Seeing Islam as Others Saw It: A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam)





4 Copyright @ by THE DARWIN PRESS, INC., Princeton, NJ 08543. 1997 rights reserved. All No in may be reproduced, stored publication a retrieval sys- this of part tem, or any form, by any means, electronic, mechanical, transmitted, in recording, or otherwise, photocopying, the prior permission of without the publisher, in the case of brief quotations in critical articles or reviews. except of Data Cataloging-in-Publication Library Congress Robert 1966- Hoyland, G., Islam as Seeing others it : a survey and evaluation of saw Christian, Jewish, and Zoroastrian writings on early Islam / Robert G. Hoyland. - (Studies p. in em. late antiquity and early Islam ; 13) Includes (p. ) bibliographical references index. and ISBN 0-87850-125-8 (alk. paper) Islamic Empire-History-622-661-Historiography. 2. Islamic 1. 3. Middle Empire-History-661-750-Historiography. East- History- To 622- Historiography. I. Title. Civilization- II. Series. DS38.l.H69 1997 939.4-dc21 97-19196 CIP 2001. Second Printing, and The this book is acid-free neutral pH stock in meets the guidelines paper for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines Resources. the Council on Library Longevity of for Book Printed in the United States of America

5 In Memory of My Father

6 "The essential of interpretive anthropology is vocation that to to us answers available others ... have ... make and given, to include them in the consultable thus of record man has said." (Clifford Geertz, The what Interpretation of Cultures, London 1993, 30) Fontana, is incumbent "It every writer to set forth what upon the various scholars have said according to the sense in which they said it." (Mas'udl, Muriij al-dhahab, ch. xlix, §1205)


8 CONTENTS Abbreviations xv ... ... xvii Acknowledgements 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction I PART Historical Literary Background and The Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 The 1. Historical to Early Islam: Continuity or Change? ... 12 Late Antiquity and Allegiance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Identity ... Apocalypticism 26 2. Nature of the Sources ... 32 The Identity Unavowed Authorship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Redactional and ... 40 Orality and 44 ... Dialectic Debate IIA PART References to Islam Incidental Greek Sources ... 53 3. Prelude ... 53 A Christian of 634 ... 55 Apologist Moschus 619 or 634) ... 61 John (d. Patriarch of Jerusalem Sophronius, ca. 639) ... 67 (d. Pope Martin I ( 649-55) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 4 76 the Confessor (d. 662) ... Maximus Polemicists of the Seventh Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Anti-Jewish The Miracles of S. Demetrim and S. George ... 87 92 Anastasi of Sinai (d. ca. 700) ... us Patriarch Germanus (715-30) and Iconoclasm ... 103 Vll

9 Contents Vlll 107 Hymnography and c.) mid-eighth (wr. Jerusalem of Cosmas 109 ... 794) (d. Sabaite the Stephen 110 ... Dubia 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eremopolite the John 111 ... Papyrus Greek-Coptic A 112 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10677 no. Papyrus Berlin 113 ... lite Sty the Timothy 116 ... Sources Armenian and Coptic Syrian, West 4. 116 ... Conquests Arab the on Fragment 118 ... 640) ca. (wr. Presbyter the Thomas 120 ... Babylon of Saints Child the on Homily 121 ... 648) (d. Qartmin of Gabriel 124 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 660s) ( wr. Bagratunis the of Bishop Sebeos, 132 ... (626-65) Alexandria of Patriarch I, Benjamin 135 ... Chronicler Maronite A 139 . .. .. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . 680) ca. (d. aina Resh' of George 142 ... (665-84) Edessa of Bishop Daniel, 147 ... (683-87) Antioch of Patriarch Balad, of Athanasius 149 ... (689-92) Alexandria of Patriarch Rakoti, of Isaac 152 ... Nikiu of Bishop John, 156 . .. .. .. . .. .. . .. .. .. . .. . .. .. . .. . 698) (d. Amida of Theodotus 160 ... 708) (d. Edessa of Jacob 167 ... 720s) (d. Sakha of Bishop Zacharias, 168 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 734) (d. Olives the of Simeon 171 ... Dubia 171 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Papyrus Coptic A 172 . .. . . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . ?) (ps. Alexandria of Theophilus 172 ... Jonah Bishop of Letter A 4 17 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sources Syrian East 5. 174 ... 659) (d. Adiabene of III Isho'yahb 182 ... 660s) ca. (wr. Khuzistan of Chronicler A 189 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 670) ca. (d. Hormizd Rabban 192 . .. .. .. . . .. .. . .. . .. . . 676 of Synod the and 661-81) I ( George 194 ... 687) (wr. Penkaye bar John 200 ... 700) (d. Exegete the I:Inanisho' 203 ... 738) (d. lam Day of John

10 Contents IX of Isho'bokht, 205 Fars Metropolitan ... the of of Sabrisho' ... 209 Abbots The Convent Ba~ra (wr. ca. 850) ... 211 Isho'dnal; of Marga Thomas 860s) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 of ( wr. Sources 216 Latin 6. ... Chronicler a Frankish 650s) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216 Fredegar, ( wr. (fl. 670s) and Early Islamic Jerusalem ... 219 Arculf bald Willi and Other Pilgrims . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 (fl. 720s) Testimonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Later 226 231 ... Dubia miscella . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 Historia the Greek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 Morienus Jewish, and Chinese Sources ... 237 Persian 7. Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jewish 237 Persian Sources ... _ ... . 241 Sources Chinese . 243 ... . T'ung ... tien 244 History Official The ... T'ang . 249 ' .. k . f T . s ... uez e- u yuan- 253 PART liB Islam References Deliberate to Apocalypses and Visions 8. 257 ... Syriac Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259 Ps.- Ephraem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 Ps.-Methodius ... 263 Edessene 267 and John the Little ... The Ps.-Methodius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270 Bal;ira Ps.-Ezra ... 276 Copto-Arabic Texts ... 278 Ps.-Shenute . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 . Ps.-Athanasius ... 282 Samuel of Qalamun and Pisentius of Qift . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285 Coptic Daniel, XIV Vision ... 289

11 X Contents Apocalypse of Book of the Rolls ... 291 The Peter/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Greek 294 Texts ... Ps.-Methodius, 295 Translation Greek Greek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297 Daniel, First Vision of Enoch the Just ... The Vision 299 of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302 Stephen Alexandria Salos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Andreas 305 The Apocalypse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307 Hebrew Texts Secrets of Rabbi The ben Yo}_lai ... 308 Simon Pesiqta ... 312 rabbati Chapters of Eliezer ... 313 The Rabbi on ... Umayyads Apocalypse 316 Jewish the the Messiah ... 317 Signs of That On ... 319 Day A Daniel Judaeo-Byzantine 320 ... Texts ... 321 Persian yasht Bahman 321 ... Jiimiisp niimag . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 Bundahishn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 324 Denkard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326 Pahlavi Ballad the End of Times ... 327 A on Prophecy of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328 The Rostam Daniel A Judaeo-Persian ... 328 Arabic Texts ... 330 Muslim of Signs Hour ... 331 the ibn 332 and the Mahdi ... 'AbdAllah al-Zubayr Son of Tiberius, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 Justinian Apocalyptic Chronicle ... 334 An 9. Martyrologies ... 336 Greek Texts 34 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Martyrs Gaza (d. 638) Sixty of 347 ... George the Black (d. 650s) ... 351 A Christian Arab of Sinai (d. ca. 660) ... 352 Peter Capitolias (d. 715) ... 354 of Sixty Pilgrims in Jerusalem (d. 724) ... 360 Elias of Damascus (d. 779) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363

12 Contents Xl the Neomartyr 780) ... 365 Romanus (d. ... 367 Copto-Arabic Texts Menas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 368 Monk the Thomas, ... 369 Bishop of Damascus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 370 Armenian Texts Dwin (d. ca. 703) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 370 David of 737) 373 (d. Vahan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Texts Syriac 376 Dubia ... 379 Michael Sabaite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379 the al-Mas11; 'Abd al-Ghassan1 ... 381 al-Najran1 Muslim at ... 383 A Diospolis and Histories Chronicles 387 10. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Syriac Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 390 Chronologies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393 Short Theophilus of and the Syriac Common Source . . . . 400 Edessa Zuqnin Chronicler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409 The The Ehnesh Inscription ... 415 Dionysius of Tellmal;re ... 416 The Chronicles 819 and 846 ... 419 of 421 of 1049) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nisibis (d. Elias . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 422 Texts Latin Byzantine-Arab Chronicle of 741 and the The Chronicle 754 Hispanic ... 423 of Texts 427 Greek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theophanes Confessor (d. 818) the 428 ... Patriarch Nicephorus (d. 828) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 432 A Short Chronology ad annum 818 ... 434 Armenian Texts 437 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... 440 Arabic Christian Texts Bishop of Manbij (wr. Agapius, 940s) ... 440 Eutychius of Alexandria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 442 The Chronicle of Siirt ... 443 The of the Patriarchs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 446 History Jewish Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448 Samaritan Texts ... 451

13 Contents Xll 451 Accounts Derivative and Apologies 454 Disputations 11. ... 459 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Texts Syriac an Arab Patriarch ... 459 John I and Commander of Beth A and an Arab Notable . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 465 Monk J:Iale I (780-823) 472 Timothy ... 476 ... Bal;tira Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 480 Greek John Damascus (wr. 730s) ... 480 of The of Leo III (717-41) and Correspondence II ... 490 'Umar (717-20) Christian Arabic Texts ... 502 tathlzth Allah al-wii~id ... Fz 502 Papyrus Reinhard no. 438 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 504 Schott wa-ajwiba 'aqlzya wa-iliihi:ya ... 504 Masii'il Jewish Texts ... 505 The Ten Jews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 505 Wise Ps.-Jonathan ... Targum 509 ... 511 Texts Persian Texts ... 512 Latin de Mahomet ... 512 Istoria Tultusceptru de domni Metobii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 515 libro ... Dubia 516 the Stylite John 516 ... Abjuration ... 517 Ms. Mingana 184 ... 519 PART III the of Early Islam Writing History 12. Conceptions of Islam ... 523 Non-Muslim The Tool of God's Wrath ... 524 Deliverance the Wicked Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 526 from An Age of Adversity ... 531 The Fourth Beast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 532

14 Contents Xlll Monotheism ... Abrahamic/Primitive 535 Jews The ... New 538 ... Religion 541 Worldly A 13. an Empirical Using Non-Muslim Sources: Approach ... 545 in First Century AH ... 545 the Islam in Islam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 560 Direction Sacred Conquest of Egypt ... The 574 14. Non-Muslim Sources: an Argumentative Using ... 591 Approach the Source of What Observation? ... 592 is the is the Character of the What ... 594 Observation? What the Subject of the Observation? is 595 ... PART IV Ex curses A. The Canons and Resolutions of Jacob of Edessa ... 601 Questions of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 602 Addai 603 ... of Jacob Canons Questions Addai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Further 604 of Thomas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 609 Questions of of John ... Questions 609 Questions Abraham of 610 ... The Byzantine-Arab Chronicle of 741 B. Its and Eastern Source ... 611 C. An Outline of the Syriac Common Source . . . . . . . . . . . 631 672 D. of David of Dwin ... Passion The E. Georgian Historical Writing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 677 F. Dated Arabic Writings, AH 1-135/622-752 ... 687 688 Dated AH 72/691 ... before Writings Caliphs in Dated Writings Declarations by Religious AH 72-135/691-752 ... 695 of

15 XIV Contents Maps 705 Bibliography 1: Primary Sources ... 709 Bibliography II: Secondary Sources ... 747 Index ... 827

16 ABBREVIATIONS Bollandiana. Analecta AB School the of Bulletin and Oriental of African Studies. BSOAS Byzantinische Zeitschrift. BZ 1971- Turnhout, series christianorum, Corpus graeca. CCSG proceeding. Encyclopaedia, Coptic York, New 8 vols. Atiya. A.S. ed. CE 1991. christianorum Leu- orientalium. Paris, scriptorum Corpus csco 1903-proceeding. ven, barton Dum Oaks Papers. DOP 1 Encyclopaedia 4 vols. al. et Houtsma M.T. ed. Islam, of EI 1913-34. London, Leiden and ed. Gibb of H.A.R. Encyclopaedia Edition, New Islam, et al. and 1960-proceeding. London, Leiden Theological Review. Orthodox Greek GOTR asiatique. Journal JA Society. Oriental American of the Journal lAOS vols. 12 al. et Singer I. ed. New Jewish Encyclopaedia, JE York, 1901-1906. Orient. the and History Social of Journal of the Economic JESHO Jewish Studies. of Journal JJS of Near Eastern Studies. Journal JNES Jewish Review. Quartedy JQR Asiatic of the Royal Society. Journal JRAS Jerusalem Islam. Studies in Arabic and JSAI of Studies. Semitic Journal JSS Pertz et G.H. ed. Historica, Germaniae Monumenta al. MGH Hannover and Berlin, 1826-proceeding. Ch1·istianus. Oriens oc Orientalia christiana periodica. OCP de l 'Orient. Parole PdO Patrologiae graecae cursus completus, ed. J.-P. Migne. 161 PG vols. Paris, 1857-66. cursus PL 221 Migne. Patrologiae Latinae J.-P. completus, ed. Paris, 1844-90. vols. ed. Patrologia Orienta/is, et R. Graffin and Fran<;ois Nau PO 1907-proceeding. Paris, al. armeniennes. Revue des etudes REA de l 'histoire des religions. Revue RHR de l 'Orient Chretien. Revue ROC Zeitschrift der Deutsch en Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft. ZDMG XV


18 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many the authors who feature in this book begin their work by be- of the enormity the task that lay before them and protesting moaning of of the inadequacy. This plea of mea parvitas was of their extent own of device, served to forestall accusations which au- literary a course ·dacity aggrandise the subject being and but it might also to treated, as certainly the case here, genuine reservations. Ps.-Joshua is reflect, had embarking upon his Chronicle, the felt "like a man Stylite, when not knowing how to swim well, is ordered to go down into deep wa- who, forth but from drowning and drawn "saved from the sea" by was ters," prayers the patron. I have been equally fortunate, rescued from of his and confusion by the unstinting generosity and kindness excessive error plagued number of experts in their fields whom I have continually a of Griffith and advice: Sebastian Brock (Syriac), Sidney information for Arabic), James Howard-Johnston and Cyril Mango (Byzan- (Christian While and Greek) and Robert Thomson I (Armenian). history tine a at University in vis- as Princeton Jane Eliza Proctor 1990-91, was iting fellow and Fulbright Peter Brown, Michael Cook and scholar, vrom U afforded me both sure guidance and a warm welcome. A dovitch at 1992, University in while as an Erasmus scholar, And Groningen without Drijvers Reinink availed me Gerrit demur of their Han and and hospitality. Though erudition a more intangible way, equally in the many enjoyable evenings I spent in the learned and beneficial were company Shaun Peter O'Brien, provocative Haselhurst and Thierry of Labica. a more others to whom I owe There specific debt. Averil Cameron are read the entire manuscript, made many corrections and instigated nu- Flusin and Andrew Palmer made avail- Bernard merous improvements. to texts, their rough editions of as yet unpublished me the Narra- able the Anastasi us of Sinai and of Lives of Theodotus of Amida and tiones Simeon of the Olives respectively. Yehuda Nevo galvanised me to culti- intimate acquaintance with archaeological evidence, and I more vate a with fondness our many heated arguments in God's wilder- remember the origins of Islam. Alan Jones, who since undergraduate over ness interests, days always looked after my has aided with the arrangement XVll

19 XVlll Acknowledgements study trips grants. Nitzan Amitai-Preiss devoted much effort of and Hebrew times different continents to solving sundry in at different and Kai"sidou Kiki conundra. Fetta, both of Thessaloniki Uni- and Voula on the road to the acquisition of Greek. Brenda me first versity, set toiled indexer the Society of Indexers, of hard to pro- Hall, registered what is an essential tool for a volume such as this. Veronique And vide the a labour of love, and never ceased text, whole proofread Overeijnder encouragement. to give not the least, indeed who Till last I save those who are absolutely to omit mention of his book. Even were I sine quibus non for were this helpful comments incisive various drafts and his superlative and upon be much indebted to Larry Conrad. He invited I would editing, still me to attend the first workshop of the Late Antiquity and Early Islam project in 1989, which coincided with the commencement of October and spurred me to a more interdisciplinary researches field in my this me humour patience have seen and through the more approach. His stages of completing this tome, and wearisome displayed admirable he fortitude the face of a wad of corrections, the size of which would in Crone made man quail. To Patricia a lesser I owe the fact that have I came to the subject of Islamic history at all, and none will fail to own that book is inspired by her this studies. It is also hers in notice the sense that her sharp intellect has honed its arguments and her faith of in worth has sustained me to the last, but she is its course innocent of all its failings. Robert G. Hoyland 20 June 1997

20 INTRODUCTION THIS BEGINS its study as the last great war of Antiquity draws BOOK After epic campaign, the Byzantine emperor Heraclius an to a close. only resoundingly Persian army that had the two had defeated (610-41) earlier years to capture his empire's heart, Constantinople been poised But in he showed himself generous and extended the itself. victory to the new Persian emperor, who gratefully accepted hand offriendship expressed his intention "to live in peace and love with you, the and of and Byzantines emperor our brother, and with the Byzantine the Heraclius returned triumph to the capital, whose inhabitants state." in ... eagerness out to meet him unrestrained , holding olive "with went branches lights and acclaiming him with tears of joy." and and One a centuries later, at the end of the period treated by this book, half us. It is presented to image is of the Arab caliph different very a Mahdl (775-85), ruler of all the lands formerly held by the Persians and much those once possessed by the Byzantines, riding out from of his capital the world's greatest city of that time, Baghdad, probably and by baggage train, eunuchs guards, money. On the accompanied his he passed by the home way a former Umayyad general near Raqqa of and informed that this man had once shown himself was magnanimous to the present caliph's grandfather. Immediately Mahdl summoned the descendants and dependents of this U mayyad and "ordered that 20,000 receive be and that they them regular allowances." He then given dinars to by where he was met proceeded the Christian Arab tribe of Aleppo, fine all attired and mounted on richly horses. Angered to find Tanukh, that there were still Arabs who were not Muslim, he demanded their 1 conversion "about 5000 men apostatised." and 1 Chron. paschale, 736, and Theophanes, 328 (Heraclius); Tabar!, 3.494-95 (AH 163/780), and Michael the Syrian 12.1, 478-79/1 (Mahdi). 1

21 Introduction 2 transformations: phenomenal witnessed which era an is then, This, Roman Greco- the between struggle power 1100-year-long the of end the entity politico-religious a new of emergence the empires, Persian and Great the Alexander and Mede the Cyrus of dream the realised that In- the to Mediterranean western the from region vast the uniting of a to world Antique Late definably a from transition "the and dus, 2 well. very understand not do we that era an is it Yet one." Medieval literary the of nature problematic the primarily is this for reason The plethora a with faced themselves find Byzantinists material. source 3 Judaicists writing, history of dearth a and compositions religious of 4 Islamicists, and kind, any of texts of a scarcity suffer Persianists and his- of light full the in born "was subject their that rejoiced once who is history apparent much how just discovering been recently have tory," host the whether doubting even some disguise, in polemic religio-legal ninth early and eighth late the in appear that works historical Arabic of growth early and rise the of recollection genuine any contain centuries 5 Islam. of dis- each of scholars for be would predicament this of out way One materials. source other's each acquainted with better become to cipline ago decades four than more Islamicists to made was point this Precisely paint to able thereby was who Cahen, Claude French historian the by by given that unlike quite Mesopotamia eighth-century of picture a Michael and Crone Patricia ago decades two Almost authors. Muslim Islam, of rise the of reconstruction their in advice his followed Cook to external testimony of basis the on write to attempted they which 2 133. Christendom, of Formation Herrin, 3 patently is it distinction, this at wince might narrativist a historical Though or a sermon from than a chronicle from events of a framework extract to simpler informative, be can texts religious however, history, cultural regards As like. the them found inevitably have Procopius and Tacitus Thucydides, on reared those but Litera- Greek in Styles and Themes "New Cameron, See unpalateable. somewhat Ages." Dark Byzantine the in Polemic Weapons: as "Texts eadem, ture;" 4 discussion. for 7 below Chapter See 5 1065. l'lslamisme," de origines les et "Mahomet Renan, from is quotation The recently more Lammens; and Goldziher by voiced already were this about Doubts 49: (e.g. Milieu Sectarian Wansbrough, and 3-17, Horses, on Slaves Crone, see the of end the at Mesopotamia in appeared first literature Islamic "specifically. century"). eighth second/

22 Introduction 3 6 7 Islamic with a few notable exceptions, tradition. this line the Yet, not pursued. This is unfortunate because, as has been of inquiry has "all the the communities of reiterated, Middle East par- of recently been consequences social and intellectual ticipated of Arab in political, the 8 And surely if one wishes to gain political proper under- hegemony." a the events and developments of this age, one must elicit the standing of group all participated in them, for each who will offer those of opinions insights not to be found and others. It is this belief perspectives among the of the aforementioned scholars example have inspired this and that what ultimate aim is to constitutes and expand elucidate Its book. history, Islamic I will chiefly be drawing upon the writings of but since 9 and of many insights into the life Zoroastrians, these Jews Christians, 10 gained be along the way. I hope, will, communities 6 "Fiscalite, propriete, antagonismes sociaux en Haute-Mesopotamie;" Cahen, and Cook, Hagarism. Earlier scholars such as Caetani, de Goeje and Well- Crone had to make use of attempted writings (see under their names non-Muslim hausen available Bibliography but many were not then below), to them and they in II and any case mostly only interested were historical sources proper (chronicles in in histories). 7 Morony see under Conrad 1n particular, in Bibliography II below. And and further inter-disciplinary studies will emerge in the series in which this book appears. 8 Calder, Muslim Jurisprudence, 244. This is especially important to bear Early mind for seventh and eighth centuries, when the Muslims would have been in the a minority Middle in the much East. very group 9 an this 1 though based on used ancient misunderstanding of the have term, Zarathustra, to designate the adherents of the religion initiated by this Iranian name prophet, simply it is the most widely used in scholarship. They would com- because themselves as worshippers of Ahuramazda (Mazdayasna/Mazdaean), to refer monly usually be referred to by outsiders as Magians (from and Persian magu, Old "priest"). 10 appropriated which the Muslims The lands were possessed of very ancient had cultural traditions and harboured groups of very varied identities and beliefs. And it is from the proclamations of various opposition movements of early Muslim clear that form. ideologies of an earlier age still survived, even if in etiolated many times our parties which originally But them had mostly fallen silent in the pe- espoused principal it is on the four and confessional groups-Muslims, Jews, Christians riod, and Zoroastrians-that this book is obliged to concentrate (for pagan and gnostic Iraq the Morony, Iraq after see Muslim Conquest, 384-430, and the survivals in articles of Tucker on late Umayyad rebels listed in Bibliography II below; for the possibility Minor of such survivals in Syria and Asia /nature see Haldan, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, 327 -37).

23 Introduction 4 book's strategy four-pronged. Part I will highlight some of The is between the and the various conquered peoples the similarities Muslims they situations and the literature faced produced. they the as regards thereby to minimise the differences; not are very real mean they I do this receives attention enough. but all parties and substantial, That the same physical constraints, mostly encountered the faced frequently problems, influenced and shaped by like forces and ideas-in same were The in world-is too often forgotten. same sharp line lived the short, usually drawn between Muslim that non-Muslim sources will be is and rather to be somewhat blurred on closer inspection. shown II provides a survey of Part writings that have some non-Muslim 11 early Islamic history. pertinence The criteria for inclusion have to that they composed in or contain material relevant to the were been 630-780, convey information about Islam or period adherents. its and emergence date 630 is dictated by the starting of Islam on the The of Eastern stage. The deadline of 780 is approximate and repre- Middle to the which Islam had come at exhibit a degree of confi- point sents 12 A and self-definition. about orientation second reason for its dence choosing particular they is that these demarcate a time boundaries 13 Cyril historiographical difficulties: particularly what of Mango grave 14 has referred as the "great gap" in Greek historiography, the and to 11 The major omission that I am aware of is Christian Arab poetry. After only however, I decided deliberation, material not be treated separately that could this rest of Arab poetry for the period under review here, and from it merited the that greater far consideration in be in could entry given this book. than a single 12 has of course continued to change and develop It until the present day, but up by end of the eighth century a number of the features were in place that would the direct and this subsequent evolution. Thus by the 780s foundational studies shape the already completed on the biography of had Prophet (by Ibn, d. been 767), Qur'an commentary (by Muqatil ibn Sulayman, d. 767), jurisprudence (by Abu J:Ianifa, and Malik ibn Anas, d. 795), ~ad'ith codification (e.g. by 'Abd d. 767, d. 'Awn, 768, and Ma'mar ibn Rashid, d. 770), pre-Islamic poetry (by Allah ibn al-Rawiya, d. 772) and J:Iammad (by d. 793). Sibawayh, grammar 13 Wansbrough, Sectarian Milieu, 99: "Both the quantity and quality of source Cf. that the elaboration of Islam was proposition materials would seem to support the Arab not but posterior to the with occupation of the Fertile Crescent contemporary and beyond. To account for the intervening 150 years or so would thus be the task set historians." by 14 Mango, 360. Tradition of Byzantine Chronography," "The

24 Introduction 5 for which evidence of Muslim literary texts is mostly period physical 15 lacking. Islamicists of this survey will be that it brings to- benefit to The is place corpus of material that a large otherwise dis- one gether in fur- myriad of publications often difficult of access, and a over persed with an assessment of its constituents. For the students them nishes period Zoroastrianism in this and there will Christianity, Judaism of advantage in seeing one another's be and having them com- an texts upon an Islamicist's perspective. from striven to present mented I have them much as possible in their historical and literary context, as as and consider the more to questions of date, authorship basic well as Otherwise I have followed where the texts and authenticity. simply very literature led me; their secondary diverse nature and their have unequal attention accorded them have meant that I was often taken the unexpected the which explains in apparently idiosyncratic directions, general of the items. The of background and up-to-date character some references are furnished so bibliographical individual entries might that 16 a springboard to further research as other directions. serve The in two sections of the survey represent the division between those authors for whom of Islam or its adherents was central to their purpose mention and those whom it was merely incidental (II.A). The distinc- (II.B) for some its edges, but it has real, and its application yields blurred tion is be taken up laterY insights which will interesting III takes up the question of how Part might make use of all these one to elucidate early Islamic history. It is pointed out non-Muslim writings one the first understand that prejudices and theoretical structures must emergence that comments on the their of Islam (Chapter 12). underlie Then two different ways of tackling the question are attempted. Chap- ter 13 an empirical approach: three issues are selected upon adopts the there or indifference in disagreement secondary literature, which is 15 earliest literary papyrus fragments are of The mid to late eighth century the (Khirbat Papyri, nos. 71-73; Abbott, al-Mird in Arabic Literary Papyri Studies I, nos. 2, 5-6). The earliest dated literary papyrus is of AH 229/844 (Khoury, Lahi'a et de son papyrus," 11-12). d'Ibn "L'importance 16 To keep manageable what is still a sizeable bibliography, I often cite only the most or recent most useful secondary literature. 17 See the end of Chapter 2.

25 Introduction 6 then non-Muslim sources are adduced along with archaeological and Muslim testimony to see whether this will help to shed new light on the problem. Chapter 14 takes a more argumentative approach and tries to outline a procedure for determining when and how one can use non-Muslim sources, as well as providing concluding remarks. Whereas the survey in Part II presents material which, though of- ten obscure, is already published and to some extent already deployed by historians, Part IV contains six excurses that introduce material hitherto unpublished or untranslated or neglected. Four of these are by myself and two by more qualified scholars. Evidently there remains much more work to be done, and it is hoped that these studies, and the book as a whole, will encourage others to carry on this task and will make their job slightly easier. Note on Conventions References to primary and secondary literature in the footnotes have been abbreviated throughout; they are given in full in Bibliographies I and II respectively. Those wishing to know what editions are being used in this book should peruse the relevant section in Bibliography I before beginning their reading. Secondary literature is cited in the footnotes in chronological order, from the oldest to the most recent publication. As regards primary literature, if a publication includes an edition and translation of a text, the page number of the translation will only be given (after a "/") when this is not indicated in the publication. Ref- erences to popular alternative editions are given in brackets after the edition used, prefixed by an "=" sign. Full references to translations and editions, whether cited or not, are given in Bibliography I. In refer- ences to primary sources: § = paragraph, Roman numerals are used for chapter numbers, otherwise Arabic numerals are employed throughout. Translations are frequently my own (especially when from Arabic, Greek, Hebrew, Latin or Syriac), not because I think I can improve upon the work of others, but because I wish the translation always to be as close to the text as is stylistically possible. If a published translation has been cited, I will indicate this with the abbreviation "tr." and place this with the author's name in brackets after the reference to

26 Introduction 7 In the is used to indicate word(s) added for quotations: edition. [] in to sense; ()is used implicit indicate word(s) given in but the clarity the indicate word(s) in to original language. explanation also and been effected in Transliteration manner most natural to the has the speaker. has been an attempt to maintain consistency English There languages degree, to some within across languages, but the both and, respect long-established practices and conventions has made need to inconsistencies inevitable. Middle Persian has been represented some its in save certain personal names usually known by Sasanian form, Persian the For ease of reading and on New advice of a their rendering. macrons, experts, nouns are given without proper except for number of personal Arabic where their presence is mostly deemed requisite. names, specified, refer years after Christ (AD) unless otherwise the to Dates because this provides a simply dating aside from the numerous neutral the Middle East during the period under study. in calendars existing A Hijri year, by AH no H egirae), will be equated to a indicated (an that AD most of it falls within AH single year (e.g. when year single = 14 February 636-1 February 637, so 15 15/636; but AH 32 = 12 AH August August 653, so AH 32/652-53), unless I wish to be exact. 652-1 Graecorum years, by AG ( anno indicated ), follow the Julian Seleucid calendar and run from 1 October to 30 September, so again, unless to want exact, I will equate them be a single year AD (the part to I 18 I have to 30 September). 1 January also occasionally used the from Year of the World, indicated by AM (ann us mundi), which counts from Creation. 18 To convert an AG date into a AD date, simply subtract 312 and count twelve AG Julian forward from 1 October; e.g. months 933 = 1 October 621-30 September 622.




30 CHAPTER 1 1 HISTORICAL THE BACKGROUND was, THE of early Muslim rule aspects as significant MOST ONE OF north Mesopotamian monk John bar Penkaye in the 680s, noted by the the no between pagan and Christian, distinction be- was "there that 2 known from a Jew." not This initial indifference of the Mus- liever was lims among peoples whom they conquered, when com- to the divisions pounded flight and enslavement of an appreciable proportion with the of population and with the elimination of internal borders across a the huge extending from northwest Africa to India, meant that there area considerable human across social, ethnic and religious was interaction 3 who especially true for those This sought employment in was lines. 1 is to multi-faceted introduction There the history of the seventh and eighth- no Middle century East. must simply consult the relevant One for each commu- works nity (useful are Whittow, Making of 01·thodox Byzantium; Sharf, Byzantine Jewry; Spuler, Iran friihislamischer Zeit; Hawting, First Dynasty of Islam, and Noth, in Islam," together Kennedy, Early Abbasid Caliphate). A chronological "Fri.iher with Excursus of be found in may C below. Note outline events non-Muslim sources that be and in this will the next chapter without explanation of their nature or quoted II Part below. the relevant entry in for background, see which 2 John bar Penkaye, 151/179. 3 Compare again ibid., 147/175: "Their robber bands went annually to distant parts and the islands, bringing back captives from all the peoples under the to us Narrat., C5, gives an example of Jewish and of Sinai, Anastasius heavens." Sinai. in Clysma at labour forced performing prisoners-of-war Christian together The removal of borders also permitted the free flow of natural and manufactured Islamic Agricultural Innovation in the Early World, and its Watson, artefacts (see assessment by Crone, "Review"). 11

31 The Background Historical 12 bustling cosmopolitan cities of the new rulers, where one the garrison to contact men of very diverse origin, creed and sta- with was exposed In tus. the widespread phenomena of conversion there addition, were inter-confessional marriage and festival attendance, of and apostasy, contacts and public debate, all of which promoted the of commercial 4 of information. ideas It is, therefore, particularly im- circulation and eighth-century the the seventh and of Middle East for study portant approach be equally promiscuous, even that interest is in one's if one's this comment will chapter By example, of way a specific community. upon briefly issues that are of general import for the history of three this and place. time Antiquity to Islam: Continuity or Change? Late Early Arab 640 of the Middle East that began ca. the proved Since occupation mark be date is usually taken to this a turning point in to permanent, history of this region and the peoples. To the degree that domina- its tion a different ethnic group and the emergence of a new religious by must this had notable repercussions, tradition periodisation does have validity. have some it also begs a But of questions. For exam- number ple, to what extent might these events have consolidated, rather than reversed, processes under way? Also, did these events have im- already consequences, mediate so were they merely superficial-such as and if of institutional infrastructural-such as replacement in- the elites-or novations? questions These a particular significance in the case acquire appearance, its preceding the three or four centuries a in Islam, of since 4 to apostasy see the introduction and Chapter 9 below. The fact 0n conversion inter-confessional fraternisation may be deduced from of frequent condemnation the of various forms by religious leaders (see its entries on the "Athanasius of Balad," "Jacob of Edessa" and "George I" in Chapters 4-5 below for some examples). On introduction see comment in the the to Chapter 2 below. Two public debates places exchange were the public likely of (Sharf, Byzantine Jewry, 56, notes baths to that Council of 692 forbade Christans Quinisext bathe with Jews; Emed i the baths) Riviiyat, no. 19, bans Zoroastrians from frequenting Muslim Ashawahishtan, and tavern (see the orientale, 225: Synodicon against Christians who go after canon of discussion Levi:" and Kennedy, Nuwas, Samuel taverns; Jewish to mass "Abu Diidistiin Manushchihr, poet's .conversation with two Jewish taverners; famous the z denzg, no. 49, non-believers). Zoroastrians to sell wine to permits

32 The Historical Background 13 period referred to as Late Antiquity, the world it was to in- now usually 5 already to major upheaval and transformation. been herit had subject place, the loose territorial empires of first Romans and In the the of given the integrated ecumenical empires to the Parthians had way 6 the Their close proximity, Byzantines result of Rome's and Sasanians. the in to the second century, and the assertiveness of the Sasa- shift east to nians, compared led to complacent their predecessors, confrontation. such Inevitably, states of similar standing engen- emulation between and cultural change. Both moved to- political, large-scale social dered administrative centralisation and absolutist government, greater wards the detriment of civic provincial in the West and of the autonomy to the Byzantium would seem to have had the upper East. nobility in at the in terms of wealth and centralisation, and so initially, hand least embarked campaign a vigorous emperors of Byzantin- Sasanian upon skills setting actively acquire the money, out and ideas of isation, to rival. This they did by extortion as their as by imitation, using much their military capacity or the threat of it to extract material, formidable 7 empires and Further, both resources. engaged in a human intellectual for influence, striving to win peripheral scramble over peoples to their southern Thus peoples of side. and the Arabia and the Arabs Ethiopia 5 0n the side see especially Brown, The World of Late Antiquity, Byzantine Cameron, The World in Late Antiquity. For Sasanid Iran the and Mediterranean is Sassanides. Christensen, L 'Iran sous les work For an overview of standard still Garsoi:an, see and Cook, Hagarism, 41-70; Crone "Byzantium and the both sides Howard-Johnston, "The Two Great Powers in Late Antiquity." Sasanians;" 6 0n Roman territorial empire" and "the Christian ecumene" and the ad- "the of vantages over the former see Mann, latter of Social Power, 250-340 the Sources 306-307). For simplicity I shall in this (esp. use the term Byzantine to des- book ignate empire which had its that at Constantinople (330-1453), though the capital reader should bear in mind that some scholars prefer the term Late Roman for at least the and fifth centuries and that the citizens of this empire always styled fourth Romans. as themselves 7 Hall, Powers and Liberties, 139, 141 ("The invasion of Italy by Cf. French the styles late fifteenth century spread the the of the Italian Renaissance around in Europe, and thereafter rivalry and status-seeking ensured that what was fashionable emulation had be copied at home. This to was not confined to artistic elsewhere matters ... War in European history served as a source of progress"). Likewise, medicine, Iran over from Byzantium mosaics and building techniques, baths, took and astronomy, as well as tribute and captives. philosophy

33 The Background Historical 14 the Syrian and northern Arabia were all actively courted for of steppe 8 and their allegiance support. remained place, elites no longer ruling indifferent second the In the of the masses. Indeed, the emperors of to realms, now the beliefs both creed the majority of their with evinced an inter- their subjects, sharing the promotion of religious uniformity within their lands, achiev- est in 9 a hierarchically organised clergy. via As religion and politics ing this more reli- related, warfare assumed an increasingly ever became closely and became difference frequently character equated with religious gious dissidence, political result being persecutions. This drive towards the integration and conformity provoked those greater of their own jealous certain distance between themselves and a independence establish to 10 culture. was heresy in the Byzantine sphere The and imperial result communities the Sasanians. But- religious under self-administering is perhaps the most distinctive feature of and Antiquity- this Late 8 in Arabia in the "Events Century A.D." Smith, 6th 9 was closer to Judaism than Christianity Zoroastrianism that it was chiefly in the of a nation and had little sensitivity to the problem of the clash between religion and affected that so orthodoxy Christianity. It was, therefore, more toler- heresy religious than latter in the face of ant difference. The Sasanian emperors did, the however, urge some conformity (enacting calendrical and liturgical out- reforms, images in of sacred fires), suppressed overt dissent (e.g. Mazdakism), lawing favour hostile to efforts by were usually missionary struck a and Christians occasionally note (e.g. more universalist asks Christian II martyr: "What god is better Shapur a Ahreman? Ahuramazda? is stronger than one What sensible human than Which does not being the sun?"-cited by Shaked, Dualism in Transformation, worship 91 ). 1 /heresy the question of orthodoxy Christians mostly turned on the °For Eastern of Christ's nature. The Monophysites (Copts in problem Jacobites in Syria) Egypt, wished so to the divinity of Christ not dilute insisted on one divine nature, the and human and divine elements having fused at the incarnation. The Nestorians, found to in Persia, wanted to hold on and the very comforting fact that Christ Iraq chiefly become that man like us and to avoid saying had God had suffered and died, and a desperately so distinct natures, a human and a divine. Trying two to eschew stressed the two extremes of denial of Christ's humanity and dualism, the Chalcedonians or Melkites, who represented imperial postulated two natures, united but the position, Though important distinct. their own right, these confessional divisions were also in bound up with regional, ethnic and linguistic affiliations. General introductions are given Atiya, by Eastern Christianity, and Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought.

