen, industrialists, farmers, inventors, educators, clergy, artists, service memb ers, and parents, of tomorrow – we are truly investing in our ability to successfully compete in , and influence, the strategic environment of s intellectual capital and a sustainable the future. Our first investment priority, then, i ices to provide for the continuing development infrastructure of education, health and social serv and growth of America’s youth. Our second investment priority is ensuring the nati on’s sustainable security – on our own soil and wherever Americans and their interests take the m. As has been stated already, Americans view security in the broader context of freedom and peace of mind. Rather than focusing primarily on defense, the security we seek can only be sustained through a whole of nation approach to our domestic and foreign policies. Thi s requires a different approach to problem solving than we have pursued previously and a hard look at the distribution of our national treasure. For too long, we have underutilized sect ors of our government and our citizenry writ large, focusing intensely on defense and protection ism rather than on development and diplomacy. This has been true in our approach to domestic and foreign trade, agriculture and energy, science and technology, immigration and edu cation, public health and crisis response, Homeland Security and military force posture. Secu rity touches each of these and must be addressed by leveraging all the strengths of our na tion, not simply those intended to keep perceived threat a safe arm’s length away. America is a resplendent, plentiful and fertile lan d, rich with natural resources, bounded by vast ocean spaces. Together these gifts are ours to be enjoyed for their majesty, cultivated and harvested for their abundance, and preserved for fo llowing generations. Many of these resources are renewable, some are not. But all mus t be respected as part of a global ecosystem 7

8 that is being tasked to support a world population projected to reach nine billion peoples midway crops, livestock, and potable water to sources through this century. These resources range from vestment priority is to develop a plan for the of energy and materials for industry. Our third in sustainable access to, cultivation and use of, the natural resources we need for our continued wellbeing, prosperity and economic growth in the wo rld marketplace. Fair Competition and Deterrence Competition is a powerful, and often misunderstood, concept. Fair competition – of ideas and enterprises, among individuals, organizations, and nations – is what has driven Americans to achieve greatness across the spectrum of human ende avor. And yet with globalization, we seem to have developed a strange apprehension about the efficacy of our ability to apply the innovation and hard work necessary to successfully compete in a complex security and economic environment. Further, we have misunderstood interd ependence as a weakness rather than recognizing it as a strength. The key to sustainin g our competitive edge, at home or on the world stage, is credibility – and credibility is a diffic ult capital to foster. It cannot be won through intimidation and threat, it cannot be sustained thr ough protectionism or exclusion. Credibility requires engagement, strength, and reliability – im aginatively applied through the national tools of development, diplomacy, and defense. In many ways, deterrence is closely linked to compe tition. Like competition, deterrence in the truest sense is built upon strength and credibility and cannot be achieved solely through intimidation and threat. For deterrence to be effe ctive, it must leverage converging interests and sing diverging and conflicting interests that interdependencies, while differentiating and addres errence requires a whole of nation effort, represent potential threats. Like competition, det credible influence supported by actions that are co nsistent with our national interests and values. When fair competition and positive influence throug h engagement – largely dependent on the tools of development and diplomacy – fail to dissua de the threat of destructive behavior, we will approach deterrence through a broad, interdisciplin ary effort that combines development and diplomacy with defense. A Strategic Ecology Rather than focusing all our attention on specific threats, risks, nations, or organizations, as we have in the past, let us evaluate the trends that w ill shape tomorrow’s strategic ecology, and seek opportunities to credibly influence these to our ad vantage. Among the trends that are already shaping a “new normal” in our strategic environment are the decline of rural economies, joblessness, the dramatic increase in urbanization, an increasing demand for energy, migration of populations and shifting demographics, the rise of grey and black markets, the phenomenon of extremism and anti-modernism, the effects of global climate change, the spread of pandemics and lack of access to adequate health services, and an increasing dependency on cyber networks. At first glance, these trends are cause for concern . But for Americans with vision, guided by and leverage credible influence, converging values, they represent opportunities to reestablish despair into hope. This focus on improving interests, and interdependencies that can transform 8