34 The Historical Background 15 religion only political life, but almost every aspect of ex- pervaded not of can clearly in the redefinition most the Classical be This seen istence. 11 primarily the agency about Christianity. of through brought World welfare caring for the councillors of a city's inhabi- replaced Bishops in and shrines overtook theatres and temples as the tants, churches centres and ascetics became the new heroes of the peo- monks communal of life, and as stories dislodged secular writings miracle the hagiographies ple, triumphed of literature, most icons and crosses popular as choice and 12 of divine protection. symbols against this background, it becomes Seen that Islam did evident 13 at least, "seal the end of Late Antiquity," not, but rather initially many of salient features. The expansionist aims of Jus- continued its II were other Late Antique emperors Khusrau pursued with tinian, and was the Muslim state. And it by in the latter that alacrity youthful Antiquity's twins, religion and politics, achieved full Late The union. Sasanian to religious difference, the formation of independent solution communities, institutionalised in Islam, such communi- religious was and al-kitii.b) ahl being the Book" ( of "people being ties designated 14 their by laws expected from live own scriptures. to More- deriving Late the though distinctive in many ways, fitted well into Islam, over, 11 Two very readable studies illustrating some aspects of this trans- recent and 118-58, and Persuasion in Late Antiquity, esp. and Power Brown, formation are and of Rhetoric Christianity Empire. Cameron, the 12 in The Zurvanism, reforms ofManichaeism Zoroastrian worship and spread and proliferation of visions of the hereafter all suggest the religion may have played that an role in the Sasanian realm, but this still requires documentation. See enhanced Zoroastrians, and esp. Shaked, Dualism in Transformation. 101-44, Boyce, 13 Formation of Christendom, 134, invoking Pirenne. Herrin, continuation of The Late ideas into Islam was pointed Antique long ago by Becker, Islamstudien, out 1.201 ("Der Islam ... ist die Weiterbildung und Konservierung des christlich-antiken Hellenismus ... wird eine Zeit kommen, in der man riickwiirtsschauend aus der Es It is Iemen"). verstehen wird den Tradition spiiten Hellenismus islamischen heraus far non-Islamicists who have begun to so this; e.g. Bowersock, Hellenism recognise Islam); Antiquity, 71-82 (Hellenism and Commonwealth, Fowden, Empire to Late in esp. 138-68 (boldly argues that Islam is the consummation of Late Antiquity by of achievement of politico-cultural universalism). its virtue 14 is "people The the Book" phrase found scattered throughout the Qur'an, of meaning those possessing a scripture (though seeming primarily to intend Jews and For hints Christians). that the Muslims their from an early date expect did

35 16 The Background Historical mould, being zealously assertive of its God's Antique all-pervasive, 15 concerned hereafter and confident that the with the omnipotence, and by could be bridged heaven people with special gap earth between 16 gifts places of special significance. at and it is in some measure true that Late Antiquity But Early Is- if and lay a continuum, there were nevertheless enough new elements lam on latter gradually determine that it would the depart from the for- to in or the guise of Medieval assuming Classical Islam. But mer, finally were the junctures along this road? Where, if one were compelled what to periodise, one place the signposts to mark the way? The first would the of Early Islam were manifested at the distinctiveness indications of al- the century in the reigns of the caliphs 'A bd eighth Malik turn of and Walld (705-15): aniconic coins, inscriptions condemning (685-705) Trinitarian stance, mosques laid out to uniform specifi- Christianity's administrative all drafted in Arabic and residential documents cations, of poised desert fringesP The transfer the the seat of gov- estates on to Iraq by the Abbasid ernment in the mid-eighth century was dynasty actually by a certain accompanied of Late Antique forms efflorescence in bureaucrats The presence there of large numbers of willing life. of Sasanian mould to an expansion and centralisation of the ad- the led cultivation court manners and etiquette after the and of ministration the Khusraus. No more than fashion throw away from of a stone's old capital, the caliph's Sasanian at Baghdad reverber- the chambers to discussions ated Greek philosophy and medicine, to "the maxims of subjects live according to their Books, see the entries on "Isho'bokht of Fars" to "Patriarch in I" and Chapters 5 and 11 below respectively. John 15 Islam, example, the hostility of Note, Judaism, Christianity and Zoroastri- for each course of though power, supernatural of source magic, to anism alternative an put with its persistence. to up had 16 be surprised Some see Zoroastrianism placed on a par with Judaism, may to and Islam as a Late Antique religion, especially given its traditional Christianity as aristocratic, and ritual-bound. presentation dry of a more syncretic The glimpse (see we get from the early Abbasid prophetic movements in Iran that Zoroastrianism of n. and the recent study below) Shaked, Dualism in Transformation, should 63 go some way to dispelling this notion. 17 i-iv, these developments see Excursus F, nos. 0n below; Grabar, The Formation of Islamic Art, 45-187.

36 The Historical Background 17 18 Testament of Ardashir," of and to theological Buzurgmihr and the 19 to of Aristotelian logic. rules But according the debates conducted or so decades of unitary rule after occurred a number only eight there which the second and heralded significant watershed, events of more withdrawal of the caliph to the isolation of Samarra, the namely the of adoption of slave soldiers and the beginnings of first the institution dream of empire. The Late Antique Islamic of the fragmentation the universal with a universal faith was shattered and the rule coinciding polities of a group of discrete commonwealth, united by idea Medieval 20 culture and history, began to a hold. shared take Identity Allegiance and the Zoroastrian complained to Hormizd IV (579-90) about When priests tendencies, emperor is supposed to have replied pro-Christian the his as a throne is supported by two that pairs of legs, so the just opposing 21 a counterbalance. religion Brief required of per- Zoroastrian episodes secution it is true that the notwithstanding, rulers were gen- Sasanian erally towards the communities of their realm, tolerant non-Zoroastrian long to them worship unmolested as conduct as they paid their allowing 18 Dhamm Jal~i~, al-kuttiib, 191. Buzurgmihr was minister for Khusrau I. akhliiq 19 to and given in the Examples literature Chapter 11 below. introduction 20 Thus it is with these events in mind that Crone speaks of the "emergence of the Medieval polity" on Horses, 82-91); see also Fowden, Empire to Common- (Slaves 100-68, and The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates, 200-11 wealth, Kennedy, of commonwealth"). in the Muslim structure The two periodisations ("The politics Walmsley, material culture (e.g. "The Social and by here confirmed proposed are Regime at Fihl," 256, on ceramics at Fil~l: "Two periods of accelerated Economic which change, the loss of some wares and the appearance of new types, involved to dated first can be The the end of the 7th 600 and 900. occurred between AD half early century, the second to the first 8th of the 9th century"), and are and suggested by the progress of the Arabic language, which began to be used as an and at turn of the eighth century the as a lingua franca in the official language ninth Islam, and of conversion to early which first appears as an issue in century, at century of the seventh the end and starts to gain momentum sources non-Muslim in the late eighth and early ninth century. The reason for this agreement is that the these mark the acme of times Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties respectively, two when they would have been able greatest to the greatest change and make the affect impression. 21 Chron. Siirt XXXVII, PO 7, 195-96.

37 The Background Historical 18 and obeisance. ensured compliance by requiring the tribute Emperors the various in whose election they would often have heads of religions, them hand, time at court, accompany spend on hunting and a had to undertake diplomatic missions and serve as advisers war expeditions, but matters physicians; proper they left alone. Under and religious and in pluralist Iraq, the various religious these conditions, especially transformed themselves into communal organisations gradually groups own schools, law courts, their of worship, religious hierar- with places and so on. They were ordered socio-legal corporations effectively chy 22 religious along lines. continued was extended under the Muslims, who trend and This distinction between any of the conquered made designat- little peoples, ing "people of the Book" and as them freedom of action most offering return for taxes by loyalty. This was accepted with some relief and in Byzantine groups the rule of under emperors, who had many formerly pursued a less liberal policy generally their Sasanian counterparts than with to religious difference. Jews regard been tolerated, but had had been placed under a number of strictures and had encountered increas- hostility the sixth and early seventh centuries. The Monophysite in ing of communities Syria, too, had faced mounting pressure to Egypt and in reign, persecution of Heraclius' culminating and in- conform, the 23 towards to take steps begun separate organisation. had already deed, the Muslim authorities became more involved Gradually the internal in affairs the various communities, largely because of the bribes offered of them them the denunciations made before to by non-Muslims wish- and Abbasid to their cause. And in more times it was once advance ing common practice for the heads of the religions to appear at court and to escort caliph on expeditions. the boundaries communities were patrolled by religious between The reinforce task was to community. allegiance to the whose specialists of they by urging exclusive This did the institutions of that attendance 22 See Morony, "Religious Communities in Late Sasanian and Early Muslim Iraq." Stroumsa, For comments, based on Palestine, see general "Religious Contacts some in Byzantine Palestine." 23 Historiography Wigram, of the Monophysites; Harvey, "Syriac Separation and the Separation of the Churches."

38 The Historical Background 19 24 issuing laws prohibiting interaction and intermarriage community, by 25 by insignia and symbols, promoting with non-members, distinctive propaganda of the adherents and beliefs disseminating and by against been Much this polemic would have groups. for internal other all of as is clear from the somewhat stale and one-sided consumption only, anti-Jewish literature pre-Islamic times, but in our period Christian of from of writing seems to derive apologetic the proportion a considerable debate. real particularly true in the This Abbasid era, when was early were number of propitious factors: a cosmopolitan nature of there the and Baghdad province, the caliphs' patronage of scholarship, the its emergence Arabic as a lingua franca, the universal deployment of of categorical definitions, and the prolif- upon reasoning dialectical based converts were apostates, which meant that there of many eration and a real a genuine two religions and with of will to cham- with knowledge quite were the other. But also, matters simply, there over one pion needed Islam prompted questions that had not arisen that debating. and prophet, what were the attributes chal- a true of as before, such that imperial ascendancy long-cherished assumptions, lenged as such 26 the of truth. put The latter point did non- possession confirmed on Muslims especially the Christians and Zoroastrians, the defensive, contest. the it was to be no easy too They were new at for Muslims but and entered the the with only a weakly articulated confes- game arena identity an underdeveloped battery of and and it was doctrine, sional particularly in thus sectarian milieu of eighth and ninth-century the 24 the the to seek judgements from not law courts of non-believers, 0n admonition the entry on "George I" in Chapter Mus- below. For examples on the 5 see Kister, side interaction with outsiders, lim against "'Do not assimilate your- see selves'." 25 Note, for "the attention paid to the cross as a religious and political example, the seventh century ... What during symbol, which specific reasons intensified for of see this time is the development we a religious discourse focused on a symbol at the in be universally accepted" (Cameron, "Byzantium and the Past could which 261-65). Century," Seventh 26 the Muslims' point of From of course, they had corroborated that as- view, sumption, but for the non-Muslims it was essential to refute it. See the entries I:Jale" of Beth in and the "Monk on Polemicists," "Anti-Jewish "ps.-Methodius" Chapters 3, 8 and 11 below respectively.

39 The Background Historical 20 that Iraq were staked out and dogmatic territo- communal boundaries 27 ries delineated. allegiance to be the prime form though came Nevertheless, religious forms of affiliation-political, of geographi- identity, other linguistic, and sectarian-still bore weight. Thus historical, cultural ethnic, cal, Confessor (d. 662) could aver: "I love the Maximus be- the Romans the same faith and the Greeks because we have the we of cause are 28 Armenian and language;" Monophysite Christians could same Arab in fight while Heraclius all the the that Monophysite ecclesias- of armies Christians Arabian East and policies; imperial railing were tics against religious the of Iraq though all professed suzerainty could secede from same N estorian It is, however, very difficult in the period of the creed. extent and Islam to assess the Early and significance of Late Antiquity other claims upon a person's loyalty and to estimate the degree these 29 we, might have coalesced. Should for example, charac- to which they the monks of Mar Saba monastery in Muslim-ruled ninth-century terise into hagiographies Greek translating assiduously who Palestine, were as Byzantine? Could those Muslim Arabs among the Arabic, fron- tier of Khurasan, who troops Persian, celebrated Persian festi- spoke To Persian? considered and had Iranian wives, be trousers wore vals, degree was use of a particular language or script a sign of what the 30 ty? partiali 27 the introduction to Chapter 11 below, and Wansbrough, Sectarian See further we 98-129. the first Muslim creeds state what how do not believe or Note Milieu, what avoid rather than what we hold we indicating that they were the product to, of with others (see Ibn Abi Ya'la, 'J'abaqiit al-Ifaniibila, 2.40, on the attempt debates 'AbdAllah the al-Mubarak [d. 797] to determine of orthodox sect by a disavowal ibn discussed cf. Abu I:Ianifa's Al-fiqh al-akbar, in Wensinck, Muslim sects; the of erring Creed, 102-24). 28 Maximus, Relatio Motionis §13, PG 90, 128C. 29 Even the Muslim Arab case, where there was a fair degree of coincidence in the (compare words to one general by Lewond, XXIV [tr. Arzouma- attributed race, the same speak the same language and are to 116): all nian, belong "We were to one and the same rule and, above all, we are brethren"), there subject still factional and sectarian divisions. tribal, Crone, "The Qays and Yemen See Umayyad in Identity Communal of "Aspects Period;" Umayyad the of Khalidi, Poetry." 3 °Compare the discussion by Grabar, The Formation of Islamic Art, 1-18, on what constitutes Islamic art.

40 The Historical Background 21 A of the sources with these questions in mind would diligent perusal interesting probably even a cursory inspection shows results, produce for 31 "The still to exist. and prejudice Egyptians are pride old much local observes Sophronius, patriarch an Jerusalem (ca. obstinate people," of they once decided upon something, have good "when 634-39); whether 32 are not easily or from it, and they are all like that." bad, they diverted famous and astronomer Severus Sebokht (d. 667) expresses The logician in against a Syrian and often polemicises pride Greek cultural being his on the dependence of Ptolemy chauvinism. Babylonian Having noted he adds: science, the Babylonians were Syrians I think no one "That deny, will those who say so it is no way possible for Syrians that in about matters (astronomy) are much mistaken." And know these to another work by sarcastically remarking: "Being he un- concludes an Syrian, am putting these small queries I you to convey to learned to who assert that the whole of knowledge exists only those the Greek in 33 When Simeon, Jacobite bishop of I:Iarran (700-34), asked tongue." of 'fur 'Abdin, to provide him with Chalcedonian George, governor for the building of a church, the latter "delayed a workmen for little, he not have much faith in the did men of our region, of us Syr- holy the with west the in had been brought up he because This ians. was 34 and accustomed [to their ways]." Greeks Conversely, Syr- had become 31 "Empire, and Culture in the Roman Millar, East," 162, argues Near Community rule "the of Hellenisation and Roman effects served in the median that combined unfortunately but true, degree some is to local suppress to term This identities." is needed. as his yardstick, whereas a more subtle gauge Millar takes Jewish identity is period sense of territorial nationalism among non-Jews of our There (Jones, no Ancient in National or Social Movements "Were Disguise?"), but there is Heresies with much and this could blend chauvinism religious loyalties. For example, it ethnic is said that the Coptic monastery of Metras remained firm against the Chalcedonian patriarch Cyrus, "the inmates of it were exceedingly powerful, being Egyptians since among race of them natives without a stranger all them; and therefore he by and not incline their hearts toward him" (Hist. Patriarchs XIV, PO 1, 498). could 32 Miracles no. 39, PG Sophronius, 3573B (=Marcos, 332). 87, 33 Nau, "Le traite sur les 'constellations' par Severe Sebokht," 332-33; idem, "La Brock, cosmographie siecle chez les syriens," 251-52. See also VIle "Syriac au Attitudes to Greek Learning," 23-24. 34 Simeon of the Olives, Life, 135-36. Compare the use of the expression "the land Canons of Greeks" by Jacob of Edessa, the to John, B23 (in Voobus, Synodicon, 244).

41 The Background Historical 22 ascet'ics ian emitting an evil odour by one Chalcedonian are accused of monk; the Theophanes (d. 818), calls Athana- another, chronicler and of Antioch (603-31), a wicked man, "filled with sius, Jacobite patriarch of is to the Syrians," on account native his part in that cunning the 35 of the early seventh century. the A Jewish religious controversies Samuel disparagingly of his Arabic agnomen speaks taverner named Arab kunya can honour me, nor fill me with pride and (kunya): "No of high Though light and made up rank. few letters, unlike me lend 36 it was created others, a burden [for me]." yet And if we turn to as ninth-century we find a vigorous debate under way concerning the Iraq and demerits various cultural traditions, most notably Arab merits of 37 Persian. versus tissue of identities This allegiances forms the back- complex and to the emergence of Islam and helps explain the very different re- ground of the various confessional communities. The hostility of Greek actions scholar Muslims (mis )led one the into inferring that "the to writers Islamic conquests we~e accompanied by persecution, intolerance, early 38 massacres, havoc and enslavement." Another scholar, concentrating on the comments of eastern authors, is able to speak of "an eirenic 39 response to The Muslims themselves appear to have made Islam." discrimination in attacks nor in their government; complaints no their are is from all quarters. One both forced to conclude that heard about reactions of Christians reflects not a difference in their differing the at the hands of the Arabs, but rather a difference in treatment their 35 Asceti- Moschus, CVI; Theophanes, 329. See Harvey, spirituale, John Pratum Society in Crisis, and cism on the differences between Chalcedonians 135-45, and Monophysites reflected in their hagiography. as 36 112-13, Kennedy, Samuel and Levi," "Abii citing a wine-poem of Abu Nuwas, N uwas (d. ca. 813). variant has ju 'ilat instead of kh uliqat, which suggests that A kunya possible imposed on the taverner, though it is the that he adopted it in was the hope some benefit. of social 37 is the This Shu'ubiyya controversy, which was largely concerned with so-called the cultural orientation of Islamic civilisation. For some examples of this debate see Muhammedanische 1.101-76. Studien, Goldziher, 38 Near Moslem Conquests Constantelos, the "The East as Revealed by the of Greek Sources," 356. 39 269; "The Earliest Christian Theological Response to Islam," Moorhead, thus also Suermann, "Orientalische Christen und der Islam," 133-34.

42 The Historical Background 23 perceptions in turn depended upon and mirrored and intentions, which differing allegiances. their claimed that the Monophysites often the Byzantine It has been of Arabs in some measure, provinces on assumed welcomed the based the of Heraclius and on persecutions comments of reaction to hindsight 40 later the only surviving seventh-century Coptic texts are writers. Yet as to And later observations, such ArabsY that by the the all hostile Dionysius of Tellmal).re (d. 845): "If, as is true, we Jacobite patriarch no some ... nonetheless it was harm slight advantage for suffered have 42 strongly delivered from the cruelty of the Romans," to contrast be us the anguish earlier accounts like the following: with in took place Arabs the festival which of at the the heard When S. Simeon the Stylite in monastery region of Antioch, of the appeared and took captive there number of men they a large women and innumerable boys and girls. The Christians and who left no longer knew were to Some of them what believe. 43 does God allow this to happen?" said: "Why sources behind casual notices in Arabic the that such and such a And the surrendered without a struggle is not necessarily a welcome of city Arabs, often a sad recognition that no help was coming: but 40 Moorhead, Response to the Arab Invasions," argues against "The Monophysite the Suermann, is still commonly voiced; e.g. but "Orientalische Christen view this, "The 122, 133-34, and Sahas, und Seventh Century in Byzantine- der Islam," Relations," 5. Muslim 41 See entries on the Homily on the Child Saints of Babylon and "John of the in "ps.-Shenute" 4, and on Nikiu" in Chapter 8 below (the latter two Chapter survive only translation); in also the two cf. papyri discussed in the "Dubia" Coptic Arabic, or Chapters 3 and 4 below. Furthermore, whether in Coptic of section (see to Islam the entry on "Copto-Arabic mostly hostile by remained writings Copts in Chapter 8 below, and note the after Isaac of Rakoti the entries that in Texts" of the are largely hostile). Patriarchs History 42 Preserved by Michael the Syrian 1l.III, 410/413, and Chron. 1234, 1.237. What Dionysius; is these two sources for the period 582-842 comes from to see common the entry on him in Chapter 10 below. 43 ll.VI, Also (Michael the Syrian Dionysius 417/422; Chron. 1234, 2.260), by opinion. citing an earlier source rather than giving his own here

43 The Background Historical 24 people The were exhorting one another: "Hold out, of }:Iim~ only bare-footed ... " An old man stood up they are ones Muslims, to peace with the make but they urged and them can we do that when the emperor is still in said: "How 44 and authority power?" heavy-handed of the Chalcedonian patri- the approach Certainly, must have alienated many Copts, and this is arch for Cyrus important of Muslim rule. came to they acceptance why so quickly explaining an most Christian reactions the difference in marked. is where this For is writing in Christians Syriac though to disprove the and wishing Arabic, do so with rational argument and fair Muslims' assertions, character- of beliefs. isation their Nestorian Timothy I (780-823) The catholicos goes so far as to say that the Arabs "are today held in even hon- great and by God and men, esteem they forsook idolatry and because our and this and honoured one God. For polytheism, they de- worshipped 45 in and Muslims of all." the But love Greek writings the praise serve were never anything but enemies of God. They were never to replace the Persians of learned digressions and diplomatic analyses, as a topic to object the ranks of pagans and Jews as an rather of attack but join ridicule. and a number of reasons for this. are the first place, the image' There In an average Byzantine had of the Arabs was conditioned by more that 46 style a millennium Their non-urban prejudice. of life ren- than of them culturally inferior; the observation that "the Saracen tribe dered fickle, to be most unreliable and known their mind is not steadfast" is 47 all the disdain of a city-dweller for the non-urban barbarian. betrays And their ancestry, as descendants of the slave-woman Ha- Biblical "the tarnished religiously inferior, as as most despised and them gar, 48 of the of the earth." insignificant Secondly, though Zoroas- peoples truth, had pretensions of being a universal trianism it was too made different to be a serious challenge to Christianity. Islam, however, drew 44 '-fabari, Azdi, Futii~, 145-46. 1.2390-91; 45 I, Syriac Apology, 131/59. Timothy 46 Most recently see Jeffreys, "The Image of the Arabs in Byzantine Literature." 47 Whitby, Simocatta, History, 3.XVII.7 (tr. Theophylact 100). 48 Chron. 1234, 1.237.

44 The Historical Background 25 on religious heritage as Christianity. It recognised Moses the same the Torah the Gospels, but demoted them in favour of Jesus, and and Qur'an. dazzling backed with the military suc- and When Mul;tammad version the have the latest claim of God's revelation Muslims' to cess, to refute. "It is a sign of God's love for hard and pleasure at us was they said, "that God has given us dominion over all lands our faith," 49 peoples." This brings us all the crucial point: that whereas and to the had evicted from the provinces, been Arabs had stayed the Persians made them their and own. But is still insufficient explanation. Christians in Sasanian lands this also been by the Arabs, and they would appear to have had overrun opinions Arabs pre-Islamic similar as their Byzan- harboured towards co-religionists. were many people between the Tigris and tine "There Euprates," comments one late sixth-century writer, "who lived in the and and barbarians tents murderers; they had many superstitions were on were ignorant of all the people most the earth;" "furious are and the wild asses, children of Hagar, the they have laid waste both good and 50 says a late fifth-century bad," about the Persian bedouin. and poet The crucial difference was that the Christians of Iraq had no lost or As regards their faith, they had no diminished lament. sovereignty to rue Sasanians' passing nor to expect deliverance from the reason to it necessary both easier and more Thus for them to ac- them. was cept their rulers than for of Byzantine counterparts. "Give change the Caesar what is Caesar's and to God what is God's," to the advised catholicos III (649-59). So when the Muslims replaced the Isho'yahb the simply set about establishing the same pattern Persians, Christians relations and agreements as had obtained of Sasanian times, seek- in unmolested to pursue their worship political in return for freedom ing 51 and payment of taxes. loyalty 49 cf. of Disputation, fol. 2a; l:fale, Leo-'Umar, Letter (Armenian), Monk Beth favours attribute to your religion the success you." which heaven with "You 330: 50 Segal, de Mar Nau, 21-26; "Histoire "Arabs in Syriac Liter- Ahoudemmeh," Arabs 106 (citing Isaac of Antioch's account of the sack of Beth l:fur). ature," could, redeem themselves by becoming Christian, and there was much however, between Monophysite and Nestorian missionaries for Arab souls. competition 51 See the entries on "Isho'yahb III" and "l:fnanisho'" in Chapter 5 below. How- that ever, the official line was "the Arabs though good to us," there are hints are

45 Historical The Background 26 'then, It Arabs were to them political as well as re- because is, the ligious enemies Byzantines so hostile. This affected Greek that were since by the seventh century the Greek language particular, in writings linked with Greek identity intimately with allegiance had become and to the empire. Its outpourings were, therefore, dom- Chalcedon and by concerns, with an eye suspicious of outsiders and inated imperial 52 But is also true for Byzantines of other extractions in dissenters. it Nikiu Thus Coptic writer John of the (fl. 690s) has varying degrees. "the of the Muslims, and Jacob of Edessa (d. 708) speaks for only abuse of yoke though he is able to give us some objective Arabs," the harsh beliefs and practices. Armenians were bellicosely their of descriptions proud identity, both political and religious, and had little love of their Arab, or Persian rule. for Byzantine on Islam tend, Their writings to be vitriolic, though Sebeos ( wr. 660s) is able to give a dis- therefore, perhaps because he lived before account emergence, passionate its of 53 occupation of Armenia. Muslim the Apocalypticism in the late sixth century there were many convinced "that the Already and of present world is already near the that the never-ending end 54 of kingdom saints is about to come." the In the ensuing two centuries there was among some at the passing of Sasanian rule. Isho'yahb had sharply regret rebuke one who to bishop mourning the "dead kingdom:" "If you been for had this time upholding reverence for were he chides, "you would not joyfully at God," lightly show such reverence for and is dead, what has no power and no life" what C7, 237). Ep. III, (Isho'yahb 52 Century." Eastern Provinces in the Seventh "The Note that the See Cameron, anti-Jewish numerous that we have from tracts seventh century, discussed in the Chapter are all written in Greek. 3 below, Disputation of Sergi us against Hayman, a Jew, v, states that "no Syriac anti-Jewish literature has survived from the period between the and the twelfth century A.D. except for Sergius' Disputation," sixth this be in though could due to misfortune (e.g. Assemani, BO 3.1, 194, assigns part mid-eighth-century "disputation the Jews" to the against author Abraham bar a Dashandad). 53 See Thomson, "Muhammad and Islam in Armenian Literary Tradition," and in the "Sebeos" and "Armenian Texts" on Chapters 4 and 10 below. entries 54 McGinn, Visions of the End, 64, citing Pope Gregory I's letter of 601 to the and English Ethelbert. See also Hillgarth, "Eschatological king Political Concepts in the Seventh Century."

46 The Historical Background 27 such speculation intensified and was rife among all the communities of the Middle East. This mood of apocalypticism, of concern for the end of history and what lay beyond it, expressed itself in a variety of different ways for a number of different purposes. But in each case the chief benefit of apocalypticism was that it could fit contemporary political and social events into a transcendent scheme of meaning, thus giving them religious validation, into a broader explanatory context, 55 thus making them understandable. For Christians and Zoroastrians it was of crucial importance to ac- count for the successes of the Muslims, who had done so much damage to their respective empires and their self-esteem, and to divine what would be their outcome. In answer to the first question both com- munities pointed to the laxity of their members, and in response to the second they reinterpreted and recast earlier apocalyptic scenarios. Christians viewed Arab rule as the time of testing before the "final peace" when "the churches will be renewed, the cities rebuilt and the priests set free from tax." To the Zoroastrians it was the age of adversity which closed the millennium of Zoroaster and preceded the millennium of Ushedar in which the Good Religion would flourish. In both cases the ousting of the Muslims and regeneration of the religion was to be achieved by a saviour figure, whether an idealised Christian emperor in the image of Alexander the Great, Constantine and Jovian, or the warrior-king Wahram Warjawand coming from India with an army and one thousand elephants to destroy Iran's enemies. Apocalypses thus of- fered an interpretation for historical change, thereby rendering it more meaningful, and hope for redemption in the near future, thereby en- 56 couraging steadfastness. As regards the Muslims, their greatest worry was whether they would manage to hold on to their acquisitions. And at certain key times-such as during their various civil wars, when it looked as if they might lose all, and during their siege of Constantinople in 717, when it looked as if they might gain all-these fears and hopes found their voice 55 I use apocalypticism in its broadest sense, as argued for by McGinn, Visions of the End, esp. 28-36. 56 For the information in this paragraph see the entries on "ps.-Methodius" and the Bahman yasht in Chapter 8, and on the "Tool of God's Wrath" and the "Age of Adversity" in Chapter 12 below.

47 The Background Historical 28 a veritable explosion apocalyptic sentiment. The battles with their in of the enemies, identified with the malii~im, the Byzantines, chiefly were the would of the world which at eventually, after many final end wars the Muslim capture of Constantinople and the with setbacks, conclude the Antichrist. This construction aided the appearance war- of Muslim to any reverses, for they could see that they would ulti- weather riors triumph, gave added meaning mately their efforts, since it was and to 57 war ordinary no they were fighting, but Armageddon itself. changes in the life of the Jewish communities brought about by The the rise Islam provoked much messianic speculation among Jews of of uprisings. and to a number of led The first occurred in even our period of was Arab conquests and wake initiated by a Jew from Beth the the come. "said the messiah had that He assembled weavers, Aramaye, who and fullers, some 400 men in churches who set fire to three all, barbers 58 of governor." killed In the aftermath local the 717 siege of and the and Leo III's forced a Chris- of Jews in 721, baptism Constantinople of convert Judaism from the tian to Mardin proclaimed to Jews district that he was Moses, "sent again for the salvation of Israel and to lead you the in order to introduce desert then to the inheritance of you into 59 Promised you will possess as before." Land, And around the which of illiterate Abbasid revolution "an time tailor" named Oba- the the to 'lsa al-I~fahanl, claimed be the "prophet Abu also as diah, known apostle of the awaited messiah" and "led a rebellion and the against 60 Like contemporary apocalyptic writers, the leaders of government." interpreted the momentous events taking insurrections these evidently 57 the information in this paragraph see For entry on "Muslim Arabic Apoc- the alypses" in Chapter 8 below. 58 Chron. Khu::istan, 33. 59 Chron. Zuqnin, 173. On this pretender, named Severus, see Starr, "Le mou- vement messianique debut du VIlle siecle." Note that he is the subject of an au put whether Natronai ben Nehemiah, gaon ofPumbedita (719-30), as to to enquiry and on conditions those Jews who had followed him might be what back received Gaonic Responsa [Moda'i], 3.V.l0). into the orthodox fold ( 60 Nemoy, "Al-Qirqisanl's of the Jewish Sects," 328. There is some con- Account of 'Abd al-Malik during pretender appeared to the reign fusion whether this as or Marwan II (744-50). For discussion and bibliography see Wasserstrom, "The Erder, Elr, s.v. "Abu 'Isa E~?fahanl;" "The Doctrine of Abu 'Isawiyya Revisited;" 'Isa al-l~?fahanl."

48 The Historical Background 29 place as heralding the world's end, but they sought not around them speculate on, also to participate in, and even to acceler- merely to but 61 drama to enjoy the fruits great the messianic age. of ate, this and Iran of Muslim empire, in eastern the and Azerbai- the On fringes occurred a number of millenarian revolts in the course of the jan, there ninth and Their participants sought salvation, but of eighth centuries. the kind; not for the end of hoped world per se, terrestrial they a very end of the present evil world but all its inequities, and they the with it to replaced with an infinitely be one, effectively heaven wished better 62 revolts So the leaders of these the earth. not merely herald did on 63 days, "the rule of the Arabs was at an end," last but that announced Abu from progeny of their hero the Muslim there that or proclaimed "a man who would take possession of the whole world and would arise that rule the Abbasids," or even from Abu Muslim himself the wrest 64 to "fill the world with the reappear Their goad was justice." would 61 For writings of this time see the entry thereon in Chapter apocalyptic Jewish generally see Baron, SRHJ, 5.XXV; Wasserstrom, Between Muslim More 8 below. Jew, 47-89 and Jewish ("The of Early Islam"). Messiahs 62 Millennium; see in particular Cohn, 0n of the millenarianism Worsley, Pursuit The Trumpet shall Sound, esp. 221-56. 63 Thus Sunbadh, who is a typical example of what must have been a common phenomenon. the In of stages the Abbasids had recruited the later revolution of their probably with promises in social advance- villagers Zoroastrian armies, superficially converted ment, trained them, only to disband them once and and had power. These peasant soldiers, resentful achieved to some degree ex- and they Rayy of governor The been perienced rebellion. have would arms, in disposed to of to attempted who, after the death arrest Abu Muslim, was re- had Sunbadh to his home in Khurasan. "Sunbadh killed him, took control of Rayy and turning to returned a Zoroastrian came to him making a claim Zoroastrianism. Whenever in favour of him in that ... He would judge a Muslim, he (Sunbadh) would against Daylam that the with the wooden club and he wrote to the king of kill the Arabs rule of Arabs was at an end" (Baladhurl, Ansab, 3.246-47); "he called him- the to Fayruz 3.119). Medieval writers tended (Tabar!, view all these self lsbahbadh" prophetic movements as inspired by Mazdakism Iranian extreme Shi'ism, but or from and other accounts (esp. see this Bad', s.v. "Khurraml") it is clear Maqdisl, that their basis was Zoroastrianism, here revealing its syncretic potential (there are and Mazdakism). certainly gnosticism some of elements 64 It 6.95; Maqdisl, Muriij, 6.186. Bad', was Abu Muslim who had Mas'udl, recruited Iranian villagers, and his execution by the caliph Man~?lir made him a to martyr their eyes and confirmed in them the iniquity of Muslim rule.

49 The Background Historical 30 of intrusiveness particularly through extension of Abbasid rule which, to its presence felt and make disrupt beginning was fiscal to controls, 65 even at a village level. traditional patterns it was chiefly of life That large is indicated by the participat- numbers involved who villagers were the revolts, by the ease with which these were put down and by ing in that fact were themselves of lowly extraction and the their instigators 66 Apocalyptic rhetoric served here an integratory func- origin. village together an otherwise tion, welding unaccustomed disparate people to and provided them with a goal, an era of justice organisation, political 67 for all, the institution of which and imminent. equity was On the great number of apocalyptic movements and contemplating of writings and eighth centuries, one is led to wonder the seventh is or the case for other periods this whether ours is in whether also the course, an interest in Of structure and goal of unusual. any way the of religions principal Middle the four each of central was history to share and produced their fair all of visionaries to East consequently the significance of events and to depict the end of times. interpret One must, make a distinction here between eschatology and apoc- however, in alypticism, consciousness of living a general "between the last age of between and a conviction that the last age itself is about to end, history a belief in reality of Antichrist and the certainty of his proxim- the the 65 Michael 1l.XXV, 475/522-23 (increased taxes Syrian in con- Cf. the reported an uprising in Iran). Probably also junction were such factors as with important Muslim ownership and acceleration increased land to Islam. Note of conversion in this same period peasant revolts were that in Egypt and rural banditry frequent endemic Sistan (Crone, Slaves on Horses, 71 and notes thereto). in 66 those prophethood, unnecessary for claimed already endowed with Many also by virtue of office or birth. Note authority Ustadhsis (Ya'qubi, Ta 'rlkh, especially 2.457-58) Muqanna', who was originally and (Narshakhi, History of a bleacher Bukhara, 65-67). 67 Most of revolts are described by Sadighi, Les mouvements religieux these iraniens. Some on them is made by Omar, "The Nature of the Iranian comment Daniel, Abbasid under Revolts;" Rule, 125-56; Kennedy, Early Abbasid Khurasan Caliphate, Amoretti, "Sects and Heresies." Scholars tend, however, tore- 183-86; duce the role of religion, inflate the social status of the leaders and explain the to nature their teachings as an attempt of appeal to both Muslims and syncretic true Patricia Crone seems to be the only one who has perceived their non-Muslims. to that her is namely to alien rule, and it reaction significance, a nativist intrusive I owe most of my ideas on this subject.

50 The Historical Background 31 ity, the events of one's own time in the light of the end between viewing 68 and as the last events themselves." of Certainly, seeing history them and this is likely if become apocalyptic, speculation eschatological can date draws near or some disaster some Thus when significant befalls. was 500th anniversary of the Incarnation, supposedly marking it the the year Creation, "the end of 6000th world was awaited as the since by and when in 557 Constantinople was a series shaken before;" never and fallacious pronouncements be- tremors, "immediately of fantastic whole on effect that the the world was the point to to gan circulate, oracles, For deceivers, behaving like self-inspired certain of perishing. whatever came into prophesied heads and their all the more terrified 69 who were already thoroughly disposed to be terrified." the populace calendrical however, physical crises could, Such be accounted for or and traditional of time and meaning, by so they occasioned no theories outbreaks the of true The same is writing. apocalyptic innovations in bubonic plague the 540s and 1340s, which must have entailed of in of Arab than the loss conquests and the Crusades. Yet life greater two events spawned numerous apocalyptic tracts, whereas latter the former the left little trace in the apocalyptic record. Evidently, it two was the degree of destruction or number of fatalities caused by not a catastrophe counted, but the challenge that it posed to the estab- that come might of history. Indeed, great challenges unde1·standing lished a non-life-threatening such from event, as the conversion of Constantine Christianity and the Arabs' active assertion to Islam. Apocalypses of to interpret such epoch-making changes, to make sense of and served facilitate adaptation to new developments, and it is in this light that period. we the plethora of such writings in our see should 68 McGinn, Visions of the End, 4. 69 5-6, Magdalino, History of the Future and its Uses," "The citing the sixth- and Agathius. century writers Simplicius

51 CHAPTER 2 1 NATURE SOURCES OF THE THE OF THE in the last chapter should APPROACH PROMISCUITY advocated material. to of the literary source extended I do not be treatment also one must be familiar with all the mean of the different that writings but rather that one needs to be acquainted of period, communities this affected various that conditioned and factors many of them. with the justification for this is the simple fact The in the cosmopolitan that influence Islam no one Early was insulated from the tradition world of held at court, in private houses or outside, whether others. Debates, of particularly between Christians and Muslims, the former popular, were keen "to being down contradictory is hunt in our traditions, our what with the line of transmission and reports ambiguous verses a suspect thinking of and "every Muslim scripture," he is a theologian and our 2 no one is more adept at arguing with these deviants." that Jews else 1 As case with history, there are no general surveys of the literature of the was Morony, and Middle East (though see eighth-century "Sources for the seventh the Century of Islam," for some brief First and his indications, Iraq the Muslim after 537-654, works Iraq), and one must again consult the relevant for for each Conquest, community. the writings of Christians, For and Zoroastrians see the references Jews that I give in the first footnote to each chapter in Part II. On the Muslim side see Brockelmann, GAL, Sezgin, GAS, for a survey of the actual writings; and see and Rosenthal, A of Muslim Historiography, Duri, Rise of Historical Writing, History Weltgeschichte, Noth, The Early Arabic Historical Tradition, and Khalidi, Radtke, Arabic Historical Thought, for history writing in particular. 2 Ja4i~, 'alii l-na~iirii, 320 (quoted Al-radd fully in the introduction to more Chapter 11 below). Cf. Trophies of Damascus II.l.l, 215: "A numerous crowd is 32

52 The Nature the Sources of 33 and frequently the tutors of Muslim children and aides Christians were 3 rulers. especially among the literary elite, must Muslim Converts, of something their native traditions introduced their newly have into of those who re-converted must have brought back religion, adopted and 4 of the their former religion. to Moreover, it knowledge some latter that books circulated across confessional lines. This is cer- is evident case after, the ninth century and the when translation into tainly in common-thus (d. polymath Ibn Qutayba was 889) can Arabic the cite as Indian works, as well Persian, the Gospels and Byzantine and 5 but it is also to some extent true of the Torah; covered period this by 6 book. Jews, present: heretics and Christians, for the place is public Hellenes, Samaritans, to full on "many Saracens" are said (further be attending). Chron. in view" and mentions a Jacobite-Maronite "inquiry Mamnite, the faith" before the 70, into commencement as debates of impromptu (661-80). the also Note caliph Mu'awiya Greek 820s), ca. Qurra Opuscula, (d. e.g. sources; our by portrayed Theodore Abu a Christian 19: the hypocritical Saracens meet when they do not give "Usually no. but say at once: 'Christian, give a witness that the one inseparable a greeting, God [appointed] Muhammad as his servant and apostle'; and it is has this with hypocrites one of these that interrogated Abu Qurra." [statement] 3 Already in the time of Jacob of Edessa (d. 708) the issue of Christians acting as tutors to had been raised (see the entry on him in Chapter 4 below). For Muslims of Christian examples aides entries "Benjamin I" and "Isaac of Rakoti" see the on 4, and on "Isho'yahb III" Chapter "l:lnanisho'" in Chapter 5. On Jewish and in SRHJ, 3.150-61. courtiers see Baron, 4 of each community debated the problem of what to do about those who La.wyers one so assumes it was a widespread phenomenon (see then apostatised returned, of Edessa" of Sinai" and "Jacob us in Chapters 3-4 and the "Anastasi entries the on Apocalyptic Chapter 9 below). The Arabic in Chronicle discussed introduction to convert 8 below well represent the attempt of Chapter may to introduce a Christian this genre into Islam. 5 E.g. Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiin, 1.60, 61, 85, 104, 239, 248; cf. Mas'udl, Tanb!h, 106 (Persian books), (Christian books). 154-55 6 the see the entries on "Morienus examples Greek" (Chapter 6), the For some Ibn below; 11) and "John of al-Nadlm, (Chapter Damascus" l:lale" of "Monk Beth of 21-22 the translation Fihrist, Arabic (on Hebrew, Greek and Persian scrip- into Impact "Persian Bosworth, 790s); 'Abd Allah ibn SaHi.m, fl. ibn Al;nnad tures by Persian Arabic 486-91 on from Literature," into Arabic, especially by (translations Ibn al-Muqaffa', d. 759); Pingree, "Greek Influence on Arabic Astronomy," 38-39 late of Greek and Sanskrit astronomical texts into Arabic in the (translation eighth century); Haq, "The Indian and Persian Background" (Perso-Indian influence on

53 The of the Sources Nature 34 reason Another inclusive approach to our sources is that for an were, as in the previous chapter, common there since demonstrated seventh lives the people of the the and eighth-century of shaping factors there are also likely to have been common features in their East, Middle 7 literatures. the "drainage of secularity" Thus, taking example, for Late permeation is matched by the in of religion into place Antiquity period, the writings of our extant whatever their confessional most of The gaze of our authors tends to be fixed heavenwards. This origin. does mean that they pay no attention to this world, but rather not they are interested in it for its own sake. Events and human not that their interpreted the light of in ultimate significance, not are actions immediate cause. One consequence of this is that we are seldom their of any character or a mundane explanation of portrait a life-like given eleventh the tenth and centuries did a more in happening. any Only bent resurface and reality anthropocentric back in. seep the sim- the highlighting on past effort in expended been has Much communi- and parallels between the literatures of the different ilarities ties of Middle East, traits common to Judaism and Islam, the especially with to ascertaining origins and establishing borrow- but a view often judgements would can be made, greater consideration such ing. Before which be to the to in accorded information was transmitted ways have to the affects of and physical and cultural environment. So a shared here will simply comment upon three characteristics common to at we some communities the writings of each of the least of our period, but of a point without that one tradition serves as suggestion of influence any 8 or origin. Redactional Identity and Unavowed Authorship There has been a lively exchange of views in the field of rab- recently literature A the nature and transmission of texts. concerning key binic ("The thought); Adang, Muslim early on Judaism, 1-22 Islamic Reception Writers of Biblical Materials in Early Islam"). 7 The expression is from Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity, 226. 8 I am denying that there was not and borrowing, but rather doubting influence that enough groundwork has been done as yet to allow determination of its nature. 51-54) (Sectarian Milieu, and Calder (Early See cautions the issued by Wansbrough Muslim Jurisprudence, 195-97, 209-14).

54 The Nature Sources of the 35 is should regard all works as acquiring a fixed redac- whether issue we and a certain time (the Urtext) in thereafter point at identity tional 9 or of we should speak transmitted, several stages whether simply being of editing before the emergence process a final redaction (the the of in the different textus produced along the way being receptus), versions 10 The former view might appear to be some autonomous. to extent of superficially imitative quality of rabbinic redac- right because the quite substantial changes are often but by the self-styled effected tion, other words, "one authorship In through motions of transmitter. goes the work of a prior authorship, even while introducing striking copying innovations. The of all authorships rests upon the fundamental claim 11 tradition, with Moses at Sinai." of beginning claim accept the idea of multilayer redaction, then the If arises we question that and defined be can texts constitutes there "Are "text." a of what delimited, or are there only basically 'open' texts, which elude clearly 12 the and How do fixation?" different redactions of redactional temporal text relate to one another and what does this mean for the redactional a illusory, Is the search for text? original text no single the identity a of text being the source of all other redactional redactional version of a significance the text? What is the same of the presence of versions of 13 of in another more or less delimited work? one What is work parts smallest of individual tradition, the the literary unit, to relation the macroform of the work? How do we distinguish between a "text" the 14 an anthology and a notebook? or 9 but occur, constituting recensions, may according to this Substantial variants these are to be seen as recensions view single redactionally identical work. of a 10 into latter is Schafer's The view Rabbinic Literature: the Status ("Research Quaestionis" and "Once Again the Status Quaestionis of Research in Rabbinic Literature"); the former of Milikowsky Status Quaestionis of Research in is ("The Literature"). Rabbinic 11 Neusner, From Tradition to Imitation, 223. 12 "Research Schafer, Rabbinic Literature: the Status Quaestionis," 150. into 13 "Sayings, From to Imitation, Neusner, Tradition stories and sizeable com- 224: distinc- not identified with a given, earlier text and exhibiting that text's positions tive (i.e. not explicitly a quotation) will float traits one document to the next." from 14 Ibid.: "The problem is whether or not a rabbinic document to begin with stands forms by or right at the outset itself, a scarcely differentiated segment of a larger uniform canon."

55 The of the Sources Nature 36 problems are bound up with rabbinic literature's Such intimately development. genesis found across the Talmu- Numerous and parallels literature the Late Antiquity suggest that midrashic tales and of dic and early authorities (Tannaim the Amoraim) had and teachings of ca. 600 to form a pool of traditions, largely shared come all by by out which rabbinic writings had been slowly surfacing. These and of and manner in a gradual cumulative compiled until at some were edited point treated, to emerge that were began at least by redacted works 15 single identifiable entities. throughout This process went on name, as first millennium AD, though the authorities named belong only to the first half this period. the of happened case, more quickly in the Mus lim all this Though much very of redactional process works the well there too. dynamic model a century or so of the Prophet's death, the sayings and stories Within the (those authorities-the Companions earliest who has known the of Prophet and Successors (Muslims oflater generations)- Mul;tammad) already come to constitute a considerable reservoir of traditions had 16 which could from draw. At this point, although the material all first to and expand, the develop writings began to appear: continued the 767), the biography of Mul;tammad by Ibn lsJ::taq (d. example, for commentary of ibn Sulayman (d. 767) and the juris- Qur'an Muqatil of Rashid Jurayj (d. 767), Ma'mar ibn compendia (d. 770) and Ibn tic were (d. 795)Y These early works Malik then either in- ibn Anas 15 a discussion of these developments see Stern, Jewish Identity in For Rab- Early binic xxvii. Writings, 16 process Jsl).aq and al-Waqidi," 51, the "Ibn is described as follows: In Jones, century part of the sfra was AH formalised by the second already greater "The of ... writers shared a common and later qii~~ and traditional material, which corpus they arranged according to their own concepts and to which they added their own researches." 17 all the "writing," since this is usually term that our sources say I use loose aide-memoire But this may designate anything (that a notebook or from kitiib). ( to something private, and subject is, change), unique, a dossier of some kind (i.e. to it may enjoy limited circulation and serve as point of reference for other scholars, recipients), to by the owner or by its modification to a stable text replicated subject in multiple editions and distributed. For some recent interesting comments on the Books book Islam see Rosenthal, "'Of Making Many in There is no End': the Classical Muslim View."

56 The Nature Sources of the 37 8 whole corporated, in or compilations,l else redacted later or part, into 19 goes under the anew. of compilation/transmission, guise This activity reworking stage is omission, addition and there of mate- each at but the distinction between compiler/transmitter and author is rial. Thus 20 the being principally one of degree. As difference frequently illusory, more and court patronage increased, became professional scholarship begin to emerge texts of fixed form there content, whether the did and of authorship or the single of extended redaction, product culmination with very few exceptions this event did not antedate the ninth but century. The might follow a linear course. Thus the His- redactional process (d. Mecca ibn Mul).ammad al-AzraqT Al).mad 837) passed of by tory hands of his grandson Mul;ammad ibn through Allah al- the 'Abd 920) 865), Is}:laq al-Khuza'T (d. ca. and Mul;ammad al- Azraq1 (d. 21 961 ). here Though con- the first is very likely the chief ( wr. Khuza'T need not be the case; this Qur'an commentary of Milsa tributor, the 'Abd al-Ra}:lman al- Thaqafi (d. 805), for example, is mostly the ibn Thaqafi 'Abd al-GhanT ibn Sa'Td al- of (d. 843) and even more work 22 of Bakr ibn Sahl al-Dimyaty (d. 902). so Otherwise, redaction might proceed in directions, that is, a master's work would circu- divergent in a of different versions, the result of alterations made late number master or or his pupils the both. This particularly applies by himself, would intended educational use, which for be disseminated to works 18 the ~adzth compilations of Ibn Jurayj, Ma'mar ibn Thus and Sufyan al- Rashid Thawri 778) were taken up by 'Abd al-Razzaq al-$an'an1 (d. 827), as has been (d. Anfange Die der islamischen Jurisprudenz, esp. 56-59 (findings by shown Motzki, al-Razzaq"); "The Mu~annaf of 'Abd idem, and the Kitiib futii~ summarised in Khuriisiin of 'All ibn Mul).ammad al-Mada'ini (d. 843) by Tabar! (Rotter, "Zur Uberlieferung einiger Werke Mada'inls," 122-28). historischer 19 Examples in the next paragraph. given 20 one cannot expect that from later redactions and compilations Hence can one recover texts in a form at all earlier to their original state. See Conrad, close biog- Mul).ammad's reconstruct to attempt Newby's (on Lost "Recovering Texts" Early Juynboll, Perspectives in the raphy); of "New Islamic Jurisprudence" Study (on Motzki's work). 21 Wiistenfeld, Die Chroniken der Stadt Mekka I, v-xviii. 22 Naskh GAS, 1.39; pointed out by Rippin, "Al-Zuhri, Sezgin, al-Qur'iin and the Tafszr Texts," 22. Problem of Early

57 The of the Sources Nature 38 23 lecture' periodically updated, notably legal handbooks, in form and 24 25 compositions. and commentaries Qur'an historical may observed at the micro-level. An phenomenon be A similar ( khabar / ~adzth) reporting individual incident or narrative unit some guaranteed and factuality appear a chain by integrity though saying, its going back to an ear- or eyewitness, will be transmitters subject of and reshaping in the interests of sundry literary, juristic to rewording concerns. self-contained nature of these units, socio-political and The of any often devoid spatial that meant or they could temporal location, serve in employed different contexts and a variety a number of be of they They are preserved for us in compilations, where ends. different assembled, either simply juxtaposed or sometimes combined, and are 23 Calder, Jurisprudence, 1-160, gives a number of examples. Early Muslim characterisation by 103-105) of Calder's ("Review," of the rejection Dutton The "not an authored text" reflects a common Muwafta' and re- as misunderstanding clarification. quires "The biographical literature Dutton us of numerous says: tells individuals the Muwatpa' directly from Malik, and that several com- transmitting the Muwatpa' well before Calder's proposed date of ca. were on mentaries written for Muwatpa' book's emergence." But Calder is not saying that there was no 270 the canonised. AH rather that this before when its text became stabilised and 270, was Before there existed a number of this versions, "institutional redactions" different in Calder's words, which would have been used for teaching and may have been commented upon. or even Many of the in these redactions might most variants own to (i.e. he could modify his himself lectures), though certainly back Malik go attributable to his students. some the main point to note is that Malik was are But trying to produce an authored not (unlike Ja4i~ or Ibn Qutayba for example), text one i.e. would be replicated in multiple editions; this does not neces- that faithfully mean, however, sarily textus receptus does that substantially represent the the not teaching Malik. of 24 Wansbrough, l'exegese Studies, esp. 138-44; Gilliot, "Les debuts de See Quranic Leemhuis, "Origins of the Tafszr Tradition;" Versteegh, Arabic Gram- coranique;" mar and Qur'iinic Exegesis, 41-95; and numerous articles ofRippin (listed in Bibli- Jabr example, commentary ofMujahid ibn The (d. 722) is a good ography II below). from of it directly Mujahid, there also exist versions besides multiple being for there Leemhuis, 750). (d. Najih Ahi 'AbdAllah ibn pupil five it via of versions Mujahid's al-Kutub 1075 of "MS. Cairene Dar Tafsir and Mugahid's Tafszr," compares the three of these and finds that, besides innumerable differences in wording, up to a may quarter traditions in one version the be absent from another. of 25 A good example is the biography of the Prophet by Ibn Is4aq, which circulated Samuk, of Flick, Tarabishi and Muranyi listed versions numerous (see the studies in in Bibliography II below).

58 The Nature the Sources of 39 arranged some theme or concept, in the process enduring according to of some paraphrasing or recasting. The abridgement, degree expansion, and micro-texts fascinating to chart often illustrates these is career of must well be regarded as authors in that transmitters/compilers often 26 right. own their Christian sphere we mainly have to In with authored lit- the do with and their transmission histories, but there are erature, Urtexts notable Judaism to the situation in similarities and Islam. some still genres In many of the the popular in the Byzantine period first place, much prone to augmentation over time. Apocalypses would were be updated take account of fresh developments in the drama of human to hagiographies and collections expanded as their saintly history, miracle in grew and question-and-answer compendia increased subjects stature, 27 response in a new anxieties of the situation. to So and uncertainties an original text might very well have existed, it was not neces- though 28 sarily later Secondly, there is the phenomenon of material recoverable. is one reproduced in another. This being most noticeable for from text texts, whose authors would often take over arguments and anti-Jewish 29 earlier examples with little from no editing. scenes Finally, there or also occurs something resembling unavowed authorship in the transla- tions of hagiographies into Arabic by monks who would often Greek substantial changes, what they deemed no longer introduce omitting 30 relevant reworking they felt unacceptable. and what are very badly informed about the Unfortunately, we transmission Zoroastrian Almost none would seem texts. have survived intact of to pre-Islamic Iran. Religious writings in from began to appear Pahlavi 26 of Landau- of Redaction: the Case "Processes the Tam1mite Del- See Tasseron, and Medina;" of Jews the Status in of the Account "Waqid!'s Lecker, egation;" on in the particular Leder (listed studies Bibliography II below). of 27 For examples see the entries on apocalypses (Chapter 8 below), on the Lives of Gabriel Qartmin and Simeon of the Olives (Chapter 4) and of Andreas Salos of 8), collections the miracle (Chapter ofS. Demetrius and S. George (Chapter 3), on of the collection of Anastasius question-and-answer Sinai (Chapter 3). and 28 Consider the complex manuscript tradition of John Moschus' Pratum spirituale, two which after his death already existed in centuries versions, one of 304 two chapters, one of 342 (see the entry thereon in Chapter 3 below). 29 3 below. the entry on this genre in Chapter See 30 Demonstrated by Leeming, Byzantine Literature in Arabic.

59 The Nature of the Sources 40 in the ninth and tenth centuries. These are mostly heterogeneous com- pilations of older material put together by Zoroastrian leaders out of a desire to preserve and defend the teachings of their ailing faith. Pre- sumably much is of Sasanian origin, but it is difficult to determine how it fared in the intervening centuries, though at least one work can be seen to have undergone a process of redaction and others are likely to 31 have suffered the same fate. The official national history, the J(hwadiiy niimag ("Book of Lords"), circulated in at least three versions by the late Sasanian period and was continually updated until the death of the last Sasanian emperor in 652. But no Pahlavi example nor the first Ara- bic translations therefrom have survived, so the nature of the Sasanian 32 recensions and their transmission is difficult to determine. Muslim 33 writers make frequent reference to Persian books, some of which may have derived from Sasanian times, but more research would have to be done before anything sure could be said about the transmission of Sasanian lore in Early Islam. Orality Though the Late Antique and Early Islamic Middle East was charac- terised by a literate culture in which a good number learned to write, it also valued oral creativity and oral display. In Judaism the written Torah, though often memorised, had to be passed on via writing, and so was read or copied from the text; and the oral Torah, though often preserved in notes, had to be conveyed orally, and so was delivered or 34 repeated from memory. Philosophical and, later, Christological issues would be publicly debated in rival speeches (logoi), but frequently writ- 35 ten down by stenographers. The Zoroastrian scripture (Avesta) was "both spoken in genuine pronunciation and arranged in written form 31See the entry on the Denkard in Chapter 8 below. 32 See Shahbazi, "On the Xwaday-Namag." 33 E.g. Mas'ild!, Tanbzh, 104, 106 (including a comprehensive work on Persian science, history and politics seen by Mas'ild! himself in 303/916). 34 Gerhardsson, Memory and Manuscript, esp. 19-32; see also Strack and Stem- berger, Talmud and Midrash, 35-49. 35 Lim, Public Disputation, Power and Social Order, see under "shorthand" in the index.

60 The Nature the Sources of 41 36 [taken] from And a Muslim scholar such as Malik records." literary might ibn knowledge by lecturing ( samii'a) or di-sseminate Arras his recite as him from memory ( qirii'a ), students well as by to his having 37 muniiwala ). This ( endorsed issuing copies of his teachings personally for understanding what has is discussed above, namely important been fluidity mobility of texts, which would be to some degree in- the and oral while evitable tradition coexisted, priority being given written and 38 communiciation. oral to of orality, of Another interest but little remarked consequence great is the circulation upon, anecdotes across boundaries of time, space of and That is, one finds obviously related stories cropping up culture. and again diverse places and/ or attributed to different persons. in again have are just a very few will legion to suffice here. The and Examples of a Jewish child who becomes shut in a furnace by his father for tale with yet boys, Christian escapes unharmed, is recounted involvement by historian, who makes the emperor Justinian (527- a sixth-century the agent of justice, and features again 65) an early Islamic recension, in 39 an Arab governor for substitutes emperor. the Of the Persian which soldiers sacking Jerusalem in 614 and of the troops of the caliph Marwan II passing Egypt in 750, it is told that they were about to through particularly nun, who then pretended that she had an beautiful sully a to them sword-blows and invited able to test it on her, deflect ointment 40 martyrdom. ruse she escaped defilement and gained which by motif of a horse immobilised by divine power The the shrine of at the George at Diospolis (Lydda/Ramla) occurs in two early martyr 36 Denkard, translated by Humbach, The Giithiis of Zarathustra, 1.55. 4.XXVIII; 1.56-57, 63-64. ibid., also See 37 oder Frage Schoeler, schriftlichen "Die miindlichen Uberlieferung in friihen der Islam," 210-11. This and other articles of Schoeler (listed in Bibliography II below) present excellent of this subject. discussions 38 See Quellenuntersuchungen zum I

61 The of the Sources Nature 42 accounts of different provenance, one concerning seventh-century very 41 and a Byzantine soldier. The mirac- the other commander a Persian of the dead of a sum money be- with by ulous recovery intercession abbot an is assigned to Gabriel, merchant of Qartmin to Arab longing 42 and to I:Iab!b, bishop of Edessa monastery 707). (d. A re- 648), (d. on confining a man for a year, then sacrificing him port Manichaeans and and his head for divination demons sorcery, is placed in to using 43 and in the mid-eighth century. also And a conver- the mid-seventh sation a courtier at the palace of Khawarnaq near Kufa on the with evanescence of things is imputed to both the Lakhmid ruler Nu'man all 44 ca. the Marwanid caliph 'Abd al-Malik (685-705). 430) Fur- (fl. and is Muslim in both Christian and it sources that thermore, recorded garden at was buried in a vegetable Cross upon news of the Jerusalem 45 approach of the Persian army in 614, the that the imminent general Shahrbaraz to the Byzantines after some act of insubordina- defected 46 that Khusrau (591-628), to emperor the emperor Heraclius the tion by invasion realm his dream the a cir- of a astrology via foresaw or 47 compulsory so ordered the and conversion of Jews, cumcised people that 'Umar I came to Jerusalem ca. 638 and was escorted round by 48 the who presented him with clean apparel, patriarch and Sophronius 41 Chron. (Persian commander attempts to plunder the shrine of S. I

62 The Nature the Sources of 43 that III (717-41) tricked the Muslim general Maslama emperor the Leo Con- into he would help him capture that ibn thinking al-Malik 'Abd 49 stantinople. sphere this phenomenon Within extremely common, the Muslim is found very narrative theme being in of a single numerous with variants 50 This is clearly indicative of the work of story- contexts. different the formation of role in tellers, played a very significant who indeed 51 But the most blatant sign perhaps oral activity of tradition. Muslim Islam, as well as in the Judaism of that time, is the very ter- in early words cultural which makes heavy use of life, to do with of minology 52 reciting, repeating and saying, on. speaking, It has been stated so that was "an increased oral element" in contemporary Chris- there writing, an based on the popularity of literature either tian observation to and spoken word, such as homilies linked disputations, closely the from springing or background, such as miracle an question- oral and 53 collections. and-answer more research will need to be done Again, important said be on this can subject, and in particu- more any before information it interesting to know how be was disseminated lar would 49 CS, s.a. 716-18; Tabar!, 2.1316 (AH 98). Syriac this book Syriac CS refers In to eighth-century Syriac text, probably the the of Theophilus of Edessa (d. work the that is a common source of Theophanes, Agapius, Michael the Syrian and 785), Chronicle (see the entries on each of these in Chapter 10 below). When of 1234 is dependents in this book, the full reference to each of its four CS may Syriac cited by C to Excursus found below, where a reconstruction of this text has turning be year and under the relevant looking (s.a.jsub anno). attempted, been 5 example, both Heraclius and the Negus, the ruler of Ethiopia, on receiv- °For news about ing his religion, summon Mul,lammad generals and their (batiiriqa) and gener- them their approval of the new prophet's teaching, whereupon the to indicate see (nakharii/-at, taniikharii/-at) in contempt (on the Negus Hisham, Ibn als snort 1.1565-66; Tabaqiit 1.2, 16; Bukharl, 1.5; Tabar!, Heraclius see Ibn Sa'd, on 220-21; I~fahanl, 6.95-96). The shared themes of imperial recognition of/military Aghiinz, different, to that the accounts, though very suggest are in origin opposition Islam related. the receptivity towards Islam of On and the Negus in Muslim Heraclius Dil~ya Bashear, "The Mission of see al-Kalb!," esp. 99-103, and Raven, tradition respectively. Negus," the on Texts "Islamic 51 subject Meccan Trade, 215-30; cf. also the literature on See Crone, cited in the 2 , EI s. v. "I~ a~~·" 52 Pointed out most recently by Calder, Early Muslim Jurisprudence, 166-71, and see Gerhardsson, Memory and Manuscript, 71-189. 53 Cameron, 101-102. Themes and Styles in Greek Literature," 91-92, "New

63 The of the Sources Nature 44 thi~ regwn the degree to which it traversed confessional across and 4 5 divides. Debate Dialectic and Christians (wr. observed pagan the 168) that Celsus The philosopher of and rent asunder, and each wants to have his own are "they divided later the same charge was laid at Islam's door by a Centuries party." Christian become a Muslim and then recanted; called upon had who he caliph to justify his apostasy, (813-33) pointed to the Ma'mun by 55 disagreement among you." "the excess and Muslims were of Christians tendencies respective their the fissiparous of too of aware themselves all and their strenuous efforts to and orthodoxy promote communities, caused unity on the value of verbal argumentation to suspicion fall debate Council Nicaea in 325, when the the was at its At itself. of certain one of the confessors, a layman and an old man who "a height, said opposed the dialecticians, and judgement, to them: 'Did had good 56 the apostles hand down to us the dialectical art?' " Christ And and it against just such an attitude that the essayist Jal:ti~ (d. 869) was compelled defend this felt to "dialectical art" (§inii'at al-kaliim), same 57 it." of the world to "despite the But though trammelled by aversion authoritative tradition and curbed by apophatic mysticism, dialectic not because it proved itself as a weapon against heresy. least flourished, 54 Not of the authorities for a historical tradition will be a non- uncommonly one by thus of Heraclius' receptivity towards Islam account Ibn Shihab Muslim; the (d. ai-Zuhrl is related from a Christian bishop whom he met in the time of 748) 'Abd al-Malik the references to Tabar! and I~fahanl inn. 50 above). Note also (see Theodore 20, Qurra, Greek Opuscula, no. that is able to give a summary of Abu pardon 'the of A"issa' ," a reference to among them entitled story (circulating] "the the tradition ofthe slandering of the Prophet's wife 'A 'ish a ( ~adzth al-ifk). 55 Lim, Disputation, Power and Social Order, 20 n. 83 (citing Origen's Public Celsum, Celsus. Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiin, 2.180-81: Ma'mun. Contra 3.XII): 56 Public Disputation, Power and Social Order, 200 Lim, Socrates' Eccle- (citing siastical History, to The intervention is LVIII). confessor's have been of divine said instigation, "in order that God may show that the kingdom of God consists not in speeches but virtuous action" (ibid., 192, in Rufinus' Ecclesiastical History, citing l.III). 57 Ja}:!i~, Pi ~inii'at al-kaliim, 243, 249. Compare the disparagement of the ahl al- by Mu}:!ammad early Abbasid poet the ibn Yaslr al-Riyashl (I~fahani, Aghiinz, jadal 12.138).

64 The Nature the Sources 45 of is a frontier," Jal)_i~ put it, "and the frontier is protected; and it "It as 58 and is inviolable." is the a shelter, shelter allegedly by Aristo- dialogue, originated The question-and-answer by Theophrastus, was perhaps the most prevalent tle and popularised Islamic the Antique and Early Late Middle East. in form dialectical as a medium of instruction Its that it was employed usefulness meant 59 in every almost the sciences, scholarship: medicine, of religious area astrology on. This might happen in a live context-a and so teacher 60 example, entertain questions after for lecture; often, or it would a serve as a purely literary device, since it could an effective way offered 61 and clarity to an argument order a body of material. imparting or of both Otherwise, the case: the content being of oral prove- might be nance, the secondary. The but scenario seems likely for latter structure a of the question-and-answer collections of early Islamic times, number the issues treated, though disparate, are frequently original, evi- for dently occasioned under the adjusting to life of Muslim by difficulties 62 rule. division of labour between the protagonists in the question- The dialogue and-answer was observed: posed questions, the strictly one 63 other replied. the argumentative dialogue or disputation, however, In there exists, superficially at least, competitive parity. The opponent 58 Ja}:ti~, §inii'at al-kaliim, 244. For an introduction to Muslim dialectic see Fl in Bibliography II below, and Abdel Haleem, relevant listed articles van Ess the of "Early aliim." J{ 59 during was common in form field particularly our period. For some The this see the entries on "Athanasius of Sinai," "Jacob examples Edessa," "Isho'bokht of respectively; the "Monk of Beth J:Iale" and Chapters 3, 4, 5, 11 below in of Fars" Menasce, "Zoroastrian Literature after the Muslim Conquest," 547-54, 560-62; de der islamischen Ju1·isprudenz, 72-75. In Judaism discourses on Anfange Motzki, masters matters very often begin: "May our master instruct us on ... our religious have us ... " (see, for example, those in Pesiqta rabbati). taught 60 Lloyd, Anatomy of Neoplatonism, 6-8. The 61 discussion of Fars Thus 770s) places his Isho'bokht of law "in the form of (fl. entry the (see so that it will be most clear to those reading it" answer and question him Chapter 5 below). on in 62 Menasce, "Problemes des mazdeens dans !'Iran De Haldan, "The musulman;" Works of Anastasius of Sinai," esp. 130-31. 63 Cf. 'Umar ibn al-Farrukhan, Masii'il, fol. 4b: "Know that questions have con- questioned mind it is necessary for the in and the questioner to bear which ditions

65 The of the Sources Nature 46 be must to fight back during the contest, if only a]lowed the chance such fallaciousness views might be exposed. Again, his the of that so pure literary to staged debates works range from exact recordings of as but, question-and-answer dialogues, most are a also with fictions, the form in which the disputation is drafted two. The combination of of evident fact that the disputant the common creed is from contrived, author will invariably be the victor. Yet some of the content the with is particularly noticeable in early derive from will discussion; this real many previously rare are decked out with Islamic texts, which dispute 64 unknown or topics. dilemmatic of art is the dialectical dialogue. Here jewel The Muslim is confronted with a number of questions which leave him opponent an room for evasive answering and which no lead him either to eventually to accept that of his interrogator. In its contradict own position or his than one be no more may stage, as in the following: there simplest form (The anti-Determinists are to be asked:) Tell us about who made men who created speech? talk and say their doctrine collapses. That is because If "God," they of] and of truth falsehood, [statements consists speech of the beside and in in others God Him, and one belief belief falsehood is the belief in others beside God and greatest of calumniation Him. they And say if is not that who created utterance it God speech, that is blasphemy and unbelief and denial of and ... has from Him ... : " come God has given us speech, what 65 has given speech to all things ... " (Qur'an xl.21). Who Usually, however, least two stages will be needed to reduce the ad- at versary to silence: asking them and passing judgement on before See also Maqdisi, Bad', 1.32- them." 50-54. 33, 64 For examples and discussion see the entry on "Anti-Jewish Polemicists" in Chapter and the whole of Chapter 11. 3 below 65 I:Iasan ibn Mul~ammad, Radd 'alii al-Qadar!ya, no. 7; on the dating of this work, late Umayyad, probably see Cook, Early Muslim Dogma, 137-44 (replying to van Ess, Anfange muslimischer Theologie, 12-31).

66 The Nature the Sources of 47 anti- to be asked:) Tell us about the (The Determinists are ( al-iijiil): fixed their times? Are they fixed of terms life who not? [in or advance] in them," they are they agreement with If "God fixed say you. if [And they not that fixed], say [to them]: they say are augment diminish them so as to then, or "Can someone, them as advance wishes?" or defer he say "no," their doctrine collapses. they If they say "yes," then say to them: "You claim that if And bring forward what God has deferred and defer people can what has forward, and this is a denial of what brought God reprieves from His saying: 'God namely no God, has come 66 term comes ... "' (Qur'an lxiii.11). its soul when question-and-answer dialogue might be employed for instruction, The 67 argumentative for edification the entertainment, and but dialogue the dialogue, as is immediately obviously from the above dilemmatic and other examples, relates wholly to the context of inter-confessional There proved itself a powerful instrument, for its exclusion it polemic. digressive or tactics made it difficult for the defendent to of evasive is it in a sectarian milieu arose evident from a glance retaliate. That its ancestry, which may be traced back to the Christological at contro- and late sixth-century Alexan- versies in seventh-century Syria raging dria.68 66 ibn Mul;tammad, Radd 'alii al-Qadarzya, no. 10. I:Iasan 67 Eastern examples from various Middle See traditions adduced in Reinink the Conceit "The Dispute Poems and Dialogues; and see van Gelder, Vanstiphout, and tradition Pen for the Muslim Sword," in particular. of and 68 "The Cook, of [{ aliim ," and Brock, "Two Sets of Monothelete Questions Origins to the Maximianists" (Syriac dilemmatic dialogues between Monotheletes and Dio- theletes); "Kaliim and the Greeks" (Greek dilemmatic dialogues of Zimmermann, the Chalcedonian patriarch Eulogius, 581-607, against the Monophysites). Zimmer- from mann sketches the development of the genre also Parmenides to the philosopher Elias (fi. ca. 580).

67 The of the Sources Nature 48 inter-disciplinary approach recommended in the keep'ing In with these two survey of non-Muslim sources that follows chapters, last the and highlight between different to accounts will endeavour similarities Muslim out with archaeological and point reports. The to also parallels that these are such different types of evidence makes it very the fact all interesting their testimony coincides, for their agreement more when be to shared assumptions. cannot attributed often presents those texts that include comments about Part II.A the and/or faith that are tangential their the author's purpose Muslims to writing, whether a digression or an offhand remark. in The incidental of the does not guarantee that they will be favourable nature comments can call Sophronius' characterisation of the objective-one hardly or godless barbarians a detached judgement; but they Arabs free as are the polemical intent found in direct sources assembled in the of the half of the survey-Sophronius' utterance second simply abuse, not is an to refute Islam, of which he was certainly unaware-and attempt can them valuable. this make II.B deals with texts that treat Islam in a more deliberate Part man- ner. course, the division between the Of halves of the survey is not two totally clear cut, a number of cases certainly being debateable; but it does serve attention to certain points. For example, it is notice- to draw II.B that the texts in Part of were composed before almost none able conducted Before time war had been this solely by physical the 690s. and a number of seventh-century sources make it clear that it means, was no means obvious who was going to win. Now the battle began by be fronts. out on other to 'Abd al-Malik's adoption of the role carried on champion Islam-evident in the inscriptions of the Dome of the of Rock and on coinage-probably had more to do with rallying Muslims to his after a debilitating and divisive civil war than with making rule sort population statement to the non-Muslim any of his realm, but of Arab it propaganda war between the a and Byzantine gover- initiated 69 that was fought in both the literary and artistic spheres. For ments by proclaiming as "the religion of truth" which would come to Islam had over religion," 'Abd al-Malik all demonstrated that the "prevail 69 For the information in this and the previous sentence see the entry on "Islam in the First Century AH" in Chapter 13 below.