9 our strategic ecosystem, and favorably competing fo r our national interests, underscores the ative application of diplomacy, development, investment priorities cited earlier, and the imagin and defense in our foreign policy. Many of the trends affecting our environment are co nditions-based. That is, they have developed within a complex system as the result of conditions left unchecked for many years. These global trends, whether manifesting themselves in Africa, t he Middle East, Asia, Eurasia, or within our own hemisphere impact the lives of Americans in way s that are often obscure as they propagate over vast areas with cascading and sometimes catast rophic effect. Illiteracy, for example, is common in countries wit h high birth rates. High birth rates and illiteracy contribute to large labor pools and jobl essness, particularly in rural areas in which changing weather conditions have resulted in desert ification and soil erosion. This has led to the disruption of family and tribal support structures and the movement of large numbers of young, unskilled people into urban areas that lack infrast ructure. This rapid urbanization has taxed countries with weak governance that lack rule of la w, permitting the further growth of exploitive, grey and black market activities. Criminal network s prey upon and contribute to the disenfranchisement of a sizeable portion of the pop ulation in many underdeveloped nations. This concentration of disenfranchised youth, with l ittle-to-no licit support infrastructure has provided a recruiting pool for extremists seeking p olitical support and soldiers for local or foreign causes, often facilitated through the inter net. The wars and instability perpetrated by hised have resulted in the displacement of these extremists and their armies of the disenfranc many thousands more, and the further weakening of g overnance. This displacement has, in many cases, produced massive migrations of disparat e families, tribes, and cultures seeking a more sustainable existence. This migration has furt her exacerbated the exploitation of the weak by criminal and ideological profiteers and has faci litated the spread of diseases across natural barriers previously considered secure. The effect has been to create a kind of subculture of despair and hopelessness that is self-perpetuating. At some point, these underlying conditions must be addressed by offering choices and options t hat will nudge global trends in a positive direction. America’s national interests and values are not sustainable otherwise. We cannot isolate our own prosperity and security f rom the global system. Even in a land as rich as ours, we too, have seen the gradual breakdown of rural communities and the rapid expansion of our cities. We have experienced migration, crim e, and domestic terrorism. We struggle with joblessness and despite a low rate of illiteracy, w e are losing our traditional role of innovation dominance in leading edge technologies and the scie nces. We are, in the truest sense, part of an interdependent strategic ecosystem, and our interes ts converge with those of people in virtually every corner of the world. We must remain cogniza nt of this, and reconcile our domestic and foreign policies as being complementary and largely congruent. As we pursue the growth of our own prosperity and s ecurity, the welfare of our citizens must be seen as part of a highly dynamic, and interconnecte d system that includes sovereign nations, world markets, natural and man-generated challenges and solutions – a system that demands ironment, it is competition that will determine adaptability and innovation. In this strategic env d confidence required to successfully how we evolve, and Americans must have the tools an compete. 9

10 This begins at home with quality health care and ed ucation, with a vital economy and low rates refully planned rural communities, with low of unemployment, with thriving urban centers and ca crime, and a sense of common purpose underwritten b y personal responsibility. We often hear lopment and diplomacy abroad empowering the term “smart power” applied to the tools of deve people all over the world to improve their own live s and to help establish the stability needed to smart power ” until we sustain security and prosperity on a global scale. But we can not export “ ” at home. We must seize the opportunity to be a m odel of stability, a practice “ smart growth model of the values we cherish for the rest of the world to emulate. And we must ensure that our cies. Our own “smart growth” can serve as domestic policies are aligned with our foreign poli uthfully, it is in our interest to see the rest of the exportable model of “smart power.” Because, tr as it is in our interest to see our neighbors the world prosper and the world market thrive, just ties come back to life. prosper and our own urban centers and rural communi Closing the “Say-do” Gap - the Negative Aspects of “ Binning” nfluence and applying it effectively is to close An important step toward re-establishing credible i the “say-do” gap. This begins by avoiding the very western tendency to label or “bin” individuals, groups, organizations, and ideas. In complex systems, adaptation and