68 The Nature the Sources 49 of were challenging only Byzantium's political supremacy, but Arabs not true claim its in possession of the to faith. This inevitably called also be a vehement reaction, as forth evidenced is the numerous apologetic by 70 that to circulate after this date. began works there Within of the survey the are incorporated discussions of pages make will and source-critical issues, which, I hope, historical numerous tool. a worthwhile well as a reference as However, the reader it read to learn the results of impatient foraying exercise may at this point this to proceed directly to Part III. wish 7 °From the ninth century onwards we also have Jewish and Zoroastrian apologetic Jewish Chapter 11 below, and on texts in particular thereon in (see works the entries see Stroumsa, "Jewish Polemics against Islam and Christianity").




72 CHAPTER 3 1 SOURCES GREEK Prelude the man Theodore of Sykeon (d. 613) came to visit renowned holy When (607-10) in Constantinople, the latter asked him Thomas the patriarch tale about the extraordinary "whether of the little crosses the jumping true." Receiving an affirmative was really processional during litanies answer, the an explanation as to Thomas significance of this begged for After some hesitation wonder. gave his answer: Theodore The of the crosses means many pains and perils: shaking means instability our faith and apostasy, the invasion it in of barbarian peoples, the shedding of much blood, many the and captivity, the desolation of destruction universal churches, cessation of the divine service of praise, holy the the and perturbation of the empire, and very difficult fall plainly and circumstances for the state. Further, it times 2 shows arrival of Adversary is at hand. the that the 1 are seventh and eighth centuries Greek surveyed by Krumbacher, sources ofthe der byzantinischen Literatur, 60-67, 187-94, 671-76; Beck, I

73 54 Greek Sources equally gloomy was given by a certain George (d. 630s ), an An forecast the monastery Khoziba near Jericho, who addressed his ascetic of of at the perpetrated by the Christians about that brothers evils fellow time: See holy Peter spoke well [when he said]: "It had that the for have not to better known the way of righ- been them teousness after had known it to turn from the than holy they to Peter (2 delivered ii.21). How then commandment them" God become angry at our people? How should should not not avert His do from the worthless people who face He him from loosing a flood What should deter things? such sulphur or rain of fire and world to consume the upon a like Sodom and Gomorrah? I, my sons, am in the earth fear coming the misfortunes that are at to the and tremble 3 of the wickednesses we practise. world because The of these saints, George and Anthony, were both biographers 4 work 640, that and one suspects at their masters' predictions ca. of to degree tailored to take account 630s, the events of the some were more the Arabs were overrunning the Byzantine provinces. Even when striking, for its irony rather than its prophecy, are the words of though contemporary of Theophylact Simocatta, lawyer and historian theirs, a of the Maurice (582-602). Narrating the plight of Khusrau II of reign by was from his throne ousted insurgents and forced (591-628), who entreat the help of the Byzantine emperor, Theophylact to the has ambassadors the Persian emperor say to Maurice: of 3 by Khoziba, Life IV (§18), 117. Some account of George Life is given of Ol- the ster, Construction of a Byzantine Saint: "The of Khoziba;" see also Chitty, George The Desert a City, 143-67, who in the same chapter introduces other Byzantine monastic writings of period before the Arab conquests. the shortly 4 of Sykeon, Life CLXVI, 1.154, predicts the length Theodore Heraclius' reign, of and biographer says "this happened in the with his word." In George accordance (February- patriarch Life IV (§16), 115, Modest us is mentioned as Khoziba, of l.xii, May," sanctorum "preface to flourished Acta says that George December 631); is, that 'Umar, of "the the under the leadership occupied Saracens city when holy in the year 636," but this may be a little late given the lack of any direct reference to the Arab conquests.

74 Greek Sources 55 if to be deprived of power, their the Even Persians were to men, for events rule transfer would immediately other of leadership ... So what prosperity not tolerate lack will upon devolve if the Persians are Romans would events the 5 ? to another nation mastery and transmit power of deprived of 634 A Christian Apologist the One of stirrings in Arabia is to be found in indications of earliest entitled the Doctrina Jacobi ("Teachings of work apologetic a Greek purportedly composed in Africa in July 634. The reason Jacob") and is closely linked with its historical milieu, namely for composition its the conversion in Carthage on the day of Pentecost (31 May) forced of 632 a governor Jews, carried out by the was George number of which 6 on the emperor Heraclius. of The contemporary theolo- the orders and the Confessor regarded this as a disastrous move Maximus gian that "apostasy will be favoured by the intercourse of these lamented people." the Christian Our text seems designed with faithless converts part counter such irresolution on the to of Christians and possi- any 7 the souls of wavering compulsorily converted Jews. also to bly win nub of argument is given in the heading, added later: "That The the not now the sabbath should that the Christ has appeared, one observe 5 Simocatta, History, 4.XIII.9-13 (tr. Whitby, 121-22). The death Theophylact in 628 is mentioned at 8.XII.13, which suggests ofKhusrau was writing Theophylact ca. 630. 6 a letter gives us this information in Confessor addressed to John, Maximus the bishop Cyzicus (Sherwood, Annotated Date of 28-30), and he expresses his List, anxieties the repercussions of such about which he understands is being a move, applied throughout the empire (Maximus, Ep. 8, "end"). Michael the Syrian ll.IV, 413/414, notes: this time the emperor Heraclius ordered that all the Jews "At all lands of the in the empire, wherever they might live, should become Roman this Christians;" the confirmed Muslim sources is by entry on "Fredegar" in (see Chapter 6 below), and hinted at by two Hebrew texts which assert that Heraclius the on Israel" (see (shemad) entry on "Simon ben "decreed destruction/conversion Yo4ai" in Chapter 8 below). See also Dagron, "Juifs et chretiens," esp. 28-32, who discusses historical background to this text. the 7 Deroche, "Juifs et chretiens," 268-73; Olster, Roman Defeat, Christian Re- sponse, 158-79.

75 Greek Sources 56 8 and that he who is come is indeed the Christ and not another." Once this has been established by means of abundant Biblical citations, talk moves to speculation on what might be expected "now we see Rome humbled," namely the coming of the Antichrist, the tribulations of the End and the Second Advent. The mise en scene is elaborated with considerable care. Jacob, a Jewish merchant from Palestine, had been on a business trip to Africa when he accidentally became embroiled in the events in Carthage and after a period of imprisonment was himself forcibly baptised. By a vision and scrutiny of the scriptures he was led to appreciate the truth of Christianity, and he now reveals the secret of his enlightenment to a number of other "newly baptised" Jews, who confide in him their doubts about their situation. They are convinced by his arguments, but then a cousin of one of them, Justus by name, arrives from Palestine and, angry at finding his relative baptised, promises to prove to them and to Jacob that they are all in error. Yet he too is soon persuaded that the Messiah has indeed come and expresses his wish to return home to convert his family. Much attention is given to detail, thus imparting realism to the plot. Many in Jacob's audience are given names, the manner of transcription of the debates is carefully explained, and the topography of Jacob and Justus' homeland and the nature of their business ventures is narrated 9 at some length. An atmosphere of tenseness accompanies the proceed- ings, evoked by the fear of all present that the Christians may discover their vacillating commitment to Christ. The appeal of the tract is further enhanced by skilful development of the characters of Jacob and Justus, apparently known to each other since childhood. Jacob's repro- bate youth, when he would harangue Christians at every opportunity, is highlighted and contrasted with his present temperament, sincere and 8 Doctrina Jacobi "title," 71. The Greek original has been preserved in a direct but acephalous version and in an abbreviated version, so the introduction has to be taken from later Arabic, Ethiopic and Slavic translations. For the transmission of the text see Deroche, "Juifs et chretiens," 47-68. 9 Noted by Bonwetsch, "Doctrina Iacobi," xv-xvi, and put to good use by Dan, "Shene so4ar!m yehiid!m." The attention paid to Ptolemais and Sykamina in the dialogue suggests that the author is a native of their environs (Dagron, "Juifs et chretiens," 240-44).

76 Greek Sources 57 gentle, be alone to pray and peruse the scriptures. Justus is liking to as a worthy fiercely attached to and knowledgeable about built up foe, of a fierce temper, threatening to strangle Ja- and Judaism, possessed he fails to convince him and to have the others burned if they cob if him away the authorities. In addition, Justus provides a link give to he Jacob refers to pogroms in which Palestine: took with frequently and earlier and tells of the hopes in fears of his countrymen part years, of and most recent events, particularly of "a false prophet who has the appeared." had heard this "prophet" and of how the Arabs had killed Justus of a candidatus-tha.t a member certain the imperial guard-from of is, a Abraham Caesarea, who reported in brother letter to him: his in the candidatus When killed by the Saracens, I was at was Caesarea I set off by boat to Sykamina. People were and "the killed," has been candidatus and we Jews were saying that they were saying And the prophet had ap- overjoyed. pro- was he the Saracens, and that with coming peared, the advent the anointed one, the Christ who of claiming to I, having arrived at Sykamina, stopped by a come. was scriptures, well-versed in the man and I said to certain old "What can you tell me about the prophet who has him: with appeared Saracens?" He replied, groaning deeply: the "He come the prophets do not for armed with a is false, of they are works committed anarchy being sword. Truly Christ and that the today I fear to come, whom the first Christians worship, was the one sent by God and we instead are preparing receive the Antichrist. Indeed, Isaiah said to the would retain a perverted and hardened heart that Jews all the earth should be devastated. until you go, mas- But ter and find out about Abraham, prophet who has ap- the who So I, Abraham, inquired and heard from those peared." had him that there was no met to be found in the so- truth says prophet, only the shedding of men's blood. He called 10 that he has the keys of paradise, which is incredible. also 10 Doctrina Jacobi V.16, 209.

77 Greek Sources 58 Arab, killing a Byzantine official would very likely have roused The of and hopes the Jews, particularly at a among messianic expectations authorities were acting so Byzantine toward time the when harshly it them, no surprise to find such a view voiced here. The and so is to the news, however, is to dismiss the rumoured writer's reaction an as a troublemaker, a shedder of blood and even prophet impostor, allay The was evidently included to above anx- passage Antichrist. the among ieties provoked by Jewish the of an Arabian Christians reports and to dissuade newly baptised perhaps from taking the prophet, Jews seriously.U news apology The with Justus and Jacob preparing to set sail from ends the martyrdom, declaring that "if the contemplating former Carthage, the Saracens take hold of me and cut my body into little Jews and and not Christ, the son of God," deny the latter enter- I will pieces, we are a life of asceticism. Jacob finally left taining ideas of Carthage, 12 seventh thirteenth July in the of indiction," that is, 634. the told, "on would date, sensible to take this It or very soon after, as indicat- seem ing that the tract's completion. One of not realistically relay could information on the coming of the Arabs in terms of rumours for very patriarch long time. Already in December 634 Sophronius, after this Jerusalem, can of "the wild and barbarous Saracen [sword], of speak 13 filled every diabolical savagery." are There is references, with which time the length of that the Jews "have been to such in common texts, underfoot by nations," namely 600 and 640 years, but trampled since such were given in round numbers and often updated statistics usually copyists, they can only ever be a rough guide to the date by the of 14 text. 11 passage else one might infer from For what see Crone and Cook, Hagarism, this 3-5. 12 Doctrina Jacobi V.17, 213 (Justus on martyrdom); V.20, 215 (Jacob on monas- locates V.20, Chron. Zuqnin, 148-49, (date). the incident in Jerusalem 219 ticism); West- AG but its 928/617, are frequently misplaced (see Palmer, entries during Chronicles, Syrian 65-69). 13 Christmas Sermon, 507. Sophronius, 14 Doctrina Jacobi 1.22, 101 (640 years); Il.6, 147 (600 years). On the basis of the former reference "La didascalie de Jacob," Nau, 715, the text to 640, but the dates author continues: "For since the Jews our fathers crucified Christ, since then until of from are the servants and playthings we all nations." If he is counting today,

78 Greek Sources 59 Dagron place the text in the early 640s, "when the would like to 15 already considered irreversible," but may there is Arab conquest be And hindsight respect of this event. of though his ar- indication no in July 634 is too early for "a religious polemic against jihad gument that Muslim the paradise" may be correct, to regard Abra- and conception of Justus over-interpretation. such seems to A more cogent letter ham's as the references to Rome being "somewhat di- be that would objection and ravaged by nations" indicate "brought low "humbled," minished," 16 subsequent Jacob the first wave of Arab attacks. time However, to a it clear he is taking a rather longer perspective: "Is it as that makes the or has it diminished" at his first question to Justus beginning is used "The of the Romans territory to extend until Rome. regarding days from the ocean, that our from Scotland, Britain, Spain, France, is Italy ," he continues, "but now we see Rome humbled." Given this ... with but agree him; the empire was diminished perspective, one cannot Heraclius. Justinian's let alone that of time, Finally, one must bear in in mind that the chief concern of the author and the goad for his writ- and is conversion of Jews mandatory its consequences. To place the ing the event is to render it both irrelevant work after a decade so his or inexplicable. and more intractable problem is rather matter of the candida- the A He is named by the Slavic version as Sergius and may perhaps ius. be identified the Sergius in the following account: with Nicetas, served (the general) had died in the us, Sergi who manner. The Saracens, having following a camel, flayed sewed in the hide and him it up. As the skin enclosed and the man who was left inside also withered hardened, so in a painful manner. The charge against him perished that to had persuaded Heraclius not was allow the Sara- he and to from the Roman country trade send out of the cens the Crucifixion, this would yield a date of ca. 680 and might refer to the date of a redaction. 15 number "Juifs chretiens," 246-47. Dagron, et of scholars have, however, A Friihgeschichte 634 as the date of composition, most recently Thiimmel, accepted 232. ostkirchlichen Bilderlehre, der 16 Doctrina Jacobi III.8 (= Bonwetsch, III.9), 167; 111.10 (= Bonwetsch, III.9), 169; IV.5 (= Bonwetsch, IV.7), 183.

79 Greek Sources 60 state the pounds of gold which they normally Roman thirty received way gain; and for this reason they of by commercial waste Roman landY lay the began to Sergius is asserted to be the Sergius, patrician Very commonly this of an "assem- the approach of army, Arab learning of who, Caesarea, on common the and called up 5000 foot-soldiers from forces bled his own Samaria" folk of to meet the Arabs, set was quickly de- and out but 18 This and incident killed. equated with "the battle between is feated and the Arabs of Romans in Palestine twelve miles the Mul;tammad of Gaza" on east 634, which 4 February is its turn assumed to be in 19 Since by Muslim tradition. battle narrated the Sergius of Dathin the served Nicetas does not seem to have died in battle, he should had who the the patrician Sergius and is from more likely can- be distinguished 20 identification with the Sergi us of our didate for text. The Jacobi distinguishes itself by its attention to narrative Doctrina topical treatises but it is a common trait of the anti-Jewish and detail, of the and seventh centuries that rather than simply rehearse sixth arguments and citations, they dress them up with a storyline traditional and discussion of contemporary issues. They have become "living" literature, reflecting political reality: an empire no longer a changed of tolerant suspicious of difference. Disputations served diversity, now to position, faithful the falsity of the dissenter's demonstrate to the 17 undated; Mango, 69). The notice is Nicephorus, events previous to it §20 (tr. Heraclius of departure the and "in the second indiction" Cross of return the the are Martina "to the eastern parts" (they leave Constantinople late April 629); the and subsequent related is the battle of Gabitha (636, if it is to be identified with event battle Yarmuk). of the 18 CS, 634. Syriac s.a. 19 the entry on "Thomas See Presbyter" in Chapter 4 below. That all these the reports refer to the same event was first proposed by de Goeje, Memoire, 30-34, and Early Islamic Conquests, has all subsequent scholars (e.g. Donner, been by accepted Dagron, History et chretiens," 246 n. 105; Gil, 115-16; of Palestine, 38-39; "Juifs Kaegi, Byzantium the Early Islamic Conquests, 88). and seems to me that the It are there as especially material requires caution, heterogenous such equation of not the who had served inconsistencies: does Sergius seem to die in battle; Nicetas the commander who dies in the encounter near Gaza is Bryrdn, which can in called no way be read as Sergius. 20 This is also the opinion of Mango, Nikephoros, 187.

80 Greek Sources 61 he be or non-Christian. The Doctrina Jacobi is unusual whether heretic having to invite the dissenter himself to the apparently intention in and a forerunner this respect it is in of the inter- fact, recognise this adopted this which frequently debates confessional Abbasid times, of tactic. 21 619 or John Moschus (d. 634) was in Cilicia in the mid-sixth century and first became John born at S. monastery of monk Theodosius near Jerusalem, where he the a his life-long disciple, friend and travelling companion. Sophronius, met by the tradition of peripatetic asceticism ( Prompted and later xeniteia) by incursions of the Persians, the two traversed Egypt, Syria and the Aegean, spending periods at Mount Sinai (ca. 583-93) and the longer 578-82 ending 606-15) and (ca. up in Rome. There Alexandria and his great work, the Leiman ("Spiritual Meadow")- John compiled known by its Latin title, the Pratum commonly is spirituale-which a distillation what he and Sophronius had seen, heard and learned of on their When John felt death approaching, he entrusted the travels. came to with whom the work manuscript to be closely Sophronius, 22 associated. The Pratum spirituale seeks to supplement the existing tradition of the of the Fathers" ( apophthegmata patrum) and to recall "sayings 23 reins vigour and dedication of the early ascetic movement. til and the devoted of its or so chapters are 300 to anecdotes of Accordingly, most feats and achievements of holy men, their victories over suffering, the and and temptation their acts of virtue and piety. Arabs feature evil, 21 John Pratum spirituale, "prologue," says that John died at the be- Moschus, either of eighth indiction, which could be ginning 619 or 634; the former seems the to me preferable (see Halkin, "Review," 287; Chadwick, "John Moschus and his Friend Sophronius the 50-53). Sophist," 22 of Damascus (wr. 730s) regarded Sophronius as the author (cf. De imag- John l, biography 2, §67). The earliest §64; of John is found in a pro- oratio inibus Chadwick, Masch;" "Jean Vailhe, Pratum spirituale; see also the to logue prefixed Sophist;" Moschus his Friend "John the and Pattenden, "Johannes Sophronius Moschus." 23 The work is described by Baynes, "The 'Pratum Spirituale;'" for the genre see Bousset, Apopthegmata, and most recently Burton-Christie, The Word in the 76-103. Desert,

81 Greek Sources 62 seldom, but as predatory creatures whose attacks are and then only 24 as God, anchorite's or at best to impure beings by the appeal foiled 25 a holy man. the succour of requiring consist of short narratives and were very popu- largely Since they over collections prone to augmentation were time. lar literature, these Already of Constantinople (d. 886), knew of two ver- Photius, patriarch 26 of sions of 304 chapters and one of 342. the one Pratum spirituale: 30 translation is appended a group of there such addi- the To Georgian They divide into two distinct but coherent groups: 1-11 tional stories. 12-30 on and have Greek equivalents; Cyprus relate vari- events treat 27 some ous which are also found in Greek. miracles, The entries of of the section form "a chronological homogeneity," all seemingly second within a period by the pontificate of Gregory the Great bounded falling 28 reign of Constans II (641-68). (590-604) Number 30 speaks and the 24 an spirituale, XXI (Saracen decapitates Pratum ascetic but is Moschus, John off by a bird), XCIX (Saracen tries to slay the monk Ian thus carried the earth but swallows up), CVII (some cameleers arrived from Arabia steal the donkey of him Gerasimus, holy it is later recovered by this Abba man's lion), CXXXIII (a pa- but gan Saracen becomes Sinai to rob a monk of goes paralysed for two days), CLV but (three Saracens are made to relinquish their young male captive by the prayers of Abba note that one of the Saracens speaks to Nicolas in Greek and Nicolas; the incident "in the reign of our believing emperor Maurice when that occurred the predations"). of the Saracens, made [Names], Brief com- Nu'man phylarch by John on the Arabs are provided BASIC1, Shahid, Moschus regarding ments 597-602. 25 Moschus, Pratum spirituale, CXXXVI (Christian Saracen offers sex to John Sisinnius Abba reproves her and gives her food; note that he speaks to her "in who should probably be translated). ebraisti as Aramaic," 26 Bibliotheca CXCIX, 3.96. Migne's edition in the Photius, graeca Patrologia comprises 219 chapters, drawn from only number of manuscripts. Over a limited 150 manuscripts contain material allegedly to the Pratum spirituale; what belonging genuine and not is what to say difficult there is a critical edition. The is until tradition is discussed by Pattenden, manuscript Text of the Pratum Spiri- "The tuale," the some of the variations and examples recensions given by idem, between "Some Remarks on the Text of the Pratum." 27 The is described by Garitte, "'Histoires edifiantes' georgiennes," 396- appendix (idem, "La Greek reached Georgian from stories via Arabic 401; presumably the 184-85). 174-78, Spirituel,"' 'Pre du georgienne version 28 Garitte, "'Histoires edifiantes' 403-406; Garitte (ibid., 400-401, georgiennes," Monemvasia (fl. that no. 29 was a translation of a story from Paul of thought 405)

82 Greek Sources 63 "our laura Mar Saba," and so one might attribute this cycle to a of of .that of collected them ca. 670. monastery monk who Sophronius 19 this appendix concern and in his 18 of Narratives patriarch of Jerusalem and are recounted on the authority of position of of his, the archdeacon Theodore. Number 19 tells contemporary a how: godless entered the holy city of Christ the our Saracens with Jerusalem, Lord, of God and in pun- permission the our negligence, which is considerable, and im- ishment for proceeded in haste to mediately place which is called the the Capitol. took with them men, some by force, others They their own in order to clean that place and to build by will, they thing, for their prayer and which cursed that intended 29 a mosque ( midzgitha). call willing participant in this task was John, archdeacon of One Theodore S. the and a skilled marble-worker. Hearing of this, Sophronius Martyr him take Friday and bade him not to summoned part in "the con- one cursed," of place which Christ has the offering him double the struction salary paid by the Arabs if he would work instead at the church of the Anastasis. John but was discovered working again at the Capi- agreed, which impelled Sophronius to excommunicate him. later, two tol days ladder short a he fell from a time while working at afterwards a Only and later died from his wounds "in a great distress," for monastery he "this accident only happened to me because I disobeyed that realised patriarch." moral narrator then adduces the the of the story, "that The of should disobey the word not a priest, which is a benediction, one such rank he may be, and especially when it is a question of whatever pontiff." a great l'arrivee century), ("L'esplanade du Temple a Flusin des arabes," 19 n. tenth but says that it is 13) an authentic writing of Paul. not 29 Moschus (Georgian tr.), Pratum John 100-102 (tr. Garitte, 414-16). spirituale, "L'esplanade Flusin, and 2-3, 614-638," AD Mount, Temple Mango, Against "The Murphy-O'Connor, des l'arrivee the arabes," 26-28, a "The Location of du Temple Holy the that the Capitoline temple had been located on the site of argues Capitol," Sepulchre and was only Mount. connected with the Temple later

83 Greek Sources 64 this .tale correctly associated with Sophronius, it follows that If is the Temple began before the death of the pa- construction on Mount 30 of writers concur on the erection 639. a prayer triarch ca. Several Temple Muslims the site of the Jewish the soon after their by on place 31 ca. 637, but give no precise date. capture A Syriac of Jerusalem the century maintains that the work was com- mid-eighth chronicle of city, the when he came to the 'Umar a journey by caliph missioned 32 by most Muslim sources to that 17/638. is This would assigned AH Syriac the above account, though the be text may well with fit well by stories told by Muslims in glorification of 'Umar's role as influenced 30 Von Sophrone, 97 n. 136, contests the traditional date of March 638 Schonborn, based on comment of Theophanes, 339, that en toutois-that is, the (chiefly the Jerusalem-apebio March and argues for of 639 (Flusin, capitulation Sophronios) cites Temple du des arabes," 29, wrongly a him for a death l'arrivee "L'esplanade of 641) on the basis of this Georgian tale, the Passion of the Sixty Martyrs of date (see the entry thereon in Chapter 9 below) and Eutychius. The date seems Gaza plausible, of cannot be sure of the reliability we any of these texts, the but since remains open. Busse, "Die 'Umar-Moschee," question that 'Umar's mosque argues was the east in Sepulchre of church of atrium Holy the and only later was there the construction on the Temple Mount itself, but he too heavily on the legendary relies account of Eutychius. 31 XXXI 637-38 and 641; Sebeos, s.a. (tr. Mader, 102-103); Syriac CS, E.g. 341. Almost every source, Muslim or ps.-Shenute, puts the Vision, non-Muslim, of after the battle of Yarmuk, Jerusalem after August 636, and it capitulation so likely that after this substantial defeat of the Byzantines Sophronius would seems have not long from submitting to the Arabs. For what it is worth, refrained Passion of Sixty Martys of Gaza, 301, implies that Jerusalem was in Arab the by Delehaye, 637 (see hands "Passio sexaginta martyrum," 291; Guil- December lou, "La de Gaza," 401). Busse, prise in Jerusalem," 111-14, asserts '"Omar that Jerusalem surrendered in 635, arguing that it would not long have endured the Arab mentioned by Sophronius, Christmas Sermon, 506, and noting blockade surrender the 1234 dates the city's of to AG 946/635. However, that Chronicle not the Jerusalem, Arab raids in a full- vicinity of of speaks Sophronius simply siege, scale the Chronicle of 1234, and Busse neglects to mention, synchronises as AG 946 with year 26 of Heraclius and AH 15, so 636. Theophanes, 339, says the Arabs had beside" (parakathisas) Jerusalem for two years, perhaps re- "encamped ferring during period from winter 634, to which there were some skirmishes the near Jerusalem, culminating in a siege in winter 636. See also Abel, "La prise de Jerusalem." 32 Caetani, Chmn., 200-201. The Arabic accounts of 'Umar's visit to Jerusalem are discussed by Busse, "'Omar in Jerusalem."

84 Greek Sources 65 33 founder of The monk Anastasius of Sinai informs Jerusalem. Islamic he had clearing work ( ekchoismos) being undertaken that witnessed us 34 Temple 660. 7 Now on Friday, the June 659, "there was Mount ca. on 35 a violent Palestine and many places there collapsed." in earthquake the mosque of 'Umar was one of the edifices affected and Very likely therefore, incumbent upon Mu'awiya to have the structure re- it was, built. projects Mu'awiya undertook building and on That both 'Umar 36 is confirmed by certain of our sources. the Temple Mount Berlin fourteenth-century contains 85 tales allegedly A manuscript 37 these, edition ten are not Of in Migne's found provenance. of Moschan one, situated in Muslim-ruled Palestine, and does not belong certainly 38 Pratum spiritual e. the original narrator is the anchorite priest The to who Basil, the New Laura where John Moschus had became a monk at of stayed. that in a populous town relates Palestine, himself once Basil 33 "'Omar's Image as Conqueror of Jerusalem'' See Busse, 34 says Narrat., C3. The incident occurred, Sinai, Anastasius, "be- Anastasius of that it years," and he relates fore "because of those who think and say these thirty it is Temple of God ( naos theou) being built now in Jerusalem," surely a reference the the to Dome the Rock completed in 691 (or slightly later if Blair, of is the "What of the Dome of the Rock?," is right). Date 35 Chron. Maronite, which further specifies "at the second hour;" such preci- 70, suggests sion report derives ultimately from an eyewitness. that the 36 ben 79 ('Umar); Jewish Apocalypse Secrets, the Umayyads, Simon Yoi).ai, on Maqdisi, Bad', 4.87 178 and Mu'awiya). See also the entry on (Mu'awiya); ('Umar Chapter 6 below. in "Arculf" 37 "Unbekannte Erza.hlungen," 351-52, discusses the place of these nar- Nissen, The manuscript is now no. 221 in the Deutsche in Moschan ratives corpus. the Verzeichnis in Studemund and Cohn, (see der griechischen Staatsbibliothek Berlin Handschriften, for its career before this see Pattenden, "The Text 1.98); the of Pratum ," 45-46. Spirituale 38 confiation seems to This a reworking and tale of two earlier narratives. The be first is the tale of a Jewish child who participated with some Christian boys in the eating leftover hosts and was subsequently punished by his father, a Jewish of who remains him in his furnace. He glassblower, unharmed after three days shut of God in aid of a lady dressed therein purple, namely the mother owing the to ( cf. the story of the Three Children of Babylon in Daniel iii). The boy and his mother are while the emperor Justinian has the father killed (Evagrius, converted is History 185-86). The second 4.XXXVI, found in John Moschus, Ecclesiastical Pratum spirituale, XCVI, and relates how some children, who were acting out the altar consumed by eucharist had their makeshift of and celebration the sacrament, divine fire.

85 Greek Sources 66 by both and Jews, some children were in the fields inhabited Christians the being child, son of Hebrew chief rabbi, churchmen. at A playing join wished to them. him that as a Jew he could not they When told a Christian. game, offered to become he So they their participate in with some water that was found baptised that place, whereupon him in fire from the sky and consumed all about them. From fear came down down until were as dead fell their anxious parents discovered they and home three The Jewish child went later. to his father and them days served Jewish food, refused it, saying: "I am when Christian and will a eat." outraged father plotted to His rid of him by arranging get not a bath who owed him money that he throw the boy on with attendant of to furnace used fire heat the baths. the the had emir ameras) of the region the previously complained to Now ( same bath attendant that the water was cold, the that if it were not and hot next time he came by, the attendant would be beheaded. When the water emir that day for his the he was furious to find the arrived bath, colder ever. The frightened attendant than that he had placed pleaded triple the usual amount of wood on the fire, but when they examined the furnace found the Jewish child in there unharmed and the they extinguished. On the boy and learning that he had fire interrogating the be became angry and ordered that he a Christian, put become emir the the in the fire relit. But again furnace fire was put out and back and boy emerged unscathed, so the emir called in the governor the sym- ( boulos The procedure was repeated with the same result, whereupon ). governor that a miracle had occurred. He summoned the recognised boy's father and executed him for his inhumanity the for the fact and that had made others an accomplice he his wicked plan. He also in had the children who had played with the Jew brought before him and arranged for to be placed in a monastery with stipends allotted them mock accordance role in their their play ( dramatourgethenta). in with things were intended as a demonstration, concludes These nar- the rator, all the pagans ( ethnesi) who "to against us as a result of the rise evil intention of the iniquitous Jews towards our Lord and God and His 39 a Jew begotten So not only is son." the villain of the piece, but only as a people they are behind all the ills perpetrated against Christians. 39 365. Moschus, Pratum spirituale John Berlin gr. 221) VIII, (Ms.

86 Greek Sources 67 as father of the story had caused the Arab emir to move the Just Jewish ultimately the Jews were considered in so against a Christian, general harm Arabs by the the against Christians. responsible for worked 40 Jerusalem (d. ca. 639) Patriarch Sophronius, of of Damascus seems to have survived as The centre city a provincial Hellenic in Christianised form, into the seventh century. It Of culture, that grew up and obtained a classical education, there Sophronius was title of "sophist" for his proficiency in rhetoric. attaining fellow the A and of his, one Isidore son contemporary Dionysius, ex- of Damascene had been renowned for which his family celled in philosophy, a subject Damascus, the forebear Nicholas of their the teacher of time of since And of of Anthony and CleopatraY sons it was likewise Herod and the that the theologians and hymnographers Andrew Crete of Damascus in 42 were John of Damascus (d. 730s) and born and raised. 720) ca. ( wr. as the latter two authors were also to do, Sophronius set out Thereafter, He Palestine to pursue his studies further. order halted first at the in for of S. Theodosius near Jerusalem where he was befriended by monastery ( Moschus, acted as his instructor who didaskalos) and spiritual John 43 (pater pneumatikos) as well as his companion. father In Alexandria Sophronius delved into Greek wisdom (ca. 578-83), studying deeper rhetoric and some medicine, but subsequently re- philosophy, maybe Palestine Theodosius. become a monk at S. to He and John turned to East their throughout the Near travels until the Persian then continued forced them to seek refuge at Rome in 615. invasion 40 Sophronius' and works are treated fully by von Schonborn, Sophrone, 53- life 99-117, Sophronius the identification of Sophronius the sophist with 98, the and is deciding (ibid., 239-42), patriarch the question considered earlier by confirmed "Sophrone Vailhe, le sophiste et Sophrone le patriarche." 41 Sophronius, Miracles no. 54, PG 3621D (=Marcos, 368). Sophronius' pride in which miracle. illustrated by the laudation is he prefixes to this his native city 42 more by Bouvy, Poetes Pointed melodes, 170-72, and picked up again out et recently Sahas, "Cultural Interaction by the Umayyad Era." during 43 Sophronius so designates John in his Miracles no. 70, PG 87, 3668B (=Marcos, the 396). course of this miracle, which records the cure of an eye complaint of In Sophronius himself, the latter records his upbringing in Damascus, adoption of in monasticism S. Theodosius and stay at Alexandria (ibid., 3665A-B [= 395]).

87 Greek Sources 68 John's death 619 Sophronius returned to S. Theodosius After in he revised where monastery, compiled John, the Pratum by spirituale of the recently deceased Alexandrian patriarch John the wrote a Life 44 (d. composed a number of and in a classical 620), Almsgiver poems 45 ), one lamenting the Persian sack of anacreontica Jerusalem. ( style 46 North 620s Sophronius journeyed to the Africa. point At in some met the monk Maxim us the Confessor, There the two formed he and friendship was a deep which them through see difficult years to the ahead, when were called upon to play they roles in the disputes leading then the Christian world. In the autumn of 633 Sophronius convulsing to Jerusalem, he was subjected to "great constraint where travelled of the and of the beloved clerics on God, pious monks, force part laymen faithful all the citizens of the holy city of Christ," who and him patriarchal fill the to seat that had now been vacant for wished 47 two years. this capacity Sophronius fought the doctrines of Mo- In noenergism and propounded by Heraclius and Sergius, Monotheletism 48 all the (610-38). patriarch Amidst of this theological Constantinople controversy, plague and earthquake and invasion assailed the Byzantine little to divert the attention of church leaders. world, yet this served Indeed, was greater efforts, for it to precisely because of it spurred them beliefs these false that community Christian schisms was thus and the as afflicted, the is every writer on asserted subject in this by almost 49 period. Arabs, though make mention of the may they do they Hence, 44 paraphrase of this Life has survived (see under Sophronius in Bibliography I A below). 45 poem (no. 14) and two others on Jerusalem This 19 and 20) are commented (nos. an analysis of Sophronius' Land Called Holy, 226-31. For upon by Wilken, The were out that some 169-82, Poetes points who et melodes, anacreontica see Bouvy, composed Sophronius' youth. probably in 46 Maximus the Confessor, Diffloratio 74 ex epistola See PG 91, eiusdem, 142A. 47 Sopronius, Ep. synodica, PG 87, 3149B-C. 48 The controversy is documented by Murphy and Sherwood, Constantinople II et Formation III, brief discussion is given by Herrin, 303-12; of Christendom, 133-260, 206-10, 213-14, and most recently by Meyendorff, Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions, 333-73. 49 For some examples see the entry on the "Tool of God's Wrath" in Chapter 12 below.