variation demonstrate that “binning” is not only difficult, i t often leads to unintended consequences. For example, labeling, or binning, Islamist radicals as “terrorists,” or worse, as “jihadis,” has resulted in two very different, and unfortunate unintended m isperceptions: that all Muslims are thought of into a hateful, anti-modernist ideology to justify as “terrorists;” and, that those who pervert Islam a religious struggle (the definition of “jihad,” unspeakable acts of violence are truly motivated by and the obligation of all Muslims), rather than bei ng seen as apostates waging war against society and innocents. This has resulted in the al ienation of vast elements of the global Muslim community and has only frustrated efforts to accura tely depict and marginalize extremism. Binning and labeling are legacies of a strategy int ent on viewing the world as a closed system. Another significant unintended consequence of binni ng, is that it creates divisions within our own government and between our own domestic and for eign policies. As has been noted, we cannot isolate our own prosperity and security from the global system. We exist within a strategic ecology, and our interests converge with those of people in virtually every corner of the world. We must remain cognizant of this, and reco ncile our domestic and foreign policies as being complementary and largely congruent. Yet we have binned government departments, agencies, laws, authorities, and programs into lane s that lack the strategic flexibility and dynamism to effectively adapt to the global environ ment. This, in turn, further erodes our credibility, diminishes our influence, inhibits our competitive edge, and exacerbates the say-do gap. The tools to be employed in pursuit of our national interests – development, diplomacy, and defense – cannot be effective if they are restricte d to one government department or another. In fact, if these tools are not employed within the co ntext of a coherent national strategy, vice being narrowly applied in isolation to individual countri es or regions, they will fail to achieve a sustainable result. By recognizing the advantages of interdependence and converging interests, 10

11 domestically and internationally, we gain the strat egic flexibility to sustain our national interests lopment do not exist within the domain of without compromising our values. The tools of deve of society, anymore than do the tools of one government department alone, or even one sector diplomacy or defense. Another form of binning that impedes strategic flex ibility, interdependence, and converging proach to foreign policy. Perhaps since the interests in the global system, is a geo-centric ap to view the world as consisting of Peace of Westphalia in 1648, westerners have tended sovereign nation-states clearly distinguishable by their political borders and physical boundaries. In the latter half of the Twentieth Century a new a wareness of internationalism began to dominate political thought. This notion of communi ties of nations and regions was further broadened by globalization. But the borderless na ture of the internet, and the accompanying proliferation of stateless organizations and ideolo gies, has brought with it a new appreciation for the interconnectivity of today’s strategic ecosyste m. In this “new world order,” converging interests create interdependencies. Our former not ion of competition as a zero sum game that allowed for one winner and many losers, seems as in adequate today as Newton’s Laws of Motion (written about the same time as the Westphal ia Peace) did to Albert Einstein and quantum physicists in the early Twentieth Century. It is time to move beyond a narrow Westphalian vision of the world, and to recognize t he opportunities in globalization. Such an approach doesn’t advocate the relinquishmen t of sovereignty as it is understood within a Westphalian construct. Indeed, sovereignty without tyranny is a fundamental American value. Neither does the recognition of a more comprehensive perspective place the interests of American citizens behind, or even on par with those of any other country on earth. It is the ions, cultures, and movements that will popular convergence of interests among peoples, nat rity in this century. And it is credible determine the sustainability of prosperity and secu influence, based on values and strength that will e nsure America’s continuing role as a world leader. Security and prosperity are not sustainab le in isolation from the rest of the global system. To close the say-do gap, we must stop beha ving as if our national interests can be pursued without regard for our values. Credible Influence in a Strategic Ecosystem Viewed in the context of a strategic ecosystem, the global trends and conditions cited earlier are seen to be borderless. The application of credible influence to further our national interests, then, should be less about sovereign borders and geograph ic regions than the means and scope of its conveyance. By addressing the trends themselves, w e will attract others in our environment also affected. These converging interests will create op portunities for both competition and interdependence, opportunities to positively shape these trends to mutual advantage. Whether this involves out-competing the grey and black mark et, funding research to develop alternate and sustainable sources of energy, adapting farming for low-water-level environments, anticipating and limiting the effects of pandemics, generating v iable economies to relieve urbanization and migration, marginalizing extremism and demonstratin g the futility of anti-modernism, or better l divisions among people will be less the managing the global information grid – internationa solation – whether within national borders, focus than flexible and imaginative cooperation. I 11