88 Greek Sources 69 so and only ever tangentially to or in corroboration of the only briefly in hand. main task Arab Jerusalem first wave of the attacks, As during of patriarch affected by their activities. His first remarks was Sophronius directly in his long synodical letter. This document unfortunately are found date. no a letter to Pope Honorius, also undated, Sergius re- bears In after of Cyrus' proclamation that union between the contesting lates the churches in Egypt on Chalcedonian basis of "a and Monophysite theandric energy" in Christ (June 633), single had come to Sophronius him Constantinople and they had decided upon an interdiction of in then talk or two energies of Christ (psephos ), which he had one any of to and confirmed by Cyrus to Sophronius. The communicated letter had set off by sea and was now patriarch of Jerusalem, latter although, not yet received from him the customary synodical have says "I Sergius, 5° this time for travelling, letter." suggests that Sergius' letter Allowing probably was late 633 or more in early 634, and Sophronius' written com- letter perhaps as late as the summer of 634. The latter synodical munique above all a confession and restatement of the Chalcedonian is to the promulgation of Monoenergism. It composed in faith, reaction an to list of heretics requiring with be anathema- concludes extensive amid and the final paragraph, in the valedictions, Sophro- tised, then Christ-loving to "our that God may grant and hope his nius expresses gentle emperors:" most a strong pride to break vigorous sceptre of all the and the and especially of barbarians, Saracens who, on account the of sins, have now risen our against us unexpectedly and up ravage all with cruel and feral design, with impious and god- ever, therefore, we entreat your than less More audacity. he, make petitions to Christ so that urgent re- to Holiness may quickly quell their ceiving these favourably from you, creatures, insolence deliver these vile and as before, to mad 51 the footstool of our God-given emperors. be 5 Concilia sacra, 11.532C-D; the letter occupies 11.529-37. ° 51 Sophronius, Ep. synodica, PG 87, 3197D-3200A. For an elucidation of the see theological of the letter content von Schonborn, Sophrone, 201-24. Olster,

89 70 Greek Sources December in later months few a comes comment next patriarch's The to pilgrimage Christmas usual the prevented had raids Arab 634. of in sermon Nativity his give to forced was Sophronius and Bethlehem, day a holy Christmas, that pleasure his expresses first He Jerusalem. 52 a Sunday, on occurrence its by blessed doubly year this was itself, in For vanquished. now was death Nativity the of because that exults and he us, towards bounty God's of worthy be to strive should we part, our and shepherds the as works good and faith of gifts bringing continues, cue the provides This Bethlehem. at Jesus to gifts their brought Magi home drive to them use and events current discuss to Sophronius for message: his serious and sins innumerable our of because however, We, pre- are and things, these see to unable are misdemeanours, Un- road. the of way by Bethlehem entering from vented required are we wishes, our to contrary indeed, willingly, but bonds, bodily by closely bound not home, at stay to 53 Saracens. the of fear by bound the see not do "we though paradise, from banned Adam like are We Saracen barbarous and wild the rather but sword, flaming twisting 54 like are We savagery." diabolical every with filled is which [sword], re- also plight our And land. promised the enter to forbidden Moses David: of that sembles god- the of army the now so Philistines, the of that once As bars and Bethlehem divine the captured has Saracens less if destruction and slaughter threatening there, passage our beloved our approach to dare and city holy this leave we 55 Bethlehem. sacred and of crux the reaches he as congregation his tells Sophronius answer, The for: will, God's do and repent to is homily, his towards attitude Sophronius' discusses 99-115, Response, Christian Defeat, Roman victory. Arab and empire Byzantine the 52 sermon. the for 634 of date the us gives that fact this is It 53 506. Sermon, Christmas Sophronius, 54 507. /bid., 55 514. /bid.,

90 Greek Sources 71 we live as is dear and pleasing to God, we would If were to over rejoice fall enemy and observe their of Saracen the the blood- witness demise. For their final near and ruin their loving their hearts, their bow will be broken blade will enter 56 fixed in them. be will their and arrows not our man for our sake and suffer on did behalf, asks For God become also who Sophronius, takes in this opportunity to affirm the sermon orthodox doctrine: one true God and God's son. with nature was His was He Father, while showed himself in appearance as a the he us. appear, two natures did he like as God and man In He yet no way separated. in remains one Christ, as man, alteration or adulteration touches him, no cleavage or no 7 5 division. patriarch's and most detailed description of the Arab at- The last appears in his sermon on the Holy Baptism delivered tacks the feast on 58 of 637. probably the year 636 the in Epiphany, The bulk of the or homily is devoted to elucidating the significance of Jesus' baptism at the hands John. It was, says Sophronius, an encounter between the of and the the former could not cure the disease incurred by Law Grace; beyond paradise, it could, for those who looked in its mankind but message, give instruction literal Christ. And the latter was the about ofthe Law, for Christ took our place in the accomplishment of the goal which he himself had given, and Law, alone realised its fulfilment. he away "the and ancient has now passed So and all has become new old 59 God, by Grace of Christ." through The baptism of Jesus is also the revealing about nature of God's omnipotence. Thinking in tradi- the if he John worried whether he would not be came burned terms, tional contact into the divinity, but, as Jesus with in his reply: "If states 56 Ibid., 515. 57 Ibid., 509. 58 the was usually reserved Th Epiphany, is sermon feast of Christ's baptism; re- for peated Byzantine defeats are mentioned, but not the siege or surrender of Jerusalem, though so December 636 or 637 is the most likely, 6 635 is also possible. 59 Sophronius, Holy Baptism, 155-56.

91 Greek Sources 72 say I God all-powerful, how would I not be able to do this in you a:rh of that burn you with the fire not my divine power a way such I do burn all, you who baptise at my command and not out of that may 6 ° Christ's baptism confirms to us presumptuousness?" Furthermore, is witnessed God and man, for the Father Himself Jesus that that both 61 is same divinity as the begetter," the and yet "how could "Christ of he been baptised were he incorporeal, and how have could have he his bowed the Baptist's hand had he not a body of like head beneath 62 ours?" to substance reflections Sophronius changes tack and proceeds to cat- After such length, Arabs' and victories at atrocities since this gives the alogue additional urgency to an entreaty to his listeners to rue and es- his evil deeds, which have occasioned Jesus' displeasure and their chew wrath: But present circumstances are forcing me to think differ- the are ently way oflife, for why our [so many] wars being about Why abound? raids Why do barbarian us? among fought the troops the Saracens attacking us? Why has there are of much and plunder? Why are there in- so been destruction cessant outpourings blood? are human the birds of of Why sky human bodies? Why have churches been the devouring down? pulled Why is cross mocked? Why is Christ, the is who of all good things dispenser the provider of the and joyousness of ours, blasphemed by this mouths ( eth- pagan justly stomasi) so that he "Be- cries out to us: tois nikois pagans," the among my name is blasphemed you of cause terrible this worst of all the the things that are hap- and is to us. God-hating is why the vengeful and That pening Saracens, the abomination of desolation clearly foretold to us by the prophets, overrun the places which are not allowed to them, cities, devastate fields, burn down villages, plunder the the monaster- holy churches, overturn sacred fire set on 60 Ibid., 158. 61 with Ibid., referring to Matthew iii.l7 ("This is my Son 159, whom I am well pleased"). 62 Sophronius, Holy Baptism, 162.

92 73 Greek Sources the arrayed against them, and Byzantine armies ies, oppose up fighting [of war] and add victory in the raise trophies are up more and more they raised to victory. Moreover, their blasphemy of Christ against the us and increase and wicked blasphemies against God. These utter and church, prevailing over God-fighters assiduously and boast of all, their who is the devil, and unrestrainably imitating leader, because which he has been expelled emulating vanity of his been assigned to the gloomy shades. Yet and from heaven not have accomplished this nor seized ones these vile would as to do and utter lawlessly all these a degree power such of had insulted the gift [of baptism] first unless things, we defiled purification, and in this way grieved first and the giver of gifts, and prompted him to be angry the Christ, us, with he is and though he takes no plea- though good of the fount kindness and not wishing evil, in sure being men. behold and destruction of ruin We are our- to the word truth, responsible for all these things and no in selves, for our defence. What found or place will be word will us for when be given defence all gifts taken these we have from and defiled him, with our befouled them everything 63 actions? vile Arabs who were referred to as barbarians and godless ( atheoi) in The 64 Christmas are now portrayed as God-hating ( theomiseis ) the Sermon God-fighters cross, theomachoi), who insult the and Jesus and the ( the of and whose leader is name devil. But the polemic comes God, the at the end of the oration, again serving merely as fodder for only patriarch's cannon, as a handy and vivid example of why homiletic the of reform. The appearance and Arabs is not of repent should one just in assumes it is itself-Sophronius another in a very long interest succession of Arab raids-it is significance that counts, its indication its Jesus' with his people. dissatisfaction of 63 Ibid., 166-67. 64 It could also be "hated by God," but consider the name of "God-killers" applied by Christians to Jews.

93 Greek Sources 74 65 Mart'in I Pope (649-55) born to parents of Perugia in the province of Tus- was Martin wealthy saw excellent it that he enjoyed an they education, which and to cany, position church ranks to the of papal legate in the his aided rise through subsequently and pope in Rome. The Roman church to Constantinople, increasingly resentful of imperial interference in their affairs had become mid-sixth was and when Martin the elected and conse- century, since Realising at an all-time low. crated, the need for greater relations were of belief in the eastern provinces after a uniformity of Persian period occupation 613-28), Heraclius and his patriarch at Constantinople, (ca. Sergius, had find and impose common ground under the attempted to one (Monotheletism) (Monoenergism) and one will of banner energy Though some with Christ. success in meeting in the and ini- East tially accepted by Honorius I (625-38), the innovations were vig- pope the two influential figures Sophronius and Maximus by opposed orously Confessor. John IV (640-42) and Theodore (642-49) gave the Popes their support and denounced the them doctrines. Despite the dan- new gers in defying imperial inherent authority, Martin quickly convened a three at which an anathematisation of Monotheletism and its synod main Sergius, Pyrrhus (638-41, 654) and Paul exponents-patriarchs (641-53)-was drawn This Lateran Synod of 649 was another II up. the earned to East-West separation and on for Martin milestone road 66 exile. imprisonment and meantime, Byzantine the were fighting a losing battle In generals Arab troops who, using the Syrian against Negev-Sinai deserts and throughout the Middle East spread rapidly as were able to conduits, establish events, there. Far removed from these and Martin a hold he never the himself except to deny that mentions ever had any Arabs dealings with them. The rebuttal occurs in a letter composed upon his friend in and addressed to his 653 Theodore, a monk at June arrest 65 Martin's the Acts of the Lateran Council of 649 was written letter accompanying as Greek Concilium Lateranense, ix, xvii-xviii), (Riedinger, may well have been in many of those concerned with the East, including the one quoted in this entry. On of his Liber pontificalis, no. 76; Mann, Lives see the Popes in the Early Middle life Ages, 385-405; Accademia Tudertina, Martino I Papa. 66 well issues and consequences of the controversy are The brought out by Herrin, Formation of Christendom, 183-219, 250-90.

94 Greek Sources 75 the in Jerusalem, averring that he was neither a Spoudaios monastery a traitor: heretic nor as did to the Saracens nor, letters some At no I send time (tom us) as to what they should believe; statement a say, I ever despatch money, except only to those neither did that place for the sake of alms, God of to servants travelling little not we supplied to them was certainly the and which 67 the to Saracens. conveyed of complicity with The Arabs was of course an obvious accusation the it time at a figure one wished to discredit, since at that level one to high treason and betrayal of the imperial cause. It was also an meant matter such a charge to Martin, for the Monothelete to impute easy compelled in to become heavily involved had the affairs him controversy in of writing letters to clerics Eastern what was then Arab- the church, land and even appointing a vicar there-one John, bishop of occupied 68 East. agent in the his ('Amman)-to Two years later Philadelphia be was called to trial to answer a similar charge, that of Maximus having 69 and Africa to the Saracens. Egypt surrendered this we obliged to regard Though report with extreme suspicion, are come to bearing in mind that attempts certainly were made worth it is in the same fashion as with other the Arabs with understandings to and governor of Egypt, wished to pay Cyrus, "barbarians." patriarch "Ambros, phylarch of the Saracens" and recommended that: tribute to Augusta or another of Eudokia emperor's daughters should "The the offered in marriage (to Am bros) with a view to his being conse- be 70 a holy bath and becoming the Christian." baptised Again, in quently 67 Ep. 14, PL 87, 199A (= PL 129, 587C). Peeters, "Une vie greque Martin, place S. 1," shows that there are inconsistencies in Martin and time among du him suspect tampering by arrest, which makes the documents concerning Martin's transmitter of Martin's letters. Devreesse, Anastasius (wr. 870s), the the Librarian of the texte l'Hypomnesticum de Theodore Spoudee," accounts "Le some for de grec relied that the anonymous Greek Life upon by Peeters discrepancies and indicates is itself often at fault. See further Rotter, Abendland und Sarazenen, 182-94. 68 Martin, 5-8, PL 87, 154-67. Ep. 69 Maximus, motionis §1, PC 90, 112A-B. Relatio 70 Nicephorus, §23 (tr. Mango, 73). See on this Nau, "La politique matrimoniale below. Chapter 13 the entry on the Cyrus," of Egypt" in de and "Conquest

95 Greek Sources 76 Kataias, governor Osrhoene, "sought out 'Iyad bar Ghanm John of and agreed give him 100,000 denarii a year for the Qinnasrin at to if west Arabs would stay on the Mesopotamia bank of the whole of the of action, John incurred the wrath however, Her- for Euphrates," which 71 deposed. and For a long was to come, collusion with the time aclius the worst sort of offence in Byzantine eyes and such words Arabs was and their entered "Saracen-minded" vocabulary as "Saracen-lover" as 72 terms derision. abuse and of 73 the Confessor (d. 662) Maxim us grew up near Tiberias and at Maximus early age entered the mon- an Mar Chariton, south of Bethlehem. The Persian invasion astery of him to Palestine, first to Asia Minor and Crete, then to flee obliged Africa, he arrived in the North and came into contact with where 620s numerous refugees. particular, he came In the influence of other under who awakened in Sophronius, him an of the danger of the new awareness the just be disseminated in to Christian world. Upon beginning heresy death of his friend and the Maximus carried on the struggle, mentor defending blessed "my my master, and teacher" against those father whereas "murmur here and there that he had wandered into error, who and preaching with wisdom the divine dogmas of the teaching he was 74 church." the end the fight cost him his life; he was twice catholic In 71 Syriac 637-38. CS, s.a. 72 during was "Saracen-minded" around sarrakenophron) the debate over ( bandied being applied to John of Damascus ( Concilia sacra, icons, Beser (ibid., 13.356), 12.269; 414) and Leo III (ibid., 405). Note also how the Muslims' Theophanes, official many themselves, muhajir ( name in Greek), soon gave rise to for magarites derogatory among Greek and terms (Kahane, "Die Magariten"). Latin-speakers 73 Maximus' biography is complicated by the fact that there are considerable dis- 3 , Lives (see Halkin, BHG 2.106-107, nos. 1233m- crepancies Greek between the and Syriac 1236d) a of the seventh century (for discussion see the entry Life on Garrigues, Resh'aina" in Chapter 4 below). of "La personne composee du "George Christ d'apres Saint Maxime le Confesseur," and Louth, Maximus the Confessor, offer a good to Maximus' life and ideas; de Vocht, "Maximus Confes- introduction extensive sor," a recent survey of the gives bibliography on Maximus. 303-304, 74 Maximus, Ep. 13, PG 91, 533A; Di.ffloratio 74 ex epistola eiusdem, PG 91, see 142A. Maximus' relations with Sophronius For Sherwood, Annotated Date List, 28-30.

96 Greek Sources 77 interrogated and 656, brought to trial in 662 and died in exile in in 655 year. same the Africa since ca. 628, resided to Rome late had in moving Maximus the 646 order to wage more effectively in battle for right or 645 early so was less in touch or less concerned with events in the and belief, than East out of his voluminous writings we find Indeed, Sophronius. 75 brief to the Arab incursions. letter It occurs in a reference one only written governor of Numidia, then in Alexandria, requesting Peter, to be, Alexandrian Cosmas may, if need deacon avail himself of that the good offices with "the God-honoured Peter's namely Patriarch pope," 76 The main business of the letter over, Maximus is about to end Cyrus. a customary of caution, advising that "in addition to God's with note should are vigilant and pray, lest we we caught by commandments, be in of ... for if we persevere snares our prayer we shall the temptations God's saving grace to us ... and show attract victorious over ourselves power." But then, contemporary events coming into his contrary every mind, he on to say that such action is particularly required at the goes time circumstances present are so grave: when indeed, For is more dire what the evils which today than afflict the world? What is more terrible for the discern- ing than unfolding events? What is more pitiable and the for those endure them? To see a barbarous frightening who the though overrunning another's lands as of people desert 75 Christian Some Olster, Roman Defeat, (most Response, 88) writers recently claimed have Maximus makes a reference to Arab incursions in his letter of 632 that Cyzicus of (see n. 6 above). However, Maximus is here speaking John, to bishop carnal of thoughts 8, PG 91, 444), which he first compares to the wounds (Ep. Habakkuk by in inflicted x.34, then to the Arabian wolves in robbers i.8, Luke Arabia being the west, i.e. the flesh, which is the enemy of the spirit. Thereafter Maxim us more specific (ibid., 445), asking John to inform him "if it is true becomes all barbarians has receded of the physical that (i.e. the Persians) on whose threat as account a long distance by sea, attached such I was to my life." I I travelled am very grateful to Professor Cyril Mango for clarifying this point for me. 76 Maximus, 14, PG 91, 533-44 (the Ep. cited are from 537-41). The extracts Arab invasions have evidently begun, but not yet reached Alexandria, which places Annotated Date List, 40-41). The (Sherwood, between the 634 and 640 letter following extract is also translated and discussed by Dagron, "Juifs et chretiens," 39-41.

97 Greek Sources 78 their they'were see civilisation itself being ravaged own; to and by whose form alone is human. untamed wild beasts lines; against Arabs lasts but a few outburst the sting of angry This the is reserved for the Jews against whom Maximus' fulminates venom he over for a page: delighted the who have long people, in seeing Jewish see To flow other of who know no men, means of pleasing the blood than destroying His creation ... who deem themselves God be God well by serving precisely what He detests, doing to are who deprived of faith in the world and so the most the to welcome hostile forces ... who announce by ready most actions the presence of the Antichrist since they ig- their this that true Saviour ... the people who are the of nored of crime, the agent of master the enemy of truth, falsehood, ... the of the faith persecutor What is more terrify- savage a see to the eyes and ears of Christians than for ing, I say, alien authorised to raise its hand against nation and cruel inheritance? But it is the multitude of sins com- divine the by us that has allowed this. mitted policy Heraclius' the fears that he held in 632 over view In Maximus' baptism of Jews-"that apostasy expected according to the of forced apostle might well begin with the mixing of these people with the the the and that might well appear as "that clear and sure sign faithful" 77 the famous end of all things" to -were now coming ever closer of Arabs are simply extras in the eschatological drama The realisation. the occupying the leading role. with Jews Polemicists of the Seventh Anti-Jewish Century As invasion followed Persian Arab the Christians of the occupation, Byzantine Near East must have felt increasingly hounded and demor- alised. Political supremacy was their most demonstrative argument for and guarantee of their superiority over other faiths. Without it, the 77 expected Ep. 8, "end;" the Maximus, apostasy is a reference to 2 Thessalonians ii.3.

98 Greek Sources 79 jibe constantly to aim at the Jews, that they were a sub- they used with whom was angry, would lose its sting and could ject people God 78 against not "We have turned been condemned to be them. easily of reproached by the shame been captivity at lamentation nor Jewish of brigands," gloats Domitianus, bishop of Melitene, in 590, the hands 79 when the was restored to the Romans. city But lit- Martyropolis of been than later this boast had a century turned on its more half tle the late seventh century Greek apologetic work, known as a head. In Damascus, the Jewish Trophies counters the mockery of of disputant Christian antagonist you the following retort: "If things are as with his you? it enslavements are befalling that Whose are these is how say, up? Against so many wars stirred are What lands? whom devastated 80 [so much] fought as the other nation And continuing is Christians?" led the Byzantine provinces soon question to the of Arab domination the that it evident is Christians Christians: "How even posed being by 81 a faith all the faiths under heaven ?" superior to have with a volley of anti-Jewish tracts designed responded Churchmen balance the polemical disil- and to revive the spirits of their to redress 82 reverse Their tactic was Christian to the formula that lusioned flock. 78 The jibe still features in Anastasi us of Sinai, Dialogue against the Jews, PG 89, 59-60; = Papiscus and Philo IX, of ibid. XVI, 78-79; Trophies Dialogue 1221A-B Damascus of These three works are related and have been studied Il.2, 217-20. Friihgeschichte 253-68, ostkirchlichen Bilderlehre, Thiimmel, who concludes by der a of Dialogue, which is effectively Anastasius manual for countering that Sinai's century. seventh the Later, of third quarter the in was arguments, Jewish composed into still seventh century, it was reworked the a debate, namely the Dialogue but in Papiscus and Philo (another reworking is represented of question no. 137 of the by 28, to Antiochus Dux in PG Questions 684-700), and also was drawn upon so-called by the author of the Trophies of Damascus. See further Deroche, "La polemique Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, 221-23, anti-judalque," 281-82; I

99 Greek Sources 80 was validated imperial victory, stressing instead that the rites truth by of still the holy places and throughout much prevailed Christianity in 83 the church remained vigorous, and the that world, that of arguing that the empire would soon recover this and that God was proof itself the The very first words Christians. the Trophies of of favoured still divine and invincible church of God"-strike Damascus-"Of the this author is aware that "others" hold Jerusalem, but as- The defiant note. remain "as the head and the empire as firm, all the body that long serts itself with ease," and he will Damascus as "the illus- renew proclaims 84 reply stinging face In the Jew's of the beloved Christ." of trious city above, the Christian is unabashed: quoted is the most astound- "This ing thing, though embattled, church has remained invincible that the the and strike out against it, all foundation and indestructible, while 85 pursued And this same tack is remained with great unshaken." has Defeat, 116-37, as examples of imperial apologetic by Syrian Christian Response, of introduction the general context to sixth-eighth century Byzantine Melkites. An is given by Cameron, "Disputations, Forma- Literature and the Polemical polemic Weapons: of the Early Byzantine Period," 99-108; eadem, "Texts as in Opinion tion Polemic in the Byzantine Dark Ages." 83 "What place out of those God E.g. to you do you hold today? Rather all gave have taken from you and been For has He to us. given if you say Mount them Sinai, where you received the law though took no notice of it, Christ is glori- fied there And if you say the Jordan, where your people then crossed, today. was baptised and he Christ there by there. And if you say Jerusalem glorified us is Christ and crucified there and his sufferings are celebrated there today. Zion, was if you say the Mount of Olives ... Bethlehem ... But why do I say Bethlehem, Or and West, traverse the Zion survey the East, scan all the [lands] under Jordan; Britannic those furthest western regions of the world-and heaven-the islands, will find the [rites] of the Jews and Hellenes antiquated you annihilated, but and those Christ given credence, honoured and confirmed" of of Sinai, Di- (Anastasius alogue against the Jews, 1221B-C = Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo IX, 60; cf. Trophies of II.2.2, 217-18, and nn. 141-42 below). Note that it is not Damascus that there Christians hold any of these places, but that "Christ is glorified the said today." 84 II.2.4, 220; Il.3.4, 222; "title," 189. Ibid. 85 the 222. Ibid. also IV.5.8: "Does [not] II.3.4, church stand to the ends of Cf. the earth, yes or no? Are [not] the cross and Christ worshipped in all the nations, unbelieving, yes Have [not] the sick, believing and no? sat down by the relics of or saints and been cured? Has a tyrant or king or ruler or any authority been able of to our faith since the advent terminate Christ? Not at all. Has the foundation

100 Greek Sources 81 in two treatises, Anastasius of Sinai's Dialogue against the vigour other Jews the of Papiscus and Philo: anonymous and Dialogue that afflicted Christians are today say and en- Do not we the greatest thing, that though persecuted This is slaved. by so many, our faith stands and and not cease, fought does is empire abolished, nor are our churches closed. nor our the persecute who dominate and amid us, we But peoples engage we crosses, found churches and churches, have erect 86 sacrifices. in second sensitive subject for the A was veneration of im- Christians and of this practice is justification salient feature of the another ages, 81 of century. Leontius of Neapolis' Apology, the disputations seventh Dialogue Trophies Anastasius of Sinai's Damascus, against the the of Jews, Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo, the treatises of Jerome of the and Bostra-all of Jerusalem include at least a brief defence Stephen 88 in the cross and of icons. The same thesis is largely the of worship of of the are not each: objects images adoration, but are rev- themselves erenced for what they remind one of and for what they signify. That it was felt to repeat this message, however, suggests that Chris- necessary was pushed the defensive by its more iconoclastic rivals, tianity onto 89 Islam, by its own and of self-confidence. lack Judaism and of Damascus also treats circumcision and direction of The Trophies Both these themes and veneration of prayer. feature in later objects fallen it was placed? Far from it. Has the church been shaken by the hand of since man? Far it." from 86 Jews, of Sinai, Dialogue Anastasi the us PG 89, 1221C-D:::: Dialogue of against Papiscus and Philo IX, 60-61. Thiimmel, Friihgeschichte der ostkirchlichen Bilder- is 260-61, that the former text convincingly by Anastasius; on the argues lehre, text and McGiffert, Dialogue between a Christian latter a Jew, 28-47. see 87 230-36; Described "The Icons before Iconoclasm," by Gendle, "Leon- Baynes, of Neapolis." tius 88 References given by Deroche, "La polemique anti-Juda"ique," 278-80, and see relevant the in n. 82 above. The cited sections of each work are edited, literature translated and discussed by Thiimmel, Friihgeschichte der ostkirchlichen Bilder- 231-40, 340-67 (nos. 70-77). 127-49, lehre, 89 chapter. the entry on "Germanus" in this See

101 Greek Sources 82 90 anti-Muslim and one wonders whether their presence Christian tracts, already Trophies that its author indicates had some of the Damascus in be It necessary that this should not so, since is knowledge Islam. of relevance to discussion with Jews, each topic is of of the but appearance all reinforced And this is is suggestive. by the together three impression the same items by two other writers consideration the later sev- of of century, Jacob, bishop of Edessa (684-88), and the author enth namely which work to Antiochus Dux, Questions is attributed the entitled of of Alexandria (d. 373), but bears evidence of to in Athanasius being, 91 This a of the seventh century. least, product unprecedented part at in these interest three is best accounted for by assuming that issues 92 of the former Byzantine provinces the took note of the inhabitants 93 that victorious Arabs were, like the Jews, circumcised, the fact newly and the contemptuous of images, and began to praying towards south about the relationship of imperial defeat to Christian questions raise perhaps to ponder whether the and might not be Christians practice, 94 in error. the Modern scholars ones ask why Christian author- often 90 century three feature in the mid-eighth already Disputation of a monk All topics of J:Iale (see the entry thereon in Chapter 11 Beth note that they are also below); 4.XII, John of Damascus, De fide orthodoxa (LXXXV, 4.XVI, 4.XXV by treated LXXXIX, XCVIII). 91 Jacob of Edessa, Letter to John the Stylite no. 14, fol. 124a (direction of prayer); Replies to no. 96 ("why do we prostrate before images?"); Questions to Addai, Dux nos. (direction of prayer), 38 (circumcision), 39-41 (images), PG 37 Antiochus 617D-624B. information on the latter text see the 28, on "Anastasius of entry For Jacob's letter relevant part of The to John the Stylite is chapter. in Sinai" this in the entry on "Sacred Direction in Islam" in translated 13 below. Chapter 92 Antiochus Trophies 111.7.6-7, 252, Questions to Damascus Dux no. 37, In of 28, 620B, and Jacob of Edessa, Letter to John the PG no. 14, fol. 124a, it Stylite is why the Jews pray south (cf. asked 1234, 1.230, on the Muslims praying Chron. south). Since the Jews pray towards Jerusalem, the questioners must be Syria, from or possibly Palestine. Phoenicia northern 93 a people they were 0r as least who practised circumcision; cf. at regarded anecdote about Heraclius the that his empire would be laid waste by a dreaming "Fredegar" (see the entry on 6 below). in Chapter race circumcised 94 In the course of its reply to the question: "For what reason, when Christ was Questions circumcised, not circumcised like him," we to Antiochus Dux no. 38, are PG 28, 620C, quotes Galatians v.2 ("If you be circumcised, Christ shall profit you that we know clearly all who are circumcised are continues: "Thus nothing") and as (hellenes), whether Christ, faithful or unfaithful, whether Jews or pagans to alien

102 Greek Sources 83 did ities refute the Muslims directly instead of subsuming not then the rubric the Jews. It is, however, doubtful whether them under of the from a religious threat considered the be- the Christians Muslims lent their and their practices triumphs weight rather military ginning; to of the Jews, who, freed of Byzantine rule, were in the arguments 95 the offensive. Furthermore, the Jews were both go on a position to at and enemy; the Christians could familiar least boast easier more an of an empire, and they some the Jews' scriptural po- sort understood disputational material upon a large corpus well as as having sition of 96 could they which draw. composing such texts, an author would often simply insert When and into earlier treatises or flesh them out discussions topical references arguments very citations, frequently with older little editing. with and to be very difficult date. For example, can these Consequently, writings remarks on Christian defeats the Jewish interlocutor in the Tro- amidst of consider is invited to Damascus how the holy places and the phies 97 held including Britain, are the by the Christians. extremities earth, of one can hope to do is to search All indications that might allow one for though in the Mosaic law, and glorifying not followers of Christ," which sounds are the about opinion is reasoning from Paul's statement to give his author the like Muslims. 95 Defeat, Christian Response, 123-25, is the latest in a line of 0lster, Roman perceive Arabs" as "oblique attacks on the to and claim "Moslem influ- scholars all of The to the Christian in Trophies question Damascus, "why do you Jew's ence." finds the east if not because you worship "almost sun," which Olster the to pray ca. prompt Tertullian (wr. 200) to refute to was enough common unprecedented," s.v. Cheetham, Apology (reference given in Smith and "East"); DCA, his it in and this given in Questions to Antiochus the for reason practice, "in order Dux to face paradise, whence we fell, our ancient land and homeland," is "one of the most frequent" and Cheetham, (Smith s.v. "East," gives examples), DCA, which unusual" "very certainly not a response to not and perceived Moslem obsession "a the paradise" Olster asserts. See the entry on as "New Jews" in Chapter 12 with below. 96 Moreover, new genres do not emerge overnight and, as Harris, "A Tract on the against those has shown, tracts God," Muslims developed out of of Triune Nature against See also Lamoreaux, Jews. Polemics against Islam;" Cameron, "Christian "Byzantines and Jews." 97 see of Damascus Il.2.2, 218. For the apology's sources Trophies Bardy, "Trophees de Damas," 184-88; Deroche, "La polemique anti-juda'ique," 281-82.

103 Greek Sources 84 isolate the layers of redaction. Thus Anastasius of Sinai to different against the Jews that: Dialogue in us tells his the up has ever been given of to No emperor Christians barbarians, even though so many nations have by death the empire. Not only the emperor [himself], but they the fought to eliminate his picture with the cross from were unable also currency nomisma), even though some tyrants gold ( the Do not consider this a trivial attempted insignificant it. and {that embattled faith has not our and is still ceased thing not not blotted chosen for if God had out}, and standing the [other] faiths, He would not loved ours all and above kept have it among the wolf-like nations. Besides, intact not permit a false faith to prevail over all the would God 98 extremities of the earth. proceeds to give more detail, which is Anastasius m the reproduced Dialogue Papiscus and Philo: of from was able to abolish or take one us the seal of How no gold? many kings How the gentiles, Persians and Arabs of attempted and were in no this able? Thus God wished way reign we that, even if the Christians are persecuted, show to empire the sign of our gold is a sign of Christ all. over For a sign is not that the faith and the Tell me, it if himself. the Christians is eternal, invincible and indelible, of empire how it that all you who hate and blaspheme the cross of is have fallen Christ How are you unable away? remove the to 99 gold, but even cross receive it? of readily 98 of Sinai, Dialogue against the Jews, Anastasius 89, 1224A-B. This passage, PG except the words in curly brackets for are, however, in Dialogue of Papiscus (which 624C- 28, IX, 61), is also found in Questions to Antiochus Dux no. 42, PG Philo and to where the second part of the answer constitutes the question: "How is it D, it that the Christians have a faith evident to all the faiths under heaven?" The superior mention "some tyrants attempted it" that been taken as a possible reference has to Mu'awiya's alleged minting of coins without the cross (see the entry the on 4 below for discussion). Chapter Chronicler" in "Maronite 99 Dialogue against the Jews, PG 89, 1224C-D = Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo of X, For the numismatic significance 61-62. these extracts see Kaegi, Byzantium

104 Greek Sources 85 The again to the Byzantine gold currency, the nomisma, reference is the bore Christ and was taken by these and earlier writ- cross which of 100 the might of the symbolise empire. By 697 the to indomitable ers cross coinage that replaced the issuing with Is- Muslims had begun this before texts must have been composed these inscriptions, lamic so most likely after 640, since the Arabs are included among the date and 101 Byzantine of challengers rule. of Damascus provides four indications of the date of The Trophies unfortunately none decisive. Two appear in the title: its composition, year of the God-supported Constantine, our emperor "the twentieth Constantine, in the month of after of indiction 9." The ruler August, referred here could either be Constans (641-68), officially known to Constantine, as after his who ruled III 641 ), or Constantine father ( (668-85), who succeeded his father Constans. The Constantine IV but would be either 661 or 688, then neither year falls twentieth year 102 ninth indiction (651, 666, 681). one At the point in the text in and Early Islamic Conquests, 223-27, who, however, wrongly states this passage the to be in the Dialogue against the Jews. only 10 Cosmas Indicopleustes (wr. 553), Christian Topography, 2.LXXVII: "There °Cf. another exists sign has the of the Romans of God domination granted them, which I mean the fact that all nations do business with their currency, and that in every place, from end of the earth to the other, it is accepted and admired by every one and every man kingdom." 101 statements Dialogue that 800 or more Anastasius' have now passed The in years time since Christ (PG 89, 1225D) and since the destruction of the Jews by the of and Vespasian (PG 89, 1237B) must therefore belong to later redactions, as is Titus argued by Friihgeschichte der ostkirchlichen Bilderlehre, 258-59 (he also Thiimmel, elapsed the different figures for years of since the Jews' the discusses significance loss independence given in Dialogue of of and Philo). Papiscus 102 to 9 could a mistake for indiction 4 (emend Indiction be delta), which theta would then agree with the twentieth year of Constans, 661. Bardy, "Trophees de Damas," 176, that we assume Constantine IV began ruling jointly with his suggests ca. of and that the author is counting from this time, the date 661 compo- father sition being 681. Deroche, "L'authenticite de l'Apologie de Leontios de therefore offers Neapolis," 34, favours 661, but n. no justification. Olster, Roman Defeat, 660 inter- "674-75," 21, 128, 131, gives "about 690," "early 680s," Response, Christian the the "as long as the head preting phrase empire remain firm, all the body will and renew itself with ease" as "an oblique reference to the first Arab siege (upon Con- the 670s," which seems somewhat strained. Thiimmel, Friiheschichte of stantinople) Dialogue Sinai's of 264-68, argues that Anastasius Bilderlehre, ostkirchlichen der

105 Greek Sources 86 Christian interlocutor, the idea of a beleaguered Christian the refuting "The realm, been in peace for a long time and our church states: had a profound yet And it is not enjoyed 50 years since empire had peace. 103 wars" were If "the present instigated." intend the present the wars this would place the date Arab completion somewhere campaigns, of the But one can hardly describe the period before the Arab 680s. in for time of "profound peace" the Christians; possibly the incursions as a as is Persian and Arab attacks the one and the same author regarding raids-and is counting 50 phenomenon-barbarian from the entry years of Persians into his region (Damascus was taken in 613). Finally, the is stated the Jews have been leaderless and dispersed for 600 it that author which to 670, assuming the us is counting from the years, takes of the Temple; but the figure of 600 is obviously rounded destruction 104 and only can an approximate indication. offer It is perhaps safer up to this text as of the mid to late seventh century and not to try regard tie to down further. it author evidently The feels strong allegiance to Byzantine rule. still is calendar his and emperor," and "our empire" of He "our speaks the the regnal years of and emperor. The by regulated indictions still has had, it is true, to contend Christian several barbarian kingdom with but the end "all the body in renew itself with ease." To offensives, will been had Mu'awiya 661, July 31 on us seems this when, optimistic ruler all Muslims by their sole the and Damascus had as recognised 05 Muslim capitaP import Yet, though of momentuous become the appeared the event might not have this so significant at future, for time. Christians still predominated in the city, their churches had the 106 been harmed, the city walls remained intact. not Arabs had long constituted a proportion of the region's population and the substantial the empire's Arab allies, had based themselves Ghassanids, Byzantine the Jews was a source for the Trophies, which would against a date of com- make than in the 660s. more in position the 680s seem likely 103 Trophies of Damascus II.3.2, 221. 104 230, II.6.8, /bid. 105 'fabarl, 2.199. 106 Futii~, 126; Shboul, "Umayyad Damascus." And the Muslims re- Baladhurl, to a small prayer place outside the Christian for their worship mained confined la omayyade"). 705 (N asrallah, "De mosquee cathedrale de Damas ala until basilica

106 Greek Sources 87 in nearby Jabiya and exerted much influence in the province. The city also enjoyed a cosmopolitan reputation, so the composition of the audience at the debate-"a crowd of Hellenes, many Saracens, some Samaritans, a community of Jews and an assembly of Christians"- 07 was in no way unusuai.l The Muslims were, of course, the catalyst for all this apologetic literature in that their predations could easily be interpreted as a sign of God's anger towards the Christians, and their successes seriously undermined the Christian claim that their possession of truth was confirmed by their possession of political dominion. But in the texts themselves the Muslims remain very much in the background, and it is the Jews who stand in the line of fire. They effectively became the Christians' punchbag; it was through hitting out against them that the Christians worked out their frustration, and through denigrating them that they salvaged some measure of self-esteem. The Miracles of S. Demetrius and S. George One of the most significant developments in Late Antique Christianity was the breaking down of the barrier between heaven and earth, be- tween the divine and the corporeal. And the best evidence for this con- junction was to be found at the spot where rested the body of a martyr. As the inscription stated on the grave of S. Martin at Tours: "He is fully 108 here, present and made plain in miracles of every kind." The belief in the intercessionary power of a saint's relics gave rise to an architecture of the dead, for Christians "filled the whole world with tombs and sepul- chres," and also to a literature of the dead, as stories circulating about the posthumous wonders worked at the shrine of its holy occupant were gathered and set down. During the seventh century we can observe a proliferation of such collections of miracle stories relating to the relics 109 of particular saints: of Artemius at Constantinople, of Cyrus and 107 Trophies of Damascus II.8.2, 233-34; though earlier the Arabs had been ab- sent from the list (ibid. II.l.l, 215: "a numerous crowd is present: Jews, pagans, Samaritans, heretics and Christians, for the place is public and in full view"), unless included among the pagans (hellenes). 108 Cited by Brown, The Cult of the Saints, 4; this book is an excellent study of the phenomenon. 109 This collection, which provides much topographical detail about the capital, dates from the mid-seventh century since miracles no. 23 and no. 41 are said to