12 physical boundaries, ideologies, or cyberspace – wi ll prove to be a great disadvantage for any competitor in the evolution of the system. The advent of the internet and world wide web, that ushered in the information age and greatly second and third order effects the accelerated globalization, brought with it profound implications of which have yet to be fully recogniz ed or understood. These effects include the near-instantaneous and anonymous exchange of ideas and ideologies; the sharing and manipulation of previously protected and sophistica ted technologies; vast and transparent social networking that has homogenized cultures, castes, a nd classes; the creation of complex virtual rid from every sector of society that has worlds; and, a universal dependence on the global g become almost existential. The worldwide web has a lso facilitated the spread of hateful and manipulative propaganda and extremism; the theft of intellectual property and sensitive information; predatory behavior and the exploitatio n of innocence; and the dangerous and destructive prospect of cyber warfare waged from th e shadows of non-attribution and deception. to information is viewed as the Whether this revolution in communication and access atalyst of an apocalypse, nothing has so democratization of ideas, or as the technological c significantly impacted our lives in the last one hu ndred years. Our perceptions of self, society, t cyberspace is yet another dimension within the religion, and life itself have been challenged. Bu strategic ecosystem, offering opportunity through c omplex interdependence. Here, too, we must invest the resources and develop the capabilities n ecessary to sustain our prosperity and security without sacrificing our values. Opportunities beyond Threat and Risk As was stated earlier, while this Strategic Narrati ve advocates a focus on the opportunities etend that greed, corruption, ancient hatreds inherent in a complex global system, it does not pr real risks that could threaten our national and new born apprehensions won’t manifest into very interests and test our values. Americans must reco gnize this as an inevitable part of the strategic inimize, deter, or defeat these diverging or environment and continue to maintain the means to m conflicting interests that threaten our security. This calls for a robust, technologically superior, and agile military – equally capable of responding to low-end, irregular conflicts and to major conventional contingency operations. But it also r equires a strong and unshakable economy, a more diverse and deployable Inter Agency, and perha ps most importantly a well-informed and supportive citizenry. As has also been cited, secu rity means far more than defense, and strength denotes more than power. We must remain committed to a whole of nation application of the tools of competition and deterrence: development, d iplomacy, and defense. Our ability to look beyond risk and threat – to accept them as realities with in a strategic ecology – and to focus on opportunities and converging interests will determi ne our success in pursuing our national interests in a sustainable manner while maintaining our national values. This requires the projection of credible influence and strength, as w ell as confidence in our capabilities as a nation. As we look ahead, we will need to determine what th ose capabilities should include. As Americans, our ability to remain relevant as a w orld leader, to evolve as a nation, depends as it always has on our determination to pursue our na tional interests within the constraints of our core values. We must embrace and respect diversity and encourage the exchange of ideas, 12

13 welcoming as our own those who share our values and seek an opportunity to contribute to our t be applied through a national unity of nation. Innovation, imagination, and hard work mus effort that recognizes our place in the global syst em. We must accept that to be great requires ty, that competition need not demand a single competition and to remain great requires adaptabili winner, and that through converging interests we sh ould seek interdependencies that can help sustain our interests in the global strategic ecosy stem. To achieve this we will need the tools of development, diplomacy and defense – employed with agility through an integrated whole of nation approach. This will require the prioritizat ion of our investments in intellectual capital and a sustainable infrastructure of education, health a nd social services to provide for the continuing development and growth of America’s youth; investme nt in the nation’s sustainable security – on ests take them, including space and our own soil and wherever Americans and their inter , cultivation and use of, the natural resources cyberspace; and investment in sustainable access to economic growth in the world marketplace. we need for our continued wellbeing, prosperity and growth at home and smart power abroad, Only by developing internal strength through smart applied with strategic agility, can we muster the c redible influence needed to remain a world leader. A National Prosperity and Security Act Having emerged from the Second World War with the s trongest economy, most powerful military, and arguably the most stable model of dem ocracy, President Truman sought to better align America’s security apparatus to face the chal lenges of the post-war era. He did this through the National Security Act of 1947 (NSA 47). Three years later, with the rise of Chinese communism and the first Russian test of a nuclear d evice, he ordered his National Security uld confront the global spread of Council to consider the means with which America co aw National Security Council finding 68 communism. In 1950, President Truman signed into l (NSC 68). Often called the “blueprint” for America’ s Cold War strategy of containment, NSC 68 leveraged not only the National Security structur es provided by NSA 47, but recommended funding and authorization for a Department of Defen se-led strategy of containment, with other agencies and departments of the Federal government working in supporting roles. NSA 47 and NSC 68 provided the architecture, authorities and ne cessary resources required for a specific time in our nation’s progress. Today, we find ourselves in a very different strate gic environment than that of the last half of the Twentieth Century. The challenges and opportunitie s facing us are far more complex, multi- nodal, and interconnected than we could have imagin ed in 1950. Rather than narrowly focus on near term risk and solutions for today’s strategic environment, we must recognize the need to take a longer view, a generational view, for the su stainability of our nation’s security and prosperity. Innovation, flexibility, and resilienc e are critical characteristics to be cultivated if we are to maintain our competitive edge and leadership role in this century. To accomplish this, we must take a hard look at our interagency structures , authorities, and funding proportionalities. We must seek more flexibility in public / private p artnerships and more fungibility across departments. We must provide the means for the fun ctional application of development, diplomacy, and defense rather than continuing to or ganizationally constrain these tools. We need to pursue our priorities of education, securit y, and access to natural resources by adopting 13

14 sustainability as an organizing concept for a natio nal strategy. This will require fundamental changes in policy, law, and organization. What this calls for is a National Prosperity and Sec urity Act, the modern day equivalent of the National Security Act of 1947. This National Prosper ity and Security Act would: integrate policy across agencies and departments of the Feder al government and provide for more effective public/private partnerships; increase the capacity of appropriate government departments and agencies; align Federal policies, t axation, research and development expenditures and regulations to coincide with the g oals of sustainability; and, converge domestic and foreign policies toward a common purpose. Abov e all, this Act would provide for policy changes that foster and support the innovation and entrepreneurialism of America that are essential to sustain our qualitative growth as a pe ople and a nation. We need a National Prosperity and Security Act and a clear plan for it s application that can serve us as well in this strategic environment, as NSA 47 and NSC 68 served a generation before us. A Beacon of Hope, a Pathway of Promise This Narrative advocates for America to pursue her enduring interests of prosperity and security through a strategy of sustainability that is built upon the solid foundation of our national values. As Americans we needn’t seek the world’s friendship or to proselytize the virtues of our society. Neither do we seek to bully, intimidate, cajole, or persuade others to accept our unique values or to share our national objectives. Rather, we will let others draw their own conclusions based upon our actions. Our domestic and foreign policie s will reflect unity of effort, coherency and constancy of purpose. We will pursue our national interests and allow others to pursue theirs, never betraying our values. We will seek convergin g interests and welcome interdependence. We will encourage fair competition and will not shy away from deterring bad behavior. We will accept our place in a complex and dynamic strategic ecosystem and use credible influence and strength to shape uncertainty into opportunities. We will be a pathway of promise and a beacon of hope, in an ever changing world. Mr. Y is a pseudonym for CAPT Wayne Porter, USN and Col Mark "Puck" Mykleby, USMC who are actively serving military officers. The views expressed herein are their own and do not reflect the official policy or position of the U.S. Navy, the U.S. Marine Corps, the Department of Defense or the U.S. government. 14

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