107 Greek Sources 88 110 111 at Alexandria, Menu of Ptolemy at Upper Manuf, near John this 112 Anastasius wherever his remains alighted. the and of Persian our is a collection of miracles asso- within period Composed just figure of S. Demetrius at Thessalonica. An ciated with the attempt together of the relevant material had some made ca. to gather been 113 archbishop of the city, this and 615 was supplemented by John, in the 15th and 18th year respectively of Constans, that is 656 and 659 take place saints," "Les de miracles des antiques 32-38). recueils Delehaye, (see 110 the miracles worked at this shrine are recounted by Sophronius, 70 last of the his cure from an eye complaint, and prefaced own a panegyric of the two being by Since saints. the Almsgiver (611-20) is John as patriarch (Miracles no. mentioned 8, 87, 3437B [= Marcos, 253], and no. 11, 3454A [= 263]), Sophronius must PG written have or at least gathered the material, during his second stay the collection, and for he and John Moschus left Alexandria Rome in 615. Sophronius in before he in encomium (PG 87, 3420A) that prefatory will only report the promises his heard had from own to his which he was witness or in accomplished miracles time, eyewitnesses, (Miracles iatrosophist of Petra the no. 30, 3513C-3520D but Gesius 302-306]) lived at the end of the fifth century (pointed out by Festugiere, Col- [= lections grecques miracles, com- n. 1). There are a number of studies on this de 222 in pilation; see Delehaye, particular recueils "Les de miracles des saints," antiques 19-32; Nissen, "Medizin und Magie bei Sophronius;" de Jong, "Demonic Diseases in Sophronios' Thaumata;" Festugiere, Collections grecques de miracles, 217-37. and 111 Ptolemy Egyptian martyr before Chalcedon and so belongs to the univer- was an church, sal but only celebrated by the Copts and the collection of six miracles he is One him almost certainly a Monophysite invention. are of the miracles to assigned place "in the time when the nation of the Muslims took possession of this takes and land many towns within the confines of Fayyum." Some stray as far as raided shrine the Ptolemy, who appears to them as an imperial cavalryman and causes of to they blinded and paralysed until them return the church vessels they had be Epiphanius, stolen. of bishop oversaw their ':fal).a, "then this blessed bishop return, recorded the marvels of the holy Ptolemy which he had witnessed in his days" (Mir- acles of no. 4). See MacCoull, "Notes on Some Coptic Hagiographical S. Ptolemy, 14-16. Texts," 112 us the Persian (d. 628) For his miracles see now Flusin, Saint Anastasi and le Perse. For the growth in importance of miracles in early Christianity Anastase Empire, the of Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric of comments 208-14; and see Lieux saints et pelerinages d'Orient, sites see Maraval, for the development of holy 23-104. 113 place of Demetrius l.X, 112/109, Miracles S. "in the reign which followed takes that of the late Maurice." This suggests that the author is active in the days of (602-10), Heraclius name of Phocas the Maurice's usurper, was despised. when But in events described in this first collection of miracles mostly take place the

108 Greek Sources 89 and 677, perhaps by a subsequent archbishop. This updated ca. is provided one of the miracle stories, which narrates latter date by Slavic of had been accused a preparing an as- how Perbund, king, Constantinople and led off to was in chains. upon sault Thessalonica A his found on the emperor "preparing for battle deputation behalf 114 God-forsaking When it later became evi- the Hagarenes." against Perbund was plotting raids against dent he was ex- that Byzantium, which ecuted, provoked to Slavs Thessalonica. ''On the the besiege of July of the fifth indiction" they endeavoured to twenty-fifth storm the but a personal appearance by S. Demetrius saved the day. city, story clear that there had previously been a long makes Since this of the Greeks and Slavs Macedonia, the block- of peace period between Justinian must place before 688, when taken II led a vic- have ade evident also the Macedonian Slavs. It is against torious expedition generation the writing at least one is removed from the that author John, and so the most likely date archbishop the miracle is 25 July of 5 At this time the 677.U Constantine IV was indeed fight- emperor Byzan- the Arabs, who were conducting a naval campaign against ing tium. the emperor's freedom to come and go in and out of From and his of ships to aid the Thessalonicans, Constantinople despatch deduce the there was no siege of may capital itself by the that we undertaken rather of naval operations a series in the sum- but Arabs, months. mer more miracles are the Somewhat associated with the figure of diffuse number George (Lydda/Ramla). That a Diospolis of miracles had S. at effected posthumously by this martyr is been by the archdeacon stated composed by De situ terrae sanctae, and in the 520s, in his Theodosius the reign of Maurice (582-602), so the time of writing must be early in Heraclius' reign. 114 theop- 2.1V, "the fallen-away-from-God Hagarenes" (oi literally /bid. 209/198; hagarenoi). totoi 115 collection must have been composed soon The this date, since the au- after thor's was to record examples intention the saint's protection of that occurred of chronology The (Miracles of Saint Demetrius 2.IV, 208/198). times" our "in la collections elucidated by Lemerle, "La composition both is chronologie des et deux premiers livres des miracula S. Demetrii," and a thorough commentary on recueils them given in his Les plus anciens is des miracles de saint Demetrius, vol. 2.

109 Greek Sources 90 6 of 594) in the first of his books of miracles.U Tours And Gregory (d. the pilgrim Arculf heard a the 670s, Constantinople in visiting while two further from some knowledgeable miracles detailed of account men 7 of a full written collection of miracles does not appear the city.U But century, and the earliest manuscripts containing sixteenth the until 8 George at all are of the eleventh century.U S. The first any miracles of collection occurs in the Palestine at the time Byzantine-ruled miracle of emperor building a church at Diospolis in commemoration the when is of a so must George, posit an oral tradition or one number of S. either manuscripts. lost Six of eleven posthumous the involve the Arabs and most miracles that they antedate which makes it unlikely strike apologetic note, an eighth the some definitely belong to the ninth or tenth century, and 9 Of six, one takes place in Diospolis, the original site centuryY these 116 . 139 (in Diospolim .. Hierosolymitana, ubi sanctus Georgius mar- Geyer, ltinera van Theodosius; Dam, corpus eius et multa mirabilia fiunt): ibi est tyrizatus et of Mm·tyrs, 123-24 (no. 100): Gregory. Glory the 117 De locis sanctis 3 .IV, 288-94, recounts these two miracles which Adomnan, Arculf had on to him. A contemporary of Arculf, resident in Khuzistan, tells passed his story Persian commander who, during of a people's occupation the of Palestine (614-28), attempted to enter "the shrine of Mar Giwargis of Lydda," but both he and his were prevented from doing so soldiers divine power" "by ( Chron. Khuzistan, 27). 118 grecques de miracles, Festugiere, discusses the manuscript Collections 259-67, tradition likelihood of the existence of an ancient collection. See also Walter, and the Origins of the Cult of St. George," esp. 317 ("we can be fairly sure that an "The collection early St. George's Miracula did exist in Greek"). of 119 this George, nos. 2 (discussed in S. paragraph), 3 (a youth work- Miracles of at the martyrium of S. George in a raid is taken captive during Paphlagonia ing to the and becomes personal of Hagarenes the general, servant but is demoted when he refuses to apostatise, then rescued by S. George), 6 (discussed in Chap- enters George 7 (a Saracen notable Dubia), the church of S. ter 9 below under his comrades, an arrow with fires saint's the which returns and strikes at image baptises and heals instructs, who church the of his the visits he hand; priest whereupon goes him, he to proclaim out and anathematise "the religion Christ of the Saracens" is subsequently martyred), 8 (tale of a soldier brought back and backdrop life to George related against the by of a Byzantine incursion into S. Syria), 9 (a youth of Mytilene seized in a raid by the Hagarenes of Crete is of miraculously back to Lesbos as a result transported his mother's prayers to S. George).

110 Greek Sources 91 of the Georgian cult, and is found in two eleventh-century manuscripts 120 linked together with the miracle of Byzantine Diospolis. It does, therefore, have some claim to be considered as early, and the mention that the Saracens had "taken prisoner all whom they encountered" suggests that the setting at least is the Arab conquests or soon after. The story tells how some Saracens rested and encamped in the city of Diospolis. They became drunk and boisterous, some even being so impudent as to eat inside the church of the martyr. When warned by a prisoner to respect the power of S. George, one soldier was pro- voked to throw his lance at the icon of the saint. But the lance re- turned and pierced its owner's heart, whilst many of his companions 121 were struck down as they fled, "as though smitten by a sword." Such instances of the capacity of icons to requite attacks are common- place in the literature of the sixth to ninth centuries, and are meant as both a rebuff to iconoclasts and a demonstration of the efficacy of Christian signs and images, and so of the supremacy of Christianity 122 itself. 120 Ibid., no. 2, which begins: "In this same city in which we said that the previous miracle took place," referring back to miracle no. 1. 121 Anastasius of Sinai, Narrat., B2 (= Nau, XLIV), tells a similar story, namely of a group of Saracens who commit outrages in the church of S. Theodore near Damascus, one going so far as to shoot an arrow at the icon of the saint, whereupon they are all killed. The protagonist in the first story narrated by Arculf hurls a lance at a stone image of George in Diospolis; the lance and the man's hand become stuck in the stone, but are freed when the man repents (Adomnan, De locis sanctis 3.IV, 229-31). 122 E.g. some Saracens fire an arrow at an icon of S. Theodore and are struck dead (see previous note); A~bagh ibn 'Abd al-'Azlz (d. 704) spits on an icon of the Virgin with Child and dies a few days later (Hist. Patriarchs XVII, PO 5, 52); some Hagarenes enter a church in the town of Gabala, on the coast of Syria, and one Saracen attempts to gouge out the eye of a saintly icon, but his own falls out (Concilia sacra, 13.80A-B: told at the Council of Nicaea in 787); Rawl;t al-Qurashi (d. 799), allegedly a relative of the caliph Hartin al-Rashid, shoots an arrow at an icon of S. Theodore in his church near Damascus, which then re- turns and pierces his hand (Anthony Rawl;t, Passion, §2). An example of a Chris- tian aggressor in our period is given by Theophanes, 406, who relates how Con- stantine, groom of the rogue emperor Artabasdus (741-43), threw a stone at an icon of the Mother of God and the next day was struck by a stone shot from a catapult.

111 Greek Sources 92 of Sinai ca. 700) Anastasiu's (d. born Anastasius early seventh century at Amathus, a town in was the 123 in part to As a young man, perhaps forced southern Cyprus. the of 124 in the Arab conquest of the island the 649, wake he set in flee of Stephen the Cypriot and entered the monastery of S. out with Cather- on Sinai, where he served as a monk under the leadership ine Mount 125 renowned Climacus. he After a number of years the re- John of his spending time sumed Alexandria, Clysma, Damascus in travels, 126 Jerusalem. he returned around Finally, to the monastery and 680 Mount Sinai, where over the following twenty years he set of about 127 knowledge and experience gained in his itinerant years. distilling the most well work is the Hodegos ("Guide")-commonly His known its the title, the Viae dux-a manual for by refutation of known Latin the and the true faith. At to beginning of Chapter III a guide heresies is stated: "We ask those who read this book that they also take note it the scholia inserted here and there. And if, as is likely, this book of 128 forgiveness." we beg the reader's errors, any These small contains 129 of which betray their composition in the scholia, or later, two 680s 123 other references us Sinai, Narrat., Cl8. Anastasi of to Cyprus see ibid., B7-9 For (= Nau, XLIX-LI), C14-15; Questions, no. 26 (= PG 89, 732D-733A, no. 94). On Cyprus at time, see Cameron, "Cyprus at the Time of the Arab Conquests." this 124 All to Cyprus concern events prior to the Arab invasion except the references B9 probably Nau, LI), which Narrat., occurred shortly afterwards. (= for 125 XXXII, A18 (= Nan, VI-VII, A3, XXXIV, XXXIX); see Nan, Ibid., A12-14, recits inedits du moine Anastase," 4-6, for "Les identification abbot the John of John Climacus. with 126 143-98 Viae dux X and of Sinai, and 201-10 (PG 89, 149A- Anastasius XII, and 196A-204A): debates in Alexandria; 193A C5-6, C8 (Clysma); B1-2 Narrat., (= XLIII-IV), C1, Cll-13 (at Damascus); B1, B4-5 Nau, XLIII, XLVI- (=Nan, VII), C3 (at Jerusalem). 127 That Anastasius wrote while at Sinai is stated openly once: "1, Anastasius, a dux of mountain Sinai, confess ... " (Viae holy X.3, 191 [= PG 89, 188A]), the monk earlier which apologises for any errors and may arise from his being in the desert he X.1, not access to certain texts (ibid. having 158 (160C]). Elsewhere he uses and the phrase "in the desert by us" (Narrat., A9, 28, B3 (=Nan, IV, XVIII, XLV)). Anastasius' The here is tentative as the only source for given biography is sketch allusions in his own works. 128 Anastasius of Sinai, Viae dux III.1, 76 (= PG 89, 88D). 129 "five XV.l, 264 (= PG 89, 257B), cites two festal letters, written Ibid. the years of "John, bishop of ago," Theodosians," usually identified with John

112 Greek Sources 93 are notes, but are integral to and make up a substantial not simply aside that text. of this, argues Richard, is explanation we the The portion of 130 of a work composed much have only The a revised version earlier. reference Monotheletism in the debates held to Anastasi us in of lack by indicates that they took place during the imperial Alexandria perhaps late talk energy or will in the Christ's 630s, and the of prohibition of the description suggests they were written up only a very few vitality of his Maspero the same observation, and made solution was later. years 131 debates occurred before that issue ever arose, so before 630. the the But potted history of the controversy in a sermon "on the Anastasius' of man God's image," dated ca. 700, similarly makes no creation in Maximus, the or any of of Sophronius, star players mention Sergius equally contest. remoteness in time accounts the well for the Thus in and this view is corroborated by the apparent omissions, awareness of any Muslim the Viae dux. In the absence of in cogent certain ideas 132 for an early reason date, it would better to assume that the work seem on memoranda, personal ca. 690 of the basis a whole compiled was as with the two introductory chapters on intentions and definitions being added last the introductory comments at the beginning of the (hence chapter). third patriarch of Alexandria (681-89); ibid. XIII.6, 231 (= PG 89, of Samanud, the who followers of Harmasius mentions was anathematised 224B), Harmasites, le Ecumenical the 681. See Richard, "Anastasius Council Sinai:te," 29- at of 32. 130 "Anastasius le Sinai:te," 32-35; accepted by Uthemann (see his Richard, edition of dux, ccvi...:_xviii). Viae 131 des Sinai:te," 35; Maspero, Histoire le patriarches Richard, "Anastasius d'Alexandrie, 339. 132 of Sinai, Viae dux X.3, 190 (= PG Anastasius 185C), notes the presence 89, of Augustalis at a debate, but this title an in use into the eighth century remained (Aphrodito Papyri, no. 1392). Richard, "Anastasius le Sinalte," 34-35, attributes bishop "the ... of him who is now letter of the Theodosians of Alexan- sixth festal arguing (626-65), the heading of Chapter XV, to Benjamin in mentioned dria," John of Samanud's reign was too short to allow that he write a sixth festal that is thinking of the scholium to still in office. Richard letter "five years ago" and be Theodosians, Chapter begins: "John, bishop of the which five years ago in two XV either that made this statement ... ," but there is nothing to suggest letters festal of these two sixth. letters should be John's festal

113 Greek Sources 94 is It almost exclusively hold Anastasius' at- the Monophysites who In Muslim beliefs. the does knowledge some of he exhibit tention, yet sets out the reasons preface, his undertaking, he states: where he for discussion any Before we must first anathematise all the which our adversaries might entertain about false notions Arabs, when to debate with the wish we first we us. Thus says two gods, or whoever says that anathematise whoever carnally begotten a son, or whoever worships as has God 133 created thing at all, god heaven or on earth. any in And later recounting a debate in which he participated at Alexan- when he comments: dria, they hear of "nature," they think of Severans) (the When the sexual organs of the shameful unbecoming things, and of men and women. Because of that they avoid this bodies of the Saracens. For when the word as were pupils if they at hear the birth of God latter of His genesis, they of and once imagining marriage, fertilisation blaspheme, car- and 134 nal union. Both passages indicate an awareness of the basic objections to Chris- tianity held Muslims: that it reveres Christ as God and says that by the born reiterated God, denial of which is was time and time again in he of 135 Qur'an. specifically, and more significantly, they More ac- the reveal the Muslims understood literal way in which quaintance with the very humanity. writer Jal;li? (d. 869), for example, reproaches The Christ's Christians because they allege "that God is Christ son of Mary the brothers', that addressed the disciples 'my Christ but then if the and 136 had sons, God would be their uncle!" disciples Such knowledge was have come ultimately from real discussion with Muslims. to only likely 133 41A). Sinai, Viae dux Anastasius 9 (= PG 89, of I.l, 134 Jbid. X.2, 169-70 (= PG 89, 169B-C). 135 Most notably in Chapter cxii, which was inscribed on the Dome of the Rock Excursus AH 77/696 (see F, nos. i-ii, below). and coins from Marwanid on 136 Ja4i~, "Al-radd 'alii l-na~iirii," 233. Cf. Leo-'Umar, Letter (Arabic), 27/13 so was seen by men ... circumcised, experienced 'Isa and (" ate, drank, slept, was fear

114 Greek Sources 95 Finally, seventh chapter, the author sarcastically remarks of the in the of Monophysite 538): "What a good student of the Antioch Severus (d. Arab part is this Severus, who accepts in and Jewish, Greek teachers the rejects part of them, as do and adherents of the the scriptures a 137 ranked with the infidel Jews, Unflatteringly Manichaeans." Greeks Manichaeans, Arabs also join them in being charged with se- and the in belief lective an accusation that in time became a scriptures, the 138 response. Christian standard great importance among the Also of Anastasius is his col- of works of writ- and answers. This is a problematic genre, for questions lection and copyists frequently often collections draw upon earlier ers heavily liberty and/or add new and topical issues at to blend material to feel 139 an that dating becomes provenance, uncertain task. of so different we have it in Gretser's edition in the Patrologia graeca, the As is work of two earlier collections. The first is combination an eleventh-century in preserved a of the ninth or tenth century and contains manuscript to Anastasius. The questions, 103 ascribes Richard confidently which found is of 88 questions second in manuscripts from the a florilegium tenth century onwards, most often attributed to Anastasius, but also to Anastasii Antioch of of Nicaea. uses the Questions of Anas- and It as though freely, and cites authors somewhat late as tasius of Sinai, of Constantinople, which places patriarch composition its Nicephorus, you consider him a god") can Letter (Aljamiado), fol. 98a; Wii~?il-Bash1r, how = 316 ("Did they not both (Jesus Disputation, Adam] eat food and drink, uri- and nate defecate, sleep and awaken, feel joy and grief?"). Cf. John of Damascus, and God 435 PG 96, 1345A): "If Disputatio, Saracen asks you: 'If Christ was (= the how he eat, drink, sleep did so forth' ... " and 137 Anastasius of Sinai, Viae dux VII.2, 113 (= PG 89, 120C). Maspero, Histoire des patriarches d'Alexandrie, argues the reference here and in the 337-38, that two quotes is to Christian Arabs, for Severus is a pre-Islamic authority, above but Anastasius making a general attack on Severus and his is and should not followers be taken literally here. 138 For further discussion see Richard, "Anastasius le Sina"ite," 35-36; Griffith, "Anastasios of Sinai." 139 see and discussion of For genre a survey Bardy, "La litterature patristique this des 'Quaestiones et Responsiones; "' Beck, Vor·sehung und Vorherbestimmung in der theologischen Literatur der Byzantiner, 112-39; Richard, "Florileges spirituels grecs;" Dorries, "Erotapokriseis."

115 Greek Sources 96 140 in the early tenth century. late, A mention that the barbar- or ninth hold the places and that 700 years have elapsed since ians now holy collection that portion of the Anastasian Christ's advent suggest the 141 700. ca. and probably times early in was composed Islamic to the of is Anastasian corpus relation the Ques- issue Another the least, at part in being, of evidence tions which Dux, Antiochus to bears 142 a collections of The two seventh share a con- century. product the 43 common material,l to the Questions amount Antiochus of siderable the relation between the generally being briefer. A conclusion on Dux an a decision whether Anastasius is embellishing on earlier two requires of version Questions to Antiochus Dux or the latter the abbreviat- is 144 For example, the question whether every person in ing Anastasius. 140 Richard, tables Questions d' Anastase," 40-41. "Les veri 141 of Questions, no. 69 (= PG 89, 769B-C, no. Anastasius "Though 117): Sinai, has hold of the holy places, God country not taken them away from barbarians the Arians If, as is natural, you will say that a few years ago the (permanently]. us held the holy places, (we will reply:] truly these (only] seized the holy (Persians?) was in tyranny. But it and vain, for God directly handed force by places imperial to us orthodox once again. And it them now 700 years." At the end one needs to is understand like something the beginning "from Christ's appearance," as occurs of in the related passage in Questions to Antiochus Dux no. 44, PG 28, 625C (ap' arches tes autou). parousias 142 Thiimmel, ostkirchlichen Bilderlehre, 246-51, shows that the Fruhgeschichte der Neapolis Antiochus the Apology ofLeontius of uses (wr. 640s) and to Dux Questions used by Anastasius of Sinai (d. ca. 700) is his Dialogue against the Jews. itself in 252, narrows down the date of then to just before the Arab Thiimmel, composition of Palestine conquest the basis of Questions to Antiochus Dux no. 44, PG 28, on 625C: (holy the that we possess those says places] by imperial tyranny, "If adversary did Christ that even if barbarians have often occupied not Palestine, know let him And his to be handed over allow heretics. places if they attempted this for a to the from the catholic church quickly drove them away again, like swine, time, short since and of Christ our God." residences places the same point is made holy But Anastasius of Sinai at the end of the seventh century (see previous note), this by be cannot Such triumphalist rhetoric case. throughout the seventh the abounds and it was precisely Byzantium's defeats that provoked it (see the entry on century ofliterature old in this chapter). Moreover, in this genre "Anti-Jewish Polemicists" arguments were reused with little revision. often 143 Bardy, litterature patristique des 'Quaestiones et Responsiones"' (1933), "La of Anastasius of Sinai," 122-23. 328-32, Haldon, "The Works 342; 144 1, Richard, Questions d'Anastase," 55 n. veritables favours the latter ex- "Les planation, the any definitive answer must wait until there is a critical edition of but

116 Greek Sources 97 authority by God receives the same affirmative answer is appointed in collections, also recounts two anecdotes about both but Anastasius town per- the Thebaid, and remarks that man a dissolute Phocas and in leaders is accorded the merited when he his wickedness severes in even sins: his by when I say that even if the race of me Saracens the Believe depart from us today, straightaway tomorrow the to were the Greens up again, and rise East, Arabia, and would Blues many other lands would bring Palestine upon and slaughter 145 themselves. the detail is given None contemporary Questions to Antiochus ofthis in Dux.146 each To an answer is given by the author, frequently sup- query by a list textual witnesses ranging from Deuteronomy to the ported of to response the Confessor, the Testament thus taking New Maximus Questions In manuscripts, for example, the works. to Antiochus Dux two several only 36 or 41 questions; the most complete has 136 (assuming no. comprises 137, been to be a separate entity), tract, of which may have many a mini anti-Jewish John later compiler. When of Damascus (wr. by culled a from collections other in used 730s) it had 100 chapters (cited the his De imaginibus oratio 3, §59). work, 145 Anastasius of Sinai, Questions, no. 65 (= PG 89, 476B-477A, no. 16, though lacking the quoted, which is given by Richard, "Les veritables Questions extract 47); cf. to Antiochus Dux no. 121, PG 28, 676A. See Haldon, d'Anastase," Questions of Works "The Anastasius 135-36 and n. 52 thereto. of Sinai," 146 furnishes in nn. 141-42 above The another example. The ques- text mentioned demonstrate both cases concerns how to the to a non-sectarian the truth of tion in out church, answer is the same: point the its possession of the holy catholic and Anastasius, however, gives places. account of a recent debate in Alexan- a short the which a Chalcedonian had asked at Monophysite participants the question dria whether a wealthy king should commit his assets to believers or unbelievers; when to entrusted God why is "That they replied said: the believers," the orthodox "to Questions Dux Antiochus to and necessary residences." 44, no. places the all us holy "Just 28, has only PG single sentence: 625C, as a king consigns and entrusts the so ministers, believing most treasures of palace to all his and rooms precious the his to Christ, the also of his appearance, entrusted since the catholic church beginning all his reverend places." It is extremely unlikely that Anastasius' account is a mere source expansion this sentence. Plausibly the two texts draw upon a common of which which cites fully, but Anastasius Questions to Antiochus Dux condenses.

117 Greek Sources 98 form of The subject matter is diverse, but most often the a fiorilegium. exegesis, treats heresy and observance of liturgy avoidance scriptural of there questions a distinct corpus of and on medical- and sacraments, is Furthermore, there is an evident attempt to science natural matters. dilemmas of everyday living in a very pragmatic way and to address the wealth stress secular involvements do not preclude one from that and 147 Christian attaining salvation. a good and being course of one answer the author observes that In "present the the faces period of spiritual crisis a that endured by generation" resembling Children of Israel during the Babylonian the for "we see our captivity, brothers servants of the faith pressed by great need into nakedness, and 148 and This sounds like an allusion to the contemporary labours." toils of now living under Arab rule, plight situation which in- a Christians questions. to provoked a fresh set of have How can one appears deed one's sins if, having been reduced to redeem or captured in servitude attend church, fast or observe a vigil freely war, can no longer one 149 at the Are all and evils which the Arabs have perpetrated will? always the and the Christian community land a result of God's upon 150 slaves What is one to say regarding Christian women who, as will? and captives, given themselves up to prostitution? The answer to have latter is it depends whether they have done so out of hunger the that 151 or wantonness and need, pleasure. The Muslims are, how- and from only ever, oppressors, and their as receive no attention present beliefs a note that ideas such as that beyond fell on account of not bow- "Satan Hellenes the man (Adam)" belong to "the myths of the to ing down 152 the and Arabs." 147 further discussion see Dagron, "Le saint, le For l'astrologue;" Haldan, savant, "The Works of Anastasius of Sinai," 129-43. 148 Anastasius of Sinai, Questions, no. 88 (= PG 89, 784C-785C, nos. 132-33; the part referred here is PG 89, 785B, no. 133). to 149 are (the answer, that faith and humility 87 just as important as good Ibid., no. works, given in Richard, "Les veri is Questions d' Anastase," 48). tables 150 484B, of Questions, no. 101; PG Anastasius Sinai, no. 17, has ta ethne not 89, oi A rabes and only partially uses the original Anast asian answer. 151 Anastasius Sinai, Questions, no. 76 (= of 89, 773A-C, no. 123). PG 152 /bid., no. 80 (= PG 89, 776B-C, no. 126); cf. Qur'an ii.34: "When we said they to angels: 'Bow down to Adam,' the bowed down, except lblis. He refused

118 Greek Sources 99 Anastasius two collections of edifying tales. The first also produced title: "Various of the humble monk Anastasius bears the narratives fathers doings Sinai," and comprises the holy and the in concerning monastery charismatic members of the of of Sinai, sayings the more by Anastasius himself or related to him by one who either witnessed 153 They were together ca. 660, put one year after the was present. 154 death The pre-Islamic John at Sinai seemed Climacus. of Arabs lived in relative peace with the to and solitaries, seeking have monks help time of need and acting in message bearers for them, their as 155 proving too. occasionally though Anastasius clearly does a nuisance regard the favourably; he calls them the nation that has not Muslims account profaned summit. And in an holy of a vision and the sullied that had appeared on the mountain writes years earlier, he some fire of had expressed their disbelief angrily Saracens, some also present, of who blasphemed the holy place, and icons and its crosses. He jeers at its them, that no such miracles had occurred "in any other religion, saying 156 in synagogue of the Jews or Arabs." or any tone is more prevalent in This second collection, com- Anastasius' and 690 and entitled: "Encouraging ca. supportive tales of the piled most humble monk Anastasius, which occurred in various places in our 157 times." apologetic aim is declared openly by Anastasius, who Its behaved and came to be among the unbelievers." This tenet is also arrogantly and Leo-'Umar, Denkard, (Armenian), 301, and Letter 3.CCXLI. in criticised 153 terminus post quem of 656 is An by the narrating of an incident approximate set (Narrat., at Sinai that occurred "before these last twenty years" Muslims involving A4 Nau, XXXVIII]). indications are the mention of Thalassius (A42 [= [= Other of Maximus the Confessor, and Anastasius' attendance at XL]), a contemporary funeral of the abbot Stephen of Byzantium (A5 (= II]), chief secretary to the the general (fl. 650s: see Sebeos, Maurianus XXXVIII [tr. Mader, 138, 145-46]; XXXV, Theophanes, 345; Baladhuri, Futii!), 199). 154 Anastasius Sinai, Narrat., A18 (= Nau, XXXII). Unfortunately there is little of Chryssavgis, on John's life; see for "John Climacus." agreement dates 155 of Sinai, Narrat., A20, A22 (George the Arselaite sends Anastasius Saracen a to with a message for a friend), A34 Aila Mayerson, Nau, XII, XXIII). See (= X, "Saracens and Romans." 156 Anastasius of Sinai, Narrat., A4-5 (= Nau, XXXVIII, II). 157 This is given by ibid., C3, which date a rumour that "the Temple of mentions God is now being built in Jerusalem," surely a reference to the Dome of the Rock, if Blair, Dome AH 72/691 (or slightly later the "What is the Date of in completed

119 Greek Sources 100 "which that selected only those tales has concern the faith of he tells us which will great comfort to our captive brothers and bring Christians 158 all or read with faith." The to theme of "our captive who and listen this anthology, and many instances are given through runs brothers" harsh trials facing Christian prisoners-of-war. Near the Dead the of Sea region of Zoara and Tetraphrygia, Cypriot prisoners worked in the conditions in estates. on appalling public perform- workers Christian forced labour ing in Sinai were refused at by their Clysma permission master attend a mass in honour to the Virgin Mary, though Jewish of were granted a reprieve they this Jew was suddenly struck dead when 159 beam. by Among the individual cases there is Euphemia, a falling maid to woman at Damascus who would beat her Christian a Saracen she but from receiving communion, time Euphemia per- every returned some and finally redeemed by was man who appar- severed nonetheless made a habit of such action. George the Black, who apostatised ently when a child reconverted on reaching adulthood, was betrayed by but 160 of fellow captives one his own his master's sword. perished and by spectre of apostasy evidently The large in Anastasius' mind, looms and certainly presented a problem: one it son of Azarias, resident Moses near Clysma, had confessed to him that he had passed many times from 161 and Christianity. back To counter this menace Anastasius puts to the message the Saracens are in league with demons: out that well Note that name the Saracens as their com- demons the it is with reason. The latter are perhaps panions. And worse than the demons. Indeed, the demons are even fre- quently afraid of the mysteries of Christ, I mean his much saints, relics, the cross, the , the the holy oils ... body holy inedits the is right). N au, "Les recits of du moine Anastase," 8, argues that Rock," the author of this collection differs from that of the first in being "a stylist and a disciple; the man with his own important this is easily explained by rhetor" and an that and is now some 30 years older. That cycles B he C were originally one fact collection shown by Flusin, "Demons et Sarrasins," 388-89. is 158 us of Sinai, Narrat., C4 (= Nau, XLI). Anastasi 159 89, Anastasius Questions, no. 28 (= PG Sinai, 745A-B, no. 96); Narrat., C5. of 160 Ibid., C12 (Euphemia), C13 (George: see the entry on him in Chapter 9 below). 161 ever C8. In this and other tales, it is only Ibid., said that a person denies not that he adopts Islam. Christianity,

120 Greek Sources 101 many But these demons of flesh trample and things. other under all mock it, set fire to it, destroy their that feet, is _162 ... it this argument with he At Damascus a possessed And backs examples. Sartabias was told by his demon that he would be taking man named of temporary while he accompanied the Arab army on its leave him the for of Abydos of Constantinople, to "our prince straits expedition sent has order in guards help we comrades the Saracens on that our trip to Constantinople." the in 660 Anastasius had himself wit- Back the clearing work commissioned by the nessed participating in demons on the Mount. And ca. 670 a secretary at Damas- Muslims Temple the governor ( symboulos) by a mission John of was sent on cus, Bostra, interrogate possessed girls at Antioch. Via the latters' mouths the to within them inform John that what they fear most from the demons is eucharist. cross, baptism and the Christians When asked which their prefer, the faiths of the world they our they reply: "That of among all which ... those who do not have any of the three things of companions we spoken and those who do not confess the son of Mary to be have 163 or God." son God of years a number of Christian sailors "arrived some earlier Again, place where at who have reduced us to servitude have their the those and their cult," and where they sacrificed innumerable stone and sheep camels. approximately midnight they awoke to witness "an indecent At ground," the gather up the heads and woman rise from horrible old and feet of sacrificed animals and the underground. The sailors return exclaim to one another: "See their sacrifice! It did not go up towards it but for their old woman, As is their erroneous faith." down. God, message is these tales is clear: Christianity The the only true faith of the it dangerous to abuse it, as is Jewish foreman of the Christian and all who Saracens to his cost, and as also did 22 out found labourers 162 Ibid., Cl. 163 Cl (Sartabias), C3 (Temple /bid., "thirty years ago"), Cll (John of Mount: Bostra: "twenty years ago"); for the latter cf. Qenneshre Fragment, 130/118 (dis- "Daniel 4 below). the entry on in of Edessa" in Chapter cussed

121 Greek Sources 102 when one them shot an arrow at an icon of S. Theodore in the died of 164 sanctuary near own saint's Damascus. a credited is authorship of with number of Anastasius Finally, the dealing with the "Creation of man in the image of God" That homilies. perhaps last work, written about "twenty years" after the Sixth his is 165 attempts He to give a brief history of Council ). (681 Ecumenical debate, but religious convictions and remoteness in Monothelete the have distorted the sequence of events, the Arab conquests time having mind with the policies of the emperor Constans his become in linked II: When Martin was exiled by Heraclius' grand- Heraclius died, immediately Amalek desert dweller and rose up the son was Christ's people. That to the first terrible strike us, fatal defeat of the Roman army. I am and of speaking the at Gabitha, Yarmuk and Dathemon, after bloodshed occurred which capture and burning of the cities of the was there and Jerusalem. Then Caesarea Palestine, even destruction of Egypt, the by the enslavement and followed fatal devastations of the Mediterranean lands and islands and of the Roman empire. But the rulers and masters all the Romans not manage to perceive these things. of did summoned in most eminent men they the Ro- Rather the church, had their tongues and hands excised. And man and then? The retribution upon us from God for these what almost complete loss of the Roman army the things was navy Phoenix, and the progressive desolation of all and at Christian people and places. This the not stop until the did persecutor Martin perished by of sword in Sicily. But the the son of this man, the pious Constantine, united the holy of an ecumenical council. ... This blessed means church by .. the for twenty years halted has decimation of our Council. enemies the sword of our people, against one an- turned 164 Anastasius of Sinai, Narrat., C7 (sailors), B2 (= Nau, XLIV: says 24 Arabs). 165 is of Sinai, Sermo 3, PG 89, 1156D. "Twenty" us obviously a round Anastasi that he wrote this soon after the and Anastasius' optimism may mean number, they Arabs' war of 683-92 when civil were still reasserting their rule.

122 Greek Sources 103 the lands, calmed the seas, checked to given respite other, brought enslavement, and relaxation, the consolation and 166 great measure. in peace the name Anastasius' to the Arabs indicates application of Amalek Amalek the their conquest and rule. Like of his clearly conception of Judges Arabs were sent because "the children of Israel vi.l-5, the this Lord," of the in sight case Constans' oppression of the evil did in up And them, the Arabs "came like against them (the the orthodox. and "they destroyed Israelites)" increase of the earth," for "both the they their camels were without number, and they entered into the and in land destroy it." order to (715-30) Iconoclasm Germanus and Patriarch plague and As invasion battered the Christian world recurrent foreign the sixth and seventh centuries, the Byzantines increasingly turned in heavenwards comfort and aid. Icons and relics in particular were for upon God serve as intercessors between to and man, whether in called the of cities or in the everyday needs and anxieties of individ- defence anxiety But there were some who viewed this phenomenon with uals. and "an undercurrent of potential iconoclasm does in fact or suspicion, through run history of the church in the fourth to seventh the entire 167 This was brought to the undercurrent by the sweep- fore centuries." proliferation sudden as is indicated by the from victories, ing Muslim 640s of anti-Jewish treatises, which all include a defence onwards the of evidently There was Christians a growing number worship. of image a disasters the present their were that punishment for who suspected 166 Ibid., PG 89, 1156C. Stephen the Sabaite (Greek Life VIII, 570 =Arabic Life L, him Cosmas (see the entry on Jerusalem in this chapter) and Theophanes, of 249), term 332 Anastasi us), also use the from Amalek with reference to the Arabs. (drawn (Annales, Eutychius in this sketch militate against the suggestion of errors The that Anastasius is to be identified with the general 2.15) he surely would Baanes; that he had served under Heraclius. not forget 167 Kitzinger, "The Cult oflmages before Iconoclasm," 85.

123 Greek Sources 104 that of. Testament law, the prohibition of fundamental Old violation 168 indulging when they adored were which in they icons. idolatry, construction on the site of the Destruction re- of crosses, Temple, of moval the coinage, conversion of cross church of John the from the in Damascus the a mosque, and outbreaks of apostasy- Baptist into 169 matters to a head in the early eighth century, these and all brought to vandalism of acts of begin committed by Christians against we hear 170 II The order of Yaz!d in 721 that "the containing mosaics images. should be broken in every place and that the pictures which crosses 171 may be removed" church should not have inaugurated the in were controversy Byzantines, but his edict and that iconoclast among the emperor Leo III in 730 brought imperial muscle of the fray the into 172 a far greater issue. made On it Arab side it was rather and the aberrant measure. Public displays of Christian worship had come an under generally the private domain was one's attack, but increasingly stated and Yaz!d's non-Muslims alike, as was by Muslims affair own for 173 successor he abolished Yaz!d's edict. Hisham For the Byzan- when traumatic it a far more protracted and was affair, haunting them tines 174 more than a century. for 168 Brown, Dark-Age Crisis," 23-25. Note how John of Damascus begins his "A 1, §5) by quoting the first commandment of imaginibus oratio icons defence (De xx.3-4). (Exodus 169 "Theodore Abu Qurrah's Arabic Tract on Venerating Images," See Griffith, "Images, Islam and Christian Icons," 123-31. idem, 62-64; 170 Christian Communities of Palestine, 180-219. DeVaux, "Une mosa1que Schick, of a had thought that the date 255-58, the mosaic floor at the Ma'in," byzantine of after (719-20) referred to restoration church iconoclastic damage, but Ma'in inscription "Umayyad of Piccirillo, 34, shows that the Churches is part of Jordan," the original paving. 171 Hist. Patriarchs XVII, PO 5, 72-73; see Vasiliev, "The Iconclastic Edict of the Caliph Yazid II." 172 the policies had also occurred in the coincidence over of issue of coinage A 690s the reigns of in al-Malik and Justinian II (Breckenridge, The Numismatic 'Abd of II, 69-77). Justinian Iconography 173 "Islam, Iconoclasm and the Declaration of Doctrine," 268-71. Reenen, King, but Bilderverbot," gives a useful survey of Muslim reports concerning images, "The the his 69-70) that these emerged in (at period 720-75 tells us more conclusion about the beginnings of Islamic scholarship than of Islamic iconoclasm. See also Bashear, Images of Mecca." "The 174 For different Iconoclasm. of the phenomenon see Bryer and Herrin, facets

124 Greek Sources 105 Germanus during the reign of Leo III and so became was patriarch the embroiled official iconoclasm from its outset. In the matter in of had Constantine to write to bishop he of Nacolia in early 720s occasion who whom heresy began" and "this apparently "had Minor, Asia with scriptural doctrine that no created thing advocated worthy of the was 175 little later he A a bishop of another diocese chided divine worship." had Thomas of Claudiopolis, who instigated western Asia of Minor, a icons. of to Thomas reads as His plea on behalf of a purge letter 176 interesting, The arguments are largely traditional; veneration. icon is his of Jews however, censure for rebukes against Muslims and their Christians' use of icons: worthy of our more special observation that not now It is only, but reproaches of this kind have been urged very often, actual by and by the Jews servants of idolatry, against us intention was to cast a blot on our immaculate and whose sacred ... The word of truth stops the mouth of these faith the brand- of their own peculiar abominations, by mention with the the heathen with ing wickedness and abom- infamy Gentile sacrifices inations of and fables, making the Jews to blush, not only by reminding them of the frequent lapses their into idolatry, but, further, of their own op- fathers of the law which they made such a boast divine position to ... Saracens, respect to the holding since they also of With these to those who urge among charges against us, be seem will be quite enough for their shame it confusion to al- and lege against their which even to this day them invocation 175 Ep. ad Constantinum episcopum Nacoliae, PG 98, Germanus, For icon- 164B. oclasm Asia Minor before in and 726 of Germanus' letters to Con- consideration stantine and Thomas see Gero, Byzantine Iconoclasm .. . Leo, 85-93, and Herrin, Formation of 331-33. Christendom, 176 "our the iconophile example of to reverent and Christ-loving Germanus' appeal (Ep. ad Thomam episcopum Claudiopoleos, PG emperors" 185A) indicates that 98, the was written after 720 when letter V was crowned co-emperor, and Constantine before 730 when Leo publicly proclaimed his support for iconoclasm, and probably before 726 a volcanic eruption when Leo to prompted the icon of Christ in the replace main entrance of the palace with a plain cross (Nicephorus, §§59-60; Theophanes, Leon du Christ par III," is right l'icone 404-405), Auzepy, "La unless destruction de that no such image existed at this time.

125 Greek Sources 106 make in wilderness to a lifeless stone, namely that they the called which the rest of their vain conversa- Chobar, is and tradition their fathers as, for instance, tion by received from 177 their ludicrous festivals. of the mysteries solemn knew really of Muslim worship is diffi- Germanus Whether anything say, though one should note that his mention of "the rest of to cult vain received by tradition from their fathers" is no their conversation a Peter from 1 than i.18. The reference to a stone quotation more reflects a misunderstanding, Chobar called most likely wilful, that was by John of Damascus, perpetuated and Constantine Porphyro- Nicetas The gives us the solution latter the puzzle when he writes to genitus. Muslims "call Alla, and oua they use for the conjunction that God Koubar. and the star (of Aphrodite) call And so they 'and,' they 178 oua Koubar.' " knowledge Though probably deriving from say 'Alla 179 pre- Arab practice, this about is a deliberate misreading of, or Islamic is to, Alliihu akbar ("God expression most great"), misapplication the 180 by the Muslims from a very early seemingly used There is a date. that truth behind it-Herodotus relates of the Arabs "deem none kernel other to be gods save Dionysus and the heavenly Aphrodite," and this 181 is subsequent Greek authors noted -but the jibe was clearly in- by as a rejoinder the Muslim reproof that the Christians worship tended to 177 Ep. Thomam episcopum Claudiopoleos, PG Germanus, 168A-D (tr. 98, ad 230-32). Mendham, 178 De administrando imperio, Constantine See also the Porphyrogenitus, XIV. on "John of Damascus" in Chapter 11 below and Meyendorff, entry "Byzantine Views Islam," 118-19. of 79 of n. 24) mentions the 1 (ibid., G. Sablukov that the Byzan- Meyendorff suggestion such of a thing invocation of Aphrodite; that there was a pre-Islamic knew tines dies corroborated Rotter, "Der is by im vorislamischen Mecca," 126-28, veneris who asserts that the Greek Chobar /I< oubar reflects the epithet al-kubrii (feminine superlative of applied to Venus by pre-Islamic Arabs. "great") 180 Chron. understood by Christians: meaning Maronite, 72. And its 181 Histories, 3.VIII; other authors quoted Herodotus, Segal, "Arabs in Syriac by may also have connected 112-13. Literature," Germanus, and other Byzantines, what they heard about Muslim reverence for a stone with earlier knowledge, for Arabs had been known that the long worshipped a stone (Clement of Alexan- it in- Protreptica IV, 106: ton lithon; Arnobius, Adversus gentes 6.XI, 222: dria, VIII.8, lithos Maximus of Tyre, Dissertationes 19]: 87 [= Trapp, formem lapidem; tetragonos).

126 Greek Sources 107 v.116), which Anastasius of Sinai complains (Qur'an xvi.51, gods two 182 levelled was at them Arabs. by allusion Germanus the Muslims made by other occurs The to only the Constantinopolitans' deliverance in commemorating sermon in his 183 Arab the of their city. the It is a celebration of from role 718 siege of Virgin, defeated the Saracens "alone prevented their the who and was not just to capture the aim, but also to overthrow which city, royal of Christ." Throughout majesty oration the Christians the the as Christ the Israelites, "who with the eyes of faith see as presented are and therefore confess that it is truly the Theotokos who bore him." God The the other hand, are cast in the role of the impious on Muslims, know 'I do not the Lord,' and Christ: say regarding "who Egyptians, concerning his mother: 'She is by nature a woman; she can in think 184 glory the of those who to in her assistance.' " aid The way no come ends the a hopeful note, for like the Egyptians sermon Muslims are on day. the sea and the Christians live to fight another cast into Cosmas of Jerusalem (wr. mid-eighth c.) and Hymnography When John Moschus and Sophronius visited Nilus, abbot of the monas- tery of in the 580s, they arrived in time for vespers. During this Sinai, service and celebration of matins there were no hymns the subsequent travellers Astonished omission, the two this asked Nilus why sung. at In not follow the practice of "the catholic and apostolic church." did he his the abbot's protestations of orthodoxy they pointed out to response an at the requisite hymns at their times. There had include to failure of been a dislike contrition singing by monks; "what kind of stage early there be," asked could fifth-century Egyptian abbot Pambo, "when the the monk stands in his church or cell and raises his voice like the oxen?" But evidently the late sixth century the singing of hymns formed by 185 of ritual of the church. part the 182 of Sinai, Viae dux 1.1, 9 (= Anastasius 89, 41A). PG 183 Ia "Homelie St. Germain Grumel, de delivrance de Constantinople," 187-88, sur infers from the lack of any reference to the emperor's part in the victory that the anniversary was after 726, most likely on the tenth composed in 728. sermon 184 Germanus, Homily, 195. 185 These two anecdotes are quoted and discussed by Wellesz, A History of Byzan- tine Music and Hymnography, 171-74.

127 Greek Sources 108 our period most popular form was the canon which had the In the a character praise, celebrating in an exultant manner the hymn of of of nine This consisted of heroes odes (though feasts and Christianity. comprising was recited at Lent), each ever at least second the only ( troparia), the first one (called the heirmos) three the stanzas setting for others. Each ode was based upon and had in some way pattern the to scriptural of the nine allude canticles. Though this format was to one ingenuity it led to much in the manipulation restrictive, ways in some these Biblical types of express a myriad of different situations, ideas to 186 and emotions. a recent article raised the interesting question of whether In Kazhdan might something of the author's involvement in reflect poetry religious 187 and ideological of his days. political Meyendorff had ar- the disputes hymns John of Damascus' that demonstrate very clearly long gued ago "in mind that in heart John still lives in Byzantium." He prays for and "the of the emperor over his enemies," he hopes that through victory intercession of the Mother the God the emperor "will trample un- of his feet the barbarian nations," he champions "the cross-bearing der "blas- the the shield protecting Christ's inheritance from as sovereign" enemies" phemous the Mother of God to put under the and he entreats piety-loving who "the Ishmaelite people the are fight- feet emperor of 188 question seeks to address his Kazhdan by recourse to ing against us." biography of of Jerusalem, whose Cosmas is unfortunately oeuvre the 189 and as as by legend as that of John of Damascus. uncertain obscured 186 of nine Exodus xv (Moses' song are: triumph after the crossing The canticles the Red Sea), Deuteronomy xxxii (Moses' of 1 Samuel ii (the song exhortation), of Habakkuk iii, Isaiah xxvi, Jonah Hannah), Daniel iii (the Three Children iii, on works introductory Benedicite and the Magnificat. Useful the Babylon), of hymnogra.phy are Byzantine Neale, Eastern the (especially the of Church Hymns Byzantine Music and Hymnogmphy; to the introduction edition); Tillyard, first A History of Byzantine Wellesz, and Hymnogmphy. Further bibliography Music A Guide to Byzantine Hymnogmphy. obtained from Szoverffy, can be 187 1(azhdan, "Kosmas of Jerusalem: His Political Views," 329. 188 See Meyendorff, "Byzantine Views of Islam," 117-18, where references are given for these quotes. 189 Jerusalem: and Gero, "Kosmas See l(azhdan His Biography." To an even of greater .extent than John of Damascus there is no real information on Cosmas until it Suidae century, by which time tenth is legendary. The late tenth-century the

128 Greek Sources 109 He Cosmas a militaristic bent. Moses' passage of the Red detects in been Sea patristic writers as representing man's understood had by passions but the soul that enslave him, the Cosmas triumph over of as referring a real takes it to the of the triumph, military destruction the Amalek, and the cross for him is might weapon, the of a victorious 190 Christ crushes the foe. by The tale of the three Jewish tool which the Kazhdan, is, says in given a political thrust, since furnace children their not so much on attention surviving the fire unharmed is focused on their conflict as a tyrant and their fearlessness in the face of with 191 "beastly Kazhdan is also wrath." to infer that Cosmas re- able his lukewarm to issue of iconoclasm, ignoring icons in favour mained the 192 cross. the whole-hearted reverence of for one. set task is a formidable by Aside from frequent The Kazhdan over manuscript tradition and authorship, there is the uncertainty fur- ther that the hymns lack any specificity of time and place and difficulty suffused Yet Biblical imagery. are he is right that some indication with in the thoughts should be discernible author's his choice of images of and manner of handling them, and one hopes that other Byzantinists will pursue line of enquiry. Kazhdan's the Sabaite 794) Stephen (d. of was illustrious member of the monastery of Mar Saba Life The this Damascus, 807 a certain Leontius of by who had spent written ca. time with Stephen in his last years. From the Greek a trans- much 2.649 (no. 467), simply says of him that he was a contemporary of John Lexicon, Damascus harmony "a man of genius, exhaling the of of music." In two of and in his calls himself a Hagiopolite, so he was he some way connected with hymns Jerusalem. 19 °Cosmas of Jerusalem, Hymns, canon 1, ode 6, troparion 1 (Amalek); see Kazh- dan, "Cosmas Jerusalem: His Political Views," 332-33, 340-43. As indicated of the n. above a number of Greek writers use the in Amalek to refer to 166 term Muslims. seeks to strengthen his argument Kazhdan showing that Cosmas used by a different set of images to John of Damascus, and he concludes that "the concept canons of over the Arabs permeated his victory while this theme left no traces the the the Damascene's poetry" (ibid., 346), but this is in direct contradiction to in of Meyendorff just cited. conclusion 191 Ibid., 334. 192 Ibid., 337-46.

129 Greek Sources 110 was made Arabic in March AH 290/903 and thence into lation into 193 but late for our purposes, too I wish to draw work The is Georgian. 194 attention Islamic historians, since the it presents a lively pic- it to of links mid- eighth-century Palestine and its late with Syria of ture to 195 The Arabs most Egypt. mentioned are the tribesmen and frequently 96 desert/ the but we hear also of the caliph "in Persia," who in Judaean patriarch Jerusalem of (768-800), arrested and imprisoned; Elias, has of of Kerak, who consults John, the governor and judge bishop with Damascus on various matters; of a certain Theodore, who attempts of to Elias' seat by using his influence with the governor of Ramla; usurp of a Muslim accompanies an ailing Christian to Jerusalem and and who where and Christian is cured Saba, the Muslim converted at the Mar 197 of Stephen. hands the Dubia John the Eremopolite extract of the Life of S. John the Eremopolite An its hero repri- has mand certain Thomas for calling the "Hagarenes" wicked ( aischistoi). a 193 The is largely faithful, though the Arabic often uses more Islamic translation terminology (Greek IX, 572: ton Araban Life becomes Arabic Life LII, 255: sekos masjid al-muslimi"n), and has a few quirks (IX, 572: magarites becomes LII, 255: mqm~). The Greek text published to date is acephalous, but is supplemented by only Georgian version "Un extrait georgien de Ia Vie d'Etienne le Sabai:te," the (Garitte, the Further (see next note). and references are given by Nasrallah, 78-90) Arabic a study dans melchite, 155-56, and l'eglise of Stephen's Life, Mouvement litteraire and attitude towards icons has recently been done by milieu "Etienne le Auzepy, Sabalte Jean Damascene." et 194 Garitte, the Arabic version signalled by that "Le debut de Ia Especially now deS. Etienne le Sabalte," has Vie published (see Bibliography I below). been 195 the Mango, Culture in Palestine See "Greek Arab Conquest," 150-51. after 196 Stephen the Sabaite, Arabic Life XV, 93-95 {the dogs of an Arab encampment prayers); the held at bay by Stephen's are Greek Life VIII, 569-71 = desert in Life maidens 247-49 (two young anchorite Arabic with their mother saved from L, 571 attack pastoralists by Stephens's prayers); VIII, Arab = LI, 253 (at Stephen's of request Arabs agree to spare a stag which they were hunting). 197 Stephen Sabaite, Greek Life II, 537 the Arabic Life XXIII, 131-35 (caliph: = protosymboulos = am!r al- 'arab al-kabi"r); IV, 545 =XXX, 159 (governor: symboulos amlr); = V, 549 =XXXIII, 175-81 (governor: symboulos phosatou = wall); IX, 572-73 = LII, 255-59 (Muslim and sick Christian).

130 Greek Sources 111 rather love and pray for their conversion and also ap- One should them and they monks on their toes the save them for keep preciate them, playthings of demons. At the beginning from the extract being the of a of Mar Saba at the monk of its abbot Nicode- became Thomas hands abbot An the same name is said to have received Cosmas and of mus. Damascus into Mar Saba, and on this basis Halkin assigns John John of 198 mid-eighth also But there was the a Nicodemus in charge to century. of of Mar time of the Persian sack at Jerusalem in 614 and, Saba the 199 was succeeded by a Thomas. moreover, It is, therefore, at least he the we place John in should early seventh century. that likely as Papyrus A Greek-Coptic Greek/Coptic papyrus at Madrid on a mixed now text a Preserved is 200 Ben Hasan in which Egypt. comes The presence of both from Upper suggests the town had that population. The Greek languages a mixed which comes first, reads as follows: "(recto) For our benefit, in part, for to together against them, and war them to subdue all wage order belongs to the enemy host: (verso) we pray on behalf of the citizens that them." The Coptic text continues: "For our city living in faith among 198 Cosmas Jerusalem and John of Damascus, Life XIX, 288; Halkin, "Saint of l'Eremopolite," 14. extract is used by Schick, Christian Communities of Jean The local as of 97, relations between Palestinian Christians and evidence Palestine, bad the Umayyad period. during Arabs 199 Ep. ad Eustathium, PG 89, 1424C (Nicodemus), Antiochus, 1428A-B (Thomas). Sophronius, Lappa- of Almsgiver (paraphrase), §9 (ed. the Life John 276), says Zizicas, this Nicodemus aided a mission that by the Alexandrian sent patriarch ransom twenty captives seized to the Persians. Stephen the Sabaite, by Greek Life XI, 588 = Ambic Life LXIV, 311, mentions a Thomas, deacon of Mar Saba and patriarch of Jerusalem, who is a skilled doctor and is pre- subsequently the Saba Thomas who tends the martyrs of Mar sumably in 797, but he is same the Nicodemus too to have any connection with late who receives John of probably Damascus. 200 It is edited and translated by Photiades, "A Semi-Greek Semi-Coptic Parch- no. 189 simply as "parchment it of the Madrid papyri collec- describes ment," who tion" without giving any further reference. For the relative standing of the Greek see languages in Late Antique Egypt Coptic Bagnall, and Egypt in Late Antiquity, 230-60.

131 Greek Sources 112 all the' and the land and the villages, and our common faith." and cities, a prayer that made up of is (on the recto) this text argues Photiades it from the verso) and that (on was "sent to a fragment and a liturgy and Coptic cities on the occasion of a war of religion." It is the Greek says, written, a hand characteristic of the seventh century and he in of the Arab invasion Egypt in 639-40. to likely most therefore refers an is the Sasanian occupation is but equally plausible possible, This contender. Papyrus Berlin 10677 no. This originates from Egypt and bears an Arabic-Greek proto- papyrus the profession of faith ( shahiida), which allows Muslim col comprising this be to the years 698-733. Before dated time the shahiida did it to 201 and after this protocols were in Arabic alone. not Among its feature, is a paschal letter in Greek which announces the date of Easter contents or 16 April. This narrows the date of Sunday letter to 713, 719 as the patriarchate The (705-30). II Alexander the of all in fall which of 724, topic of his missive is God's visibility, and he approaches this subject the contradiction between John i.14: "And we beheld his apparent via man has seen God at any time." Alexan- and John "No glory," i.18: by is not only was God visible that means of symbols and der's message to the Old Testament patriarchs and prophets, but he was visions also the person of Jesus. He Testament times in fully to many in New visible moves Christological to then definition, reiterating the Monophysite on will of "theandric energy" and one position in Christ and refuting one the views of the Chalcedonians and docetists before closing with the proclamation of date of Easter. the the patriarch was "responding to Muslim at- that argues MacCoull on the Christian veneration of depictions of tacks visible that God" 721 edict of allows which Il's images, against particular and Yaz!d to in 201 Thus Cavallo and Maehler, Greek Bookhands of the Early Byzantine Period, but 114 This is generally the case, 52a). not strictly correct; for example, BL (no. Or. 1060 comes with a Greek-Arabic protocol and is 132 of "the year of the dated Saracens," i.e. 749 (Crum, Coptic Manuscripts in the British Museum, 186-87 [no. 398]).

132 Greek Sources 113 202 her letter to 724. to The point is interesting, but needs the date the patriarch not treat the issue of human does qualification. Firstly, by rather divine manifestations representations God. More- of but God, of the supporting examples adduced by Mac Coull seem not many over, be to to claim. For instance, when A~bagh, son of the her relevant al-'Az1z, of on an icon 'Abd the Virgin with Child, he governor spits but attacking portrayal of the divinity, the rather objecting to is not idea that Christ was the hence his words: "Who is Christ that divine, 203 worship him as God?" you One would agree, however, that Is- should iconoclastic lam's driving Christians onto the defensive and, stance was dyophysites though be intended, it chiefly possible, as MacCoull must is that Alexander may in part have had Muslims in mind when he claims, anathematisation of "those who say that the divinity pronounced his man crucified those who say that the and Christ was just a is passible 204 person." in his and God not entire Timothy the Stylite In a survey of Greek literature in eighth-century Palestine, published that there were a number of hagiogra- posthumously, Blake remarked which phies preserved only in Georgian translations. He gave had been Stylite, example Life of St. Timothy the char- in which the "the an as and the adventures of this last representative of stylitism in acter Syria (VIIIth are described in a quite remarkable manner; the pic- century) which religious biography traces of ture life in Syria is without this 205 parallel." this glowing recommendation, Despite text has not at- the tracted any studies. If it were only available in the rare Georgian edition of Kekelidze, would be understandable, but there has also long been this 206 Arabic manuscript the original Paris version. in accessible a 202 "The Paschal Letter of Alexander MacCoull, 35. II," 203 52; of Patriarchs XVII, PO History the used by MacCoull, "The Paschal 5, Letter of Alexander II," 34. 204 Ibid., 38. 205 au litterature grecque Blake, Palestine "La VIlle siecle," 377. en 206 Slane, Catalogue des manuscrits arabes, 71 (no. 259); Graf, GCAL, 1.522, 2.474. For Georgian edition the see Garitte, 140q. de K. Kekelidze," nos. 81, "Bibliographie

133 Sources Greek 114 life before stylitehood is given fairly briefly. He was Timothy's his of four born in the town of Kakhshata in the the youngest children, While died a baby, both his parents Antioch. and his province of still charge took sister seven the age of of he was beaten upbringing. At his elder brother for failing in the task of guarding some sheep, by his ran he He was taken in by some villagers who looked after and away. of his he conceived the idea Then renouncing the until adulthood. him becoming a monk. A vision confirmed him world this plan and and in travelled Jerusalem to seek blessing to the holy places. With he from help of the elderly ascetic, Timothy became an adept of the eremitic an but spending a number of after in the vicinity of Jerusalem years life, foster-parents. to village of his the There he resided return to decided the time a cell built for him by was villagers. One day he in some for by some monks whom he knew to visit Antioch with them. On invited the they passed by his birth place and were persuaded to stay way for George. the feast of S. of Timothy soon became the celebration with his family and spent his remaining reunited in their village years as a stylite. of rest the Life, The percent of the Arabic version, is 70 famous to the numerous miracles he worked, which made him dedicated and to him people from all the surrounding countryside as well attracted 207 the of Antioch, I:Iim~ and Aleppo. cities as from parameters de- Timothy's life are difficult to chronological The of stated the At the Arabic text it is end that he died at the of termine. of 85 in the year AH 257/871. Yet, at a time when he could age not have less than 40, the saint met Theodoret, Melkite patriarch of been he (ca. aided him when and appeared before the 794-811), Antioch are a number of small differences between There Georgian and Arabic versions the (e.g. Georgian states that Timothy the for Jerusalem because his foster-parents left wanted him to marry their daughter, and specifies that he remained in the Judaean desert for years; neither detail is in the Arabic), but they are substantially the 27 same. 207 of the miracles involve Muslims: no. 1 concerns a Muslim man who was Three led fornicating of the town and is a woman to repent by Timothy; no. 9 narrates with an by Christianity of truth the recognise to was Muslim a contentious how brought saved no. tells how apparition; patriarch Theodoret was 12 by the saint's prayers the from execution at the hands of the caliph Hiiriln al-Rashid and cured the latter's son him concessions for the Christian saint, a deed which earned oil with blessed by the people from the grateful ruler.

134 Greek Sources 115 208 caliph in Baghdad. Harlin The death date is (786-809) al-Rashld more story to be correct and the the of the patriarch perhaps likely 209 But a later addition. the court though Blake may have at caliphal the exagger- Life to the eighth century and perhaps wrongly assigned ated its he was certainly right to draw attention to value, historical and one hopes that it will soon receive more overly neglected this work 210 sympathetic treatment. 208 Timothy the Stylite, Arabic Life, fols. 112b (the sister says she has not seen Timothy for years, at which time he was 7), 132a-133a (meeting with Theodoret 30 no. before 133a-137b (Theodoret =miracle the caliph= miracle no. 12). 11), 209 Eutychius, 2.51-52, and Bar Annales, Chron. syriacum, 134, both Hebraeus, tell a similar story, where the favourite concubine of Hartin al-Rashid is cured by son of Alexandria and Gabriel of Bakhtisho' respectively. patriarch the Melkite 210 Professor Sydney Griffith informs me that an edition and translation of the Ara- John bic is being prepared by version C. Lamoreaux of Duke University, America.

135 CHAPTER 4 SYRIAN, WEST COPTIC AND 1 ARMENIAN SOURCES Fragment the Arab Conquests on fly-leaf of a sixth-century Syriac manuscript containing On the front according to and the Gospel Matthew to Mark according Gospel the a few lines about the Arab conquest, now very faint. The are scribbled are most readable: the entries following 1 Christian sources of the seventh and eighth centuries are sur- Non-Greek East et. al., Christianismes orientaux, 144-49 (Armenian), 187-213 veyed by Albert (Coptic), (Ethiopic), 276-90 (Georgian), 356-58 and 362-73 (Syriac). For 226-28 la authors Thorossian, Histoire de also litterature armenienne, 101- Armenian see Inglisian, "Armenische Literatur," 165-77; Etmekjian, History of Armenian Lit- 12; which 183-241. erature, authors see also C. E., s. v. "Literature, Coptic," For Coptic has bibliography. For Ethiopic authors a useful also Littmann, "Athiopische see Literatur." For Georgian authors see also Deeters, "Georgische Literatur," 131-37. BO 1 and 2; Wright, Short History For authors see also Assemani, West Syrian Syriac 134-66; Duval, Litterature syriaque, 374-79, 383-85; Baum- Literature, of GSL, 242-84, 335-43; Chabot, Litterature syriaque, 81-93; Baumstark and stark, Rucker, Literatur," 190-95; Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia syriaca, 170- "Syrische Brock, 87; 'lu' al-manthiir, 272-323; Al-lu "Syriac Sources for Seventh- Barsa:um, Century History," 18-20, 28, 32-36. As regards Syriac, I shall, for clarity, always in this translate book as 'arbiiyii as "Arabian," hagriiyii as "Ha- !ayyiiyii "Arab," ishma 'liiyii as "Ishmaelite," banpii as "pagan" and mhaggrii/ mhaggriiyii as garene," "Muslim" (the vocalisation in early manuscripts and the haw d-haggar [n. phrase 170 below] suggest that one should read mhaggriiyii [thus Brock, "Syriac Views," seem 15] than mahgriiyii, which would rather to be a later formulation). 116

136 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 117 January of} J:Iim~ took the word for their {the In people 2 many ravaged by the killing of {the lives villages and were and people were (Miily,md) many Mul:,tammad of} Arabs from Galilee as far as Beth ... . and {taken} prisoner slain of May the Saq{fla}ra went { On } the tw{enty-six}th ... vicinity J:Iim~ and the Romans chased them the of from }.3 ... { {of August} the Romans fled from the vicinity On the tenth of there were killed} many {people}, some {and Damascus And at ten turn {of the ye }ar the Romans thousand. the On twentieth of August in the year n{ine hundred the came. }seven there in Gabitha {a multitude and forty- gathered and {of people Romans, the R }omans were many of} the 4 thousand. fifty { s }orne kil{led}, this only scattered words are discernible. Wright, the first to Beyond attention draw the fragment, wrote that "it seems to be a nearly to 5 notice," to which contemporary also subscribed. Noldeke Nei- a view his ther evidence to corroborate produced assertion, but in its scholar favour is the occurrence of the words "we saw" on l. 13, and the fact that it a common practice to jot down notes for commemorative was on the pages of a Gospel. It is of some significance that purposes blank given fragment one of the dates with in Arabic sources for the accords battle at Gabitha (assuming this is to be identified with Yarmuk), the 20 namely AG 947/12 Rajah AH 15 (636), and bears resem- August to Donner notices in Theophanes, but certain is right to advise blance illegibility the unknown provenance and frequent caution of the given 6 text. 2 Shqal meltii l-l:wyyhon, i.e. they pledged their submission in return for their lives. 3 treasurer Theophanes, he (Theodore the "When [sakellarios]) came to Cf. 337: he met a multitude of Saracens Emesa, he slew together with their emir and whom the rest as far as Damascus." drove 4 Fragment on the Arab Conquests, ll. 8-11, 14-16, 17-23; whatever appears in curly brackets unreadable, so any letters/words given are conjectured. is 5 "Zur 1.65 (no. 94); Noldeke, Wright, Geschichte der Araber," 76. Catalogue, 6 Donner, Early Islamic Conquests, 144; note that Anastasi us of Sinai, Sermo 3, the PG 1156C, distinguishes between 89, battles of Gabitha and Yarmuk.

137 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 118 Presbyter (wr. 640) Thomas·the ca. of The British Library Syriac manuscript the contents eighth-century scholars puzzled frustrated a number of have for their 14,643 Add. and of coherence. They consist of apparent assembly of texts of a lack an diverse rather nature: geographical (fragmentary). A treatise 1. genealogy from 2. to the sons of Jacob. A Adam "A record of various matters" which the author 3. clarifies: "I then Abra- in tables the names out the pagan kings from of have set and until year of Constantine twentieth the events which the ham show their reigns, and I have written a narrative to in occurred they were subjected to the Romans." how As- tables from Abraham and 4. king of the "Chronological Ninus, syrians, until the twentieth year of Constantine, the victorious chronicle. in effect, a summary of Eusebius' king;" 5. continuation of Eusebius up to the thirtieth year of Heraclius. A might see sections as forming a single composition, a slightly these One a they do exhibit certain loose unity. world idiosyncratic for chronicle, character; and 4 largely overlap, but they are of a different 3 Sections first demonstrate on the Old Testament and seeks to the concentrates points (Mosaic Law precedes Greek religion, the Romans were certain the with more deals second the whereas crown), to heirs a God-given The of and simply lists events. church problem comes with history the last the sections: two 6. of the years which "Explanation information on sundry mat- give ters," which proceeds to furnish a medley of theological and his- apparent chronological or thematic order. torical in no notices 7. A list detailing "at what dates and under which kings the synods with a condemnation of Chalcedon. were held," ending

138 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources 119 Coptic the first of the text, suggested that a mid-seventh cen- Land, editor author had a continuation of Eusebius and that tury Jacobite written revised the a century later when been lists of synods this almost had 7 so on were added. and and caliphs just considered it a col- Others have 8 Recently, Palmer, picking up on miscellaneous of lection documents. word ( the sixth section, "explanation" first siikiilii), has striven the of 9 of a covert anti-Chalcedonian reading as history. it There to present some hints that the whole piece was compiled by one are Both man. Sections 7 conclude with an attack on Chalcedon, and Sections 5 5 and 6 share in common, which connects an earthquake of 629 a notice and Heraclius' of peace negotiations with the Persian general with holding their building of a church together. This man would Shahrbaraz and to be the priest Thomas who appear inserts himself at one modestly point: the 947 (635-36), indiction 9, the Arabs invaded In year whole of Syria and went the to Persia and conquered down it. Arabs climbed the The of Mardin and killed mountain many monks there in [the monasteries of] Qedar and Bnata. There died blessed man Simon, doorkeeper of Qedar, the 10 of priest. brother Thomas the of indiction in which this notice is located bears no sequence The events Resh'aina the in which Mardin and year were taken until dates from the in lived Thomas mean area may liberated. was Mesopotamia This rather Mardin though indictions are brother, patchily given of near his throughout. mention of Heraclius reigning for 30 years The the end at 5 and Section of the lack any event the than of above suggest that later 7 Land, Anecdota syriaca, 1.168; he gives a useful analysis ofthe text at 1.165-77. 8 E.g. GSL, 182-83, 247; Witakowski, Pseudo-Dionysius, 80-81. Baumstark, 9 West-Syrian chronique syriaque" and "Une Chronicles, 5-12, who See Palmer, an interesting discussion of the interrelationship of provides seven sections. His the point chroniclers were not mere compilers, that wrote "to serve moral, religious but and political purposes" (ibid., xxviii) is certainly valid, and has been argued recently Reign of the of Heraclius" (against Krumbacher Account "Theophanes' by Ferber, al- I

139 Sources Armenian and Coptic Syrian, West 120 final his in was Heraclius when 640 in completed was Chronicle the down caliphs of a list contains manuscript the of folio last The year. curt the by emphasised is as but, 724), (d. al-Malik 'Abd ibn Yazld to a as seen be should list this 7, Section of end the at finished" is "it item.U separate follow- the is Islamicists for text this in notice interesting most The mg: at (634) February 4 Friday on 7, indiction 945, year the In and Romans the between battle a was there hour, ninth the Palestine in d-M~mt) (tayyiiye Mul;tammad of Arabs the be- leaving fled, Romans The Gaza. of east miles twelve 12 Some killed. Arabs the whom bryrdn, patrician the hind Chris- there, killed were Palestine of villagers poor 4000 whole the ravaged Arabs The Samaritans. and Jews tians, 13 region. non-Muslim a in Mul;tammad to reference explicit first the is This ultimately it that confidence inspires dating precise very its and source, identified usually is account The knowledge. first-hand from derives near place took say historians Muslim which Dathin, of battle the with 14 634. of spring the in Gaza Babylon of Saints Child the on Homily and Egypt, in widespread was youths saintly three these for Devotion refusal courageous their celebrating literature much circulated there idol. his to down bow all that demand Nebuchadnezzar's to accede to of that and story their treats homily Coptic wide-ranging rather One passage: following the with concludes and Daniel, prophet the 11 below. 10 Chapter in Chronologies" "Short on entry the See 12 "in read 38-39, Palestine, of History Gil, and 1.116, syriaca, Anecdota Land, Byzan- Kaegi, etymologically; and geographically implausible seems which Jordan," Vardan name Armenian the suggests 12, Conquests, Islamic Early the and tium Arabic). in (Wardan 13 147-48. Chronicle, Presbyter, the Thomas 14 where Dathin, that say 2.514-15, Mu'jam, Yaqut, and 109, Futiif!, Baladhur1, Anas- Gaza." of villages the of "one was Muslims, the of battle first the occurred Roman a mention 332, Theophanes, and 1156C, 89, PG 3, Sermo Sinai, of tasius Dathesmos. Dathemon/ at defeat

140 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources 121 Coptic us, As ones, let us fast and pray without cease, my for loved commandments observe Lord so that the and of the the Fathers come have pleased Him may our blessing of all who Jews, Let fast like the God-killing not nor us. upon us down Saracens who are oppressors, fast give them- like the who to massacre and lead into captiv- selves up prostitution, of and saying: "We both fast sons pray." Nor ity the men, passion like deny the saving those who of our we fast should died for us, Lord free us from death and perdition. who to let fast like our Fathers the apostles who went Rather us all suffering hunger and thirst, deprived the into world, out all. of arch-prophet, like Moses the ... Elias and Let fast us the prophet Daniel and the three Saints in the John, like 15 fire. of furnace author clearly has no love of Muslim rule, and the emphasis on The and rather enslaving than taxation and tyrannical rule suggest killing long that was delivered not the after the Arab conquests, per- sermon interesting, is the 640s. The reference to Saracen fast and prayer in haps the two so symbolic of piety to a Christian that he may mean but are 16 than the Arabs more to be God-fearing. claim no that Qartmin (d. 648) Gabriel of conquered Khusrau and expelled the Romans "When Mesopotamia it, he ordered at the same time the from bishops to be Chalcedonian expelled their churches and those churches to be given to the from 17 and latter, therefore, became strong in this region Jacobites." The so Qartmin abbot of particularly monastery, then Daniel 'Uzzaya the (614-33), "became metropolitan over four districts: Tella, Mardin, who 15 Homily on the Child Saints of Babylon, §36 (tr. de Vis, 99-100). 16 A who operated in the region of Dar a in the mid-eighth century urged: deceiver mouth earth open its and swallow you up" ( Chron. "Repent, pray, lest and the fast Zuqnin, 286). And in a homily S. Peter is made to say of the "nations who serve Spirit" were accept the Son or the Holy not that even do they to fast and but God part in the kingdom of heaven (Theophilus pray rigorously, they would still have no of Alexandria, Arabic Homily, 393-97). 17 Chron. 1234, 1.224.

141 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 122 18 and 'fur He was succeeded in this position by Gabriel Dara 'Abdin." Qustan, "who his lifetime revived a dead man and Beth during from 19 at These are narrated other length in performed wonderful miracles." of Gabriel, which forms part of a trilogy on the most illustri- the Life of other the patrons two being the monastery's founders, Qartmin, ous 20 and Samuel Simeon. the Life of Gabriel is either legendary or contrived from Much of at and the resume of his career only the end strikes one sources, other worthy of credence. It was evidently once contradicts for it separate, as of the which, for example, make Gabriel a deacon before elements Life a monk: became he of the years of lord Gabriel was seventy-four. At sum The became the under he yoke of the monastic fifteen disciple At he became a deacon. At thirty-nine he was life. twenty made of the brothers. At forty-five he became priest, head he was ordained a bishop and he sat At sixty or presbyter. the seven throne for fourteen years on months and episcopal 21 days. twenty-three figure only twice in Arabs Life. Once "a certain Arabian" (gabrii the merchant, from the desert of' Arab in the south, a prosperous 'arbiiyii) deposited with a monk of Qartmin while he was away on business. gold subsequent death this monk necessitated Gabriel's intercession The of 22 merchant demanding his money. the The second inci- returned when dent Gabriel's meeting with the caliph 'Umar: was 18 819, 10; see Palmer, Monk and Mason, 152-54, for the situation. Chron. 19 Chron. 11. In the Life Gabriel revives three corpses; this, plus a note 819, Gabriel's death was exhumed 130 years after his that in order to ward off body fixed the us that the Life was not tell before the ninth century (Gabriel of plague, Qartmin, Life XVI-XVIII, 76-80; XXVII, 90-91). 20 Palmer, and Mason, 13-17, discusses the Qartmin Trilogy; ibid., 155-59, Monk the of Gabriel. Life assesses 21 of Qartmin, Life XXIII, 88. Chron. 819, 11, has him appointed Gabriel bishop in 945/633-34; Life XI, 72, has 965, AG must be wrong, since it says that it which coincided with the withdrawal of the Persians from Mesopotamia. 22 Gabriel Qartmin, Life X, 67-71. of story was almost certainly drafted This some while after Gabriel's death, since it concludes on an apologetic note: upon the Gabriel's the dead monk speaks revealing prayers location of the money; this so

142 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 123 lord to the ruler ( a~zd shiiltiinii) of the Gabriel This went who was bar Khattab, in the city of of Hagar, sons 'Umar him and great joy, received after a Gezirta. He ('Umar) with man petitioned this ruler and received the blessed days few the statutes and laws, orders and prohibi- signature to his judgements pertaining to the Christians, and precepts tions, and to priests and and churches to monasteries, deacons 23 give poll tax, that and to they that they be do not monks any ( madattii). Also that tax wooden gong from freed the be banned and that they might chant hymns not should the when it comes out from the house to be bier before with many customs. This governor buried, together [other] pleased blessed the coming to him of the was ( shallztii) at with this returned to the monastery one great man and holy joy.24 Gabriel, as metropolitan of Dara and abbot That Qartmin, met of with Arab general to establish terms is likely, and exemption from an was and sought for monks taxes priests as one of these terms. often use worship, of which the however, of the wooden gong Ostentatious and chanting before a bier are a part, did not become a literary theme 25 until century. the This account is, then, a later fabrication and eighth to belongs of documents which sought to delineate the ideal the genre there Arab he falls prostrate testifying "that the is no God except impresses that similarity the note mshll)ii; men 1-bar layt Alliihii ( glory be whom to Christ forever" the first part of the Muslim profession of faith), and is subsequently baptised. It to possible been this has is lifted from a biography of Mar I:Jabib (d. 707), bishop that of Edessa, ( whom same tale is about the Chron. Zuqnin, 160-63). told 23 The manuscript has pqrtii; Palmer, Monk and Mason, 159, suggests reading phrase "vertebrae" as an analogy with the this "tax on the and taking (paqiire) neck." 24 of Qartmin, Life XII, 72. Ms. Paris syr. 375, fols. 99-102, gives a Gabriel Chron. eccles., 1.123, somewhat passage; Bar Hebraeus, expanded of this version 'Umar bar KhaHab, king of the Arabs, when the went down to says: "He (Gabriel) obtained latter Gezirta of Beth Zabdai, and he at a diploma with power over was the Christians." 25 Fattal, Statut legal des non-musulmans, 270-74 (exemption from taxes), 203-13 Non-Muslim Subjects, 217-18, 100-14. (ostentatious worship); Tritton,

143 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 124 treaty and it with authority by attributing it Muslim-Christian endow 26 Muslim figures. famous to the (wr. 660s) of Bagratunis Sebeos, Bishop source for events of the early seventh century The most fascinating is untitled of Armenia. It begins history the fifth- anonymous an where Lazar P'arpets'i left off, namely century the rebellion of historian with 27 the 480s. Mamikonian But it then passes over much of the Vahan in until of revolt century Vardan Mamikonian in 572. Thereafter sixth the recounts in detail those events concerning Armenia and the chronicler role in superpower politics up until the mid-650s, later adding stop- its the conclusion of the Arab civil war in 661. news press on has There controversy over the authorship of this work. been much modern with tried to identify it first the History of Its commentator and to five medieval historians by attributed to a Heraclius referred of presumably the "lord Sebeos, bishop of the House Sebeos, bishop Bagratunis," who attended the Council of Dwin in 645 and wit- the until This was for a long time generally accepted its nessed canons. researches out Abgarian, who pointed the that the three surviving of found are not in, or even contradict, composition Sebeos' excerpts from our anonymous chronicle. So the two must be considered distinct doc- 28 uments, by Sebeos having been lost bar the excerpts. the For one 26 E.g. Isho'yahb (II) went to find 'Umar and spoke to him about "The catholicos is the 'Umar him an edict of which this Christians; copy ... " ( Chron. Si- the granted CIV, PO 13, 620); see Sako, Lettre christologique du lsi:i'yahb II, 75-79, and more irt Graf, generally Schutzbriefe Muhammads fiir die Christen." There are "Apokryphe Lands, Jews of Arab The 255-58), Samaritan (MacDonald, Jewish also (Stillman, Unpublished Palestinian Tradition about "An and Greek equiva- Muhammad") (see lents under tou Moameth and Horismos Diatheke Mauia in Bibliography I tou below). 27 Prefixed to the History of Heraclius are three sections containing an account of the legendary of Armenia and a sketch of the Parthian Arsacids, together origins the and History, and a chronology of Persian called Roman rulers to the Primary Hewsen, end Sasanian era (on which see the "The Synchronistic Table of Bishop of Eusebius [Ps. Sebeos]"). These were probably added later; for discussion see Thom- Moses History of the Armenians, 53-56. Further comments on I

144 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 125 simplicity continued to use I have, however, Sebeos in name the this for must as simply a shorthand understood the text this be but book, chronicle and for of original compiler. the anonymous its question authorship, studies on of and reliability the dating Unlike been forthcoming, and a few comments not therefore necessary. are have indications that Sebeos lived through many of the events that There are he the that the account of relates: Arab conquests derives he maintains "who fugitives from eyewitnesses thereof' and, speaking had been of in 652, declares happenings the Armenian faith has prevailed "until that 29 Gero considers that Sebeos' notice on the launching of a fleet now." to Constantinople must refer to attack great siege in Mu'awiya "the by the rather describes a single assault But than a long siege, 674-78." text with event clearly to be identified the that reported by a mid- and is ships of Both emphasise that a great force source. Syriac eighth-century that the expedition and place in the thirteenth year took readied was 30 Constans of (654). Sebeos concludes with Mu'awiya's ascendancy in first Arab civil war (656-61), and the above points would suggest the 31 author was writing very the after this date. that soon As for Sebeos' trustworthiness as a chronicler, one should note his documentary material. This consists of an exchange occasional use of letters Armenian patriarch Kumitas (615_.:.28) and the between the of of from Modestus (614-31), extracts patriarch a dec- deputy Jerusalem response faith in 648 in of to Constantine's request laration composed the rapprochement between the Armenian and Greek churches, a for Critique of Sebeos and his History of Heraclius;" Mahe, "Critical Remarks on "A Newly For Excerpts from Sebeos." the a full bibliography see Thomson, Edited of Armenian Bibliography Literature, 196-98. Classical 29 Sebeos, XXXV (tr. Mader, 102, 136). XXX, 30 Gero, Byzantine Iconoclasm ... Leo, 38 n. 15; Sebeos, XXXVI (tr. Mader, 140- 42); Syriac s. a. 654. Note that Sebeos' account makes much use of Biblical CS, e.g. as description of the Arab ships imagery; equipped with "siege engines, flame his is taken from 1 Maccabees javelins and slings," and stone men to throw throwers, vi.51. 31 Brock, "Syriac Views," 9; Thomson, "Muhammad and the Origin oflslam in Ar- Tradition," 830; Reinink, "Ps.-Methodius: a Concept of History," menian Literary 157-58, speak of Sebeos writing "at the end of the seventh century." In response to simply that they mean "in the me my these interrogation, scholars have informed second half of the seventh century."

145 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 126 of the treaty concluded by prince Theodore Rshtuni substance peace Arabs with and possibly a letter from the emperor Mau- in the 653, Khusrau of complaining to the refractoriness of the (582-602) II rice 32 nobles troops and suggesting a policy of deportation. Armenian and rich information on Smbat Bagratuni we might also From the infer Sebeos at his disposal a biography of this man, who was much that had Khusrau by II. honoured in Sebeos is further increased by his apparent access Our confidence the privileged An example is information. Persian sack of certain to in 614, for which he is the only writer to explain why the Jerusalem who seem to have inflicted little or no damage on towns and Persians, 33 in Palestine, Syria ravaged Jerusalem; namely that initially cities and had some arranged, but a few months later truce "youths of the been a and Persian governors stationed there the a riot broke out city" killed 34 and Christians which necessitated Persian intervention. between Jews 35 36 date The 614, the description of a nineteen-day siege, May the of 37 Cross of the removal of the walls, and captives to undermining the 38 all this agrees with sources known to be contemporary. Either Persia: 32 70-76, XXV, XXXV, VI (tr. Sebeos, XXXIII, 113-29, 133, 30-31). Mader, 33 See Schick, Christian Communities of Palestine, 20-48; the Persians seem to have wrought in Asia Minor (Foss, "The Persians in Asia Minor most devastation End Antiquity"). the and of 34 (tr. Mader, 68-69). There is a possible allusion to this in the Sebeos, XXIV a Chalcedonian monk of the rowdiness of the circus factions recently by condemation Jerusalem (Strategius, in arrived Capture of Jerusalem, Il.2-4). 35 VIII.5; Chron. paschale, 704; Thomas the Presbyter, Chronicle, 146: all Ibid., on 614; XXIV (tr. agree Sebeos, specifies 68), May. Antiochus, Ep. ad Mader, 22 PG 89, 1424, says that Arabs raided Mar Saba monastery one week Eustathium, on was taken; these martyrs of Mar Saba are celebrated Jerusalem 15 May before rather than death date; see Vailhe, "Prise de may be their burial (though this Jerusalem," 646-49). Strategius, of Jerusalem, (C) gives 22 May for Capture X.6 lasted slaughter 4518 Christians; the carnage Jews' 3 days, evidently 19-22 the of This May. approximately confirmed by the Georgian lectionary which has 17 is (Palestinian-Georgian the decimation of Jerusalem 226-27). Calendar, 67, for May 36 Strategius, Capture of Jerusalem, VI11.5, has 20 days. 37 Chron. 25; Sophronius, Anacreontica no. 14, 106/173; see also Khuzistan, "The Taking of Jerusalem by the Persians," 37. Clermont-Ganneau, 38 Strategius, Capture of Jerusalem, XIII.6; Anastasius the Persian's Acta (cited Khuzistan, 25 le Perse, 47); Chron. Anastase (cross had been hidden in Flusin, by a vegetable garden).

146 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 127 39 Armenian news of the catastrophe, pilgrims or Sebeos back brought him had homiletic material concerning the hagiographic before and/or a misfortune indeed to is circulated after such likely event, which have all Christians. affected that is Sebeos' tale of the activities of "the Another instance rebellious support from the Hagarenes for a time, conceived who, Jews finding of of the Temple plan Solomon:" the rebuilding of the called the Holy con- Holies, they spot located Having there a place of prayer for themselves with the structed foundations and But the Ishmaelites, envi- superstructure. them, them from that spot and called the expelled ous of their of place building prayer. They (the Jews) same own 40 erected elsewhere another place for their worship. Jews were allowed by the Muslims to live and practise That re- their Jerusalem is acknowledged gratefully by a number of Jewish ligion in who authorities, this happy state of affairs with their exilic contrast under Byzantine rule: situation Temple remained with The for 500 or so years Byzantium and Israel were unable to enter Jerusalem; whoever did so and was out, suffered death. Then when the Romans found it, by grace of the God of Israel, and the kingdom of left the victorious, given was was leave to Ishmael Israel and enter of and the courtyards up the house of God take residence handed over to them and they were praying there for were 41 a time. 39 614 Kumitas written shortly after to mentions the visit of Modestus' letter Christians to Armenian (Sebeos, XXV (tr. Mader, 70]); see also Stone, Jerusalem "Armenian Pilgrims and Pilgrimages." 40 Sebeos, XXXI (tr. Mader, 102}; the subsequent incident narrated by Sebeos, of getting the Chris- how the Muslims' mosque in the hope Jews two pigs in killed not found in any other source. tians into is trouble, 41 950} ben Yerul).im (wr. ca. Thus in his Judaeo-Arabic commentary Salman on Psalm 30 (text given by Mann, Jews under the Fatimids, 1.46 n. 1}. Further Palestine, discussion references are given in ibid., 1.42-47, and by Gil, History of and "Jewish 65-74; also the entry on see Texts" in Chapter 10 below.

147 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 128 souFce has Muslims evict the Jews from their place of This also the of reason different: "Then news somewhat them the is prayer, though the Ishmaelite king, how went were engaging in shameful up to they behaviour, wine-drinking and drunkenness, and calumny; riotous and the them to one of the gates." Moreover, Sebeos is banished he so were writer note that four early to involved in Christian only parties 42 civil war: the one in the east ('Ali), one in Syria and the first Arab and another Egypt (sundry rebels), held the fourth (Mu'awiya), north 43 country of the Arabs and a place he Askaron." "the And called held and Arabia united and killed their king in Egypt "Those continues: the treasures and established another king ('Uthman), pillaged royal coalition what we know from Muslim writers of the fits ('Ali)," which the Egyptians and the Medinese. between is not, however, immune from error. In particular, he con- Sebeos flates two Persian of 615 and 626 into a single incident, the assaults the events of 616-25. misplacing his results leapfrogging or which in breakdown The the peace between Mu'awiya and Constans is dated of to the eleventh and the twelfth both of the latter's reign. And a years number of descriptions are heavily influenced by Biblical conceptions and terminology, notable example being the presentation of the be- a 44 the conquests. Despite these and a few other short- Arab ginning of novel means often accurate information in Sebeos the that and comings, must taken he seriously. be is especially makes Sebeos that he interesting the first non- What is author to present us with a theory for the rise pays that oflslam Muslim 45 to Muslims themselves thought they were doing. what the attention 42 XXXVIII (tr. Mader, 148-49). Sebeos, 43 may intend the name This 'A'isha's camel, 'askaran, whose participation of gave an early skirmish the name Battle to the Camel (Bashear, Al-ta 'rlkh al- of iikhar, 306, citing Ibn al-Wardi). Such a slip could easily have been made by a might be non-Arabic indicate an oral source. Otherwise there speaker would and as rather odd translation of en Perside ilii l- 'askar some connection with the here II, the of Stephen the Sabaite (Greek Life in 537 = Arabic Life XXIII, biography 131-35). 44 Sebeos, XXVI, XXXV, XXX (tr. Mader, 77-84, 132 and 139, esp. 96-97). 45 I.e. opposed to the widespread notion as the Arabs had come at God's that command and to serve His purpose of chastising the sinful Christians (see the entry on the "Tool of God's Wrath" in Chapter 12 below).

148 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources 129 Coptic his view-and source is stated as escaped prisoners-of-war-the In his been awakened some Jewish refugees and a merchant had Arabs by a knowledge had the "living God who to revealed named Mu}:lammad of of their and to an awareness Abraham" their descent father to Himself The fifth-century church historian Sozomen, Abraham. native a from tells a similar story regarding the Arabs, how they had lapsed of Gaza, Abrahamic more but had heard once their of their true monotheism, in observance Jews and returned to the origin of Jewish laws and from the "up until the present day." Thus this genealogical customs had lesson 46 cultic But for the Arabs of Mu}:lammad's time it also ramifications. according to territorial implications: had, Sebeos, saying: preached, Mu}:lammad an oath God promised "With to that and his posterity after him forever ... land Abraham you, you are the sons of Abraham, and God will realise Now to promise made Abraham and his posterity. the in you go of Abraham, and God and take possession the love Only which country Abraham, God gave to your father your of in none be able to resist and will battle, for God is with you you."47 Echoes of this reconstruction are found in a mid-eighth-century Syriac 48 chronicle: 46 Sozomen, 2.671-72 (6.XXXVIII); for the background to Historia ecclesiastica, see Islam." "Hagar, Ishmael, Josephus and the Origins of report One this Millar, also the mention might note Nidda 7.3, Mishna, converts to Judaism in Reqem in of if this is to be identified with Petra who, Geographie de la Palestine, 2.436), (Abel, would be Arabs; and the appearance of the name A braham 7 4 times on presumably near Nessana Gaza (Negev, Greek Inscriptions from at inscriptions sixth-century Negev, the The question of dm 76). the cultic corollary to Abrahamic lbriih!m, descent, is complex; for discussion see Shahid, BAFIC, 167-180; Rubin, "Ifanffiyya and Ka'ba." Rubin see Dagorn, La geste d'Ismael. Against 47 of Mader, 95-96). Other indications (tr. early Islam's Abra- Sebeos, XXX orientations are noted in the entries hamic the "Chronicler of Khuzistan" and on 13 Monotheism" in Chapters 5 and "Abrahamic/Primitive below respectively. on For a fuller treatment of Sebeos' ideas on Islam see Crone and Cook, Hagarism, 6-8; Hoyland, Arat, und die ersten Aussagen der Armenier zum Islam;" Sebeos "Bischof "Sebeos, the Jews and the Rise of Islam." 48 The following has been reconstructed from Michael the Syrian 11.11, 405/403- are 404, Chron. 1234, 1.227-28, who and both drawing on Dionysius of TellmaJ:rre.

149 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 130 while This,Mul;tammad, age and stature of youth, be- in the go gan down from his town of Yathrib to Palestine up to and of so and selling. While business engaged in the buying for and country, belief in one God saw it was pleasing he the the 49 went When he to back down to his his eyes. tribesmen, set belief before them, and he convinced a few and he this his In addition, he would extol the became followers. they this land of Palestine, saying: "Because bountifulness of of belief one God, the like of in good and fertile land the this to to them." And he would add: "If you listen me, given was these vain and confess the one God, then to abandon gods milk land flowing with and honey." give a will you too God who of them were band a word, he his corroborate To led to him began to go up and the land of Pales- obedient to plundering, enslaving and pillaging. He returned laden tine unharmed, and thus he had not fallen short and booty] [with his promise them. of to hand and went religion in conquest in Mul;ta.mmad's preach- That hand in command: which many passages "Fight the Qur'an from is ing clear the God not believe in pay and they Last Day ... until do those who tribute" (ix.29) and the like. But there is also an indication that the lands which were about to conquer were their inheritance: "He they you heirs their land (of the "people of the Book") and their made to 50 to land which you and not yet trodden (xxxiii.27)." have dwellings a rely together Theophanes and Agapius, with upon the mid-eighth- The latter, Syriac CS for many notices on events in the century Regarding Mul;tammad, East. however, accounts differ considerably. That it is Dionysius who best preserves their us for account of Syriac CS is argued in the entry on "Theophilus of Edessa" the in Chapter below. It is interesting that Syriac 10 was composed by a native of CS Edessa (see the entry on "Theophilus of Edessa" in Chapter 10 below), a city with close links Dwin and the departure point in Sebeos' account for the Jews who to refuge inform Arabia and seek to take the Arabs of their Abrahamic descent. in 49 Michael "While engaged with the Jews, has: learnt from them the belief he in one God, and seeing that his tribesmen worshipped stones and wood and every created thing, adhered to the belief of the Jews, which was pleasing he him;" he to most likely specifies Jews for polemical reasons. 5 °Commentators on the Qur'an often consider this verse a reference to the Jews Prophet's of the lands of the seizure of Quray~a, but other writers say it

150 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 131 And are heard to justify their invasion to their Byzan- Arab generals Persian counterparts saying that the lands were promised and by tine 51 by maw'iid Allah). to It is easy them see how the Mus- God ( to lims might as the taking their what was rightfully portray conquests of theirs, is why obvious it Christian sources would do so. The but less to Ishmael offspring who are many become a great has Bible father xvii.20, xxi.13), nation (Genesis is specific there mention of an but no inheritance. can Sebeos tell also the of which Mul;ammad prescribed us laws his followers, and these are for in paralleled the though Sebeos Qur'an, no reference Mul;ammad bearing a scripture: "He legislated makes to wine them eat carrion (v.3), not to drink to (ii.219, for not (awrinadre) and not to (xxxix.3, v.90), xxxiii.24 etc.) not to speak falsely xvi.116, fornication xxiv.2)." Most of (xvii.32, commit Sebeos' is, how- attention Persians the with the wars and Arabs' of account to directed ever, an particularly their on Armenia. Though the chronol- Byzantines, impact ogy is unclear and events are occasionally given a Biblical sometimes interpretation, account is informative and is valuable for having the the the to second half of confirms seventh century. It in been composed us, for example, the existence of some sort of caliphal figure at a very it distinguishes between the general or prince ( ishkhan) early date, for based in and the king (ark'ay), who resides else- Mu'awiya, Damascus, 52 where still formulate at least the more major but decisions. to seems he does welcome the Arabs or their conquests: certainly Sebeos not of "the horror of speaks invasion of the Ishmaelites" and likens the them to fourth beast of Daniel vii.7, which is more terrible than the Muslim the he refers to the And commander who concluded all rest. "whatever the Muslims capture until intends day of Resurrection" (e.g. Yal;tya the ibn I

151 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 132 53 treaty Rshtuni as "the great ally of the Antichrist." with a Theodore tone Nevertheless, matter-of-fact and unhostile, which is his generally weight his testimony. add cannot to but of Alexandria (626-65) Benjamin I, Patriarch Benjamin's patriarchate were turbulent ones for himself of The years flock. He came to office during and Persian occupation of his the (619-28) with only a brief respite, was followed by the Egypt which, of and Chalcedonian patriarch attempt governor heavy-handed Cyrus, the (631-42), Egypt the Copts within to pale of the imperial bring of then came invasion and rule by the Arabs. During the Chal- church; and the Arab conquests Benjamin remained in cedonian persecutions Cyrus Egypt. with the death of But and flight of much Upper in hiding a good Chalcedonian he was now in elite, position to establish of the dii,ks) the spiritual head of Egypt. The commander ( Shenute as himself of the ibn al-'A~ (d. 663) 'Amr the patriarch's situ- informed general and 'Amr obligingly wrote a protection guaranteeing him letter ation, peace inviting to "come forward and him and security to manage the in affairs of his church and the government of his people." So Benjamin returned to and 'Amr "ordered him to be brought before Alexandria in honour, and friendship. When he saw him, he treated him reverence and with said to his companions and intimates: 'In all him deference countries which we have taken until now, I have not seen a man of the good the this one.'" With of relations thus established, Ben- like God was return to devote himself to "the jamin of the members of the able of who deserted in the days had Heraclius" and the rebuilding church 54 monasteries. and churches of first exploits to Benjamin. The attributed is a debate with Two are which is inferred from the above 'Amr, and continues as encounter follows: said 'Amr to him Then turned to him: "Take your and if and your people and govern their affairs. And churches 53 Sebeos, XXXII, XXXV (tr. Mader, 104-105, 133). 54 Hist. Patriarchs XIV, PO 1, 495-500. On Benjamin's life and works see the articles by listed in Bibliography Muller below. Amelineau, "Fragments coptes," II 368-78, 386-89, presents a surviving fragment of a Coptic Life of Benjamin.

152 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 133 pray that I may go to the west and Pentapolis you for me of them Egypt and return safely take and possession like So do ask of me." you the I will promptly, and whatever for him and gave a fine speech which holy Benjamin prayed those with and him, for in it was 'Amr present astonished much for those who heard it. and And exhortation profit matters to 'Amr and departed from him certain he revealed 55 respected. and honoured its hardly merits Muslim-Christian inclusion in a list of This, however, 56 dialogues. deed conversely, proposed by our sources but second is, Benjamin's modern historians. It is ignored clearly set out by the Jacobite by most Dionysius of Tellma}:tre (818-45): patriarch the land of Egypt we have found in histories Concerning Benjamin, patriarch of the orthodox, gave Egypt that the the Arabs. The Copts handed over Alexandria and Egypt to the to because they were oppressed by the persecu- Arabs of the Chalcedonians. Cyrus, the Chalcedonian patri- tion arch, who tied the red slipper of kings to one foot and the sandal of to the other, like one who has royal andre- monks authority, drove the patriarch Benjamin. He left ligious out to he Arabs and promised that went would hand and the expel to if they would Alexandria, Cyrus and re- over them the churches to him. When he they promised and had store and confirmed oaths, he returned with informed his had it 57 they surrendered Alexandria to the and Arabs. people 55 discussion XIV, PO l, 496-97; Hist. Patriarchs is given by Muller, "Kop- some tische Patriarchen des 7. Jahrhunderts," 203-204. 56 As claimed by Nau, "Un colloque," 230-32; Fritsch, Islam und Christentum, is Khoury, Litera- byzantins, 40; Cameron, "Disputations, Polemical 1; Theologiens and 104. Formation of Opinion," ture the 57 Michael This material common to represents the Syrian ll.VIII, 422- the 23/432-33, and Chron. 1234, 1.251-53. The latter always speaks of 'Amr ibn (Benjamin) al-'A~ Arabs and adds: "He of permitted them (the Copts) to instead have themselves circumcised to provide them a distinguishing mark so that with they Chalcedonians." not be killed along with the might

153 West Coptic Syrian, and Armenian Sources 134 this 'is by a co-religionist of Benjamin, it cannot neces- Since reported sarily dismissed and, interestingly, it is echoed by certain as be hostile in as Arabic sources, following account: the arrived (Muslims) Balhib (village in the Delta), we When in of Alexandria sent a message to 'Amr ibn al-' the ruler A~ ran: Arabs, in the past I used to pay a poll-tax to that "0 me to than you, namely Per- were who hateful people more and Byzantines. want sians If you to the poll-tax, I me pay agreeable on am condition that you will return to me all the 58 from our region whom you have captured." those people the earliest historian of Egypt, Ibn 'Abd al-ijakam (d. And Muslim relates: 871), called There a bishop of the Copts was Abba in Alexandria When he heard of Benjamin. coming of' Amr ibn al-' A~ the Egypt, to wrote to the Copts informing them that the he would and have no rule Romans that their kingdom [soon) them at end, and he instructed And to receive 'Amr. an was it is said that the Copts who were in Farama (Pelusium) 59 that helping 'Amr. day were both John Nikiu and the biographer of Benjamin agree that the But of years in returned Alexandria after thirteen to exile, "of which latter only were in the reign of Heraclius and three under the Muslims," so in ten 60 This too late for Benjamin is have established contact with to 644. prior one the conquest and 'Amr should perhaps rather assume that to of above preserve a confused memory sources an incident recorded the 58 Tabari, 1.2581; the isniid is Ibn lsl).aq from Qasim ibn Quzman, a man of Egyptian origin, Ziyad ibn from al-Zubaydi, who that he was a soldier reported Jaz' army of the in ibn al-'A~ when Mi~r and 'Amr conquered. Alexandria were 59 manuscript 'Abd 58, cf. 73; Ibn al-J:Iakam, has Myiimln for Bnyiimln (see the Butler, Arab Conquest of Egypt, 514). The isniid is: "Other than Ibn 'Adir from the of the people of Egypt." elders 60 John of Nikiu, CXXI.l (tr. Charles, 200)-though the chapter heading has fourteen (tr. Charles, 14); years Hist. Patriarchs XIV, PO 1, 493-95. See Butler, Arab Conquest of Egypt, 440-42.

154 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 135 in Arabic histories, namely the visit of a certain Muqawqis a number of during 'Amr of Alexandria and offer of help on three condi- the siege to then This understood tions. should be a measure taken referring as to the to Byzantine recapture of Alexandria in 646 during by Benjamin 61 maintain himself agreement 'Amr in 644. between and concluded the Chronicler Maronite A Folios the British Library Syriac manuscript Add. 17,216 com- 2-14 of a chronicle, based on prise of Eusebius, which covers events that from Alexander Great to 660s. The flyleaf of a St. Petersburg the the Eusebius' of manuscript once belonged to this History Ecclesiastical manuscript and contains a garbled version of Library British begin- the ning of chronicle, including a computation of the years from the Adam 62 to The chronicle is often defective and the part treating Seleucus. late is century to the mid-seventh the entirely missing, but the fourth for two impart some very interesting notices final the years fragments 63 AG 969-75/658-64: AG 969: Mu'awiya has his sister's son J:Iudhayfa killed. 'All was slain praying at J:Iira." Mu'awiya went down to "while J:Iira and from all the Arab forces there. received allegiance There Palestine. an earthquake in 970: A dispute AG was the J acobites and the Maronites "in the held was between of Mu'awiya." When the Jacobites presence defeated, were them to pay 20,000 denarii. "So it be- Mu'awiya ordered that the Jacobite bishops every year they came a custom for so that of gold to Mu'awiya give that he not loose sum his hand upon There was another earthquake. The them." Constans his brother Theodore put to death, emperor had went to fight the then peoples in order to avoid northern the protests his action had provoked. 61 Ibid., 475-80 (on the identity of the Muqawqis); see the entry on the "Conquest Chapter 13 below for more discussion. of in Egypt" 62 Wright, Catalogue, 3.1041 (no. 915), who says the manuscript is of the eighth ninth century. or 63 Chron. Maronite, 69-74.

155 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 136 971: "Many gathered at Jerusalem and made AG Arabs and Mu'awiya up and sat down on Golgotha he king went He went to Gethsemane and went down prayed and there. tomb of the blessed Mary and prayed in it. to those the In there with Mu'awiya, gathered when Arabs were days the as an much was Jericho fell, as well earthquake;" there of nearby churches and monasteries. many "In of the same year the emirs and many Arabs gath- July and gave their allegiance ered Mu'awiya. Then order to an all that be proclaimed king in should the vil- he went out cities of his dominion and that they should make and lages minted gold him. and also acclamations invocations to He silver, but and was not accepted because it had no cross it not wear a crown like on Furthermore, Mu'awiya did it. kings placed the world. He other his throne in Damascus in refused to go to the seat of Mul).ammad." and AG 972: A severe frost. Once Mu'awiya had consolidated the peace with the Romans and did "he on reneged power, accept not them any longer, but said: 'If the peace from peace them want surrender their weapons and let Romans (gzftii). "' the tax pay (Folio Missing) 64 974: Raid ibn Mu'awiya upon Constantinople. AG ofYaz!d 975: of 'Abd al-Ral).man ibn Khalid, commander AG Raid of Arabs of I:Iim~, into Byzantine the territory. The halts rather abruptly at this text and it is likely that it point, originally continued further. How much further is difficult to say since the work anonymous. The notice under AG 970 suggests that the is was limits and this author somewhat the range of can- a Maronite, the Qays al-Marun1 commended by the Lammens proposed didates. Muslim scholar Mas'ud1 (d. 956) for his "fine work on history, which the with [and continued with] Creation, prophets, the books, began 64 0n the problems with the date of this raid see Noldeke, "Zur Geschichte der Roncevalle, Araber," 89 n. 2; 82, "La Qays wa-la Thawufil," 455-56.

156 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 137 the nations, the kings of the Romans and of others and cities, the and finished compilation with the caliphate of Muk- their histories, its 65 This does not, however, suit our chron- tafi" (902-908). description is omits the prophets and which and confined by Creation which icle, to the eighth or ninth century. palaeographic considerations argue that author was Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785), Others the the Mahdl and a Maronite. Besides astronomical astronomer to caliph translations of Homer into Syriac, Theophilus is and indeed treatises 66 written "a fine work clinching history." of And the for having famed of his identification with the Maronite chronicler for Brooks and proof is Breydy both give the number of years from Adam to Seleucus that 67 5197. though the dating is usually in terms of Christ's birth But as 68 312 (AM 5509), the date belief that there was a difference later years a years Adam and Seleucus is between standard feature of of 5197 according to the Byzantine era which had first calculations used been 69 seventh century. Moreover, Conrad has persuasively argued the in Theophilus the common source of the chroniclers Theophanes, that is of Tellma}:lre and Agapius, and since the and source common Dionysius 70 to no entries, they are our share share the same author. text unlikely Finally, Brock and Palmer consider the chronicler to be a near con- temporary of events that conclude the work as we have it, pointing the his provision accurate times and weekdays for the first two earth- to of 65 "Qays 265-68; Mas'udi, Tanblh, 154, who Lammens, "I have adds: al-Maruni," this the Maronites composed in vein," but this may reflect no other of seen book ignorance of Syriac (the following his he cites are all in Arabic). works 66 Chapter the "Theophilus of Edessa" in on 10 below. See entry 67 Maronite, 43-44; it is Bar Hebraeus Chron. Chron. syr., 37; Mukhta~ar al- ( duwal, who cites Theophilus' era. 98) Brooks, "Sources of Theophanes," 585; See Breydy, Literatur der Maroniten, 93 n. 12, 132-38; idem, "Das Chronikon des Maroni ten ibn Tum a." Theophilus' authorship of the Maronite Chronicle Theophilos first Tumii by Shemaly, "Thiiwufil b. was al-Miiruni," 356-58. proposed 68 BC, Creation on 31 March 5508 itself but since the Byzantine year be- occurred gan on 1 September, the first year of the world (AM 1) corresponded to 1 September 5509-31 August BC. 5508 69 See Cumont, "L'ere et Theophile d'Edesse;" Grumel, Chronologie, byzantine 111-28. This era was not, however, in common use until the ninth century, which chronicle. casts on a seventh-century date for this doubt 7 °Conrad, "The Conquest of Arwad," 322-36.

157 West and Armenian Sources Syrian, Coptic 138 71 the Noldeke, who first presented the text, also felt and quakes frost. of must for the manuscript was early, the eighth the work be original and the text betrayed signs of ninth suffered at the century having or 72 Bates, however, has recently copyists. a doubt on an hands of cast for this chronicle, declaring the notice about Mu'awiya strik- date early coins ing an be had not been minted for centuries anachronism. to Silver before Syria in is the 690s and there al-Malik's no firm issue 'Abd in 73 that caliph. evidence of Muslim minting activity before chronicler very well-informed on Arab affairs. For in- Our seems a mosque, 'All was killed in that though naming the he stance, knows as the old Arab capital of I:Jira rather than the nearby new city venue 74 And incident too early. placing the he agrees with and Kufa, of and of Mu'awiya in Jerusalem coronation later the sources on Muslim 75 to all as king "in July of the proclamation year." of He him same to event too early, but this is the have it coincide with the again dates of 659, the latter being in his mind a clear sign of God's earthquake the Christian holy places. The for in disapproval Mu'awiya's prayer anecdotal, the against the Byzantines is of but again narrative sorties 71 "Syriac Sources for the Seventh Century," 18-19; Palmer, West-Syrian Brock, wa-la 29. also Roncevalle, "La Qays See Thawufil," who felt it safer to Chronicles, leave open question of authorship. Palmer says that the author was a supporter the the Byzantines so was likely writing before the Sixth Council (680-81), which of and this Maronites though he may be anti-Arab, but does not mean he is the rejected; (cf. his criticism of Constans and his description of the foolhardiness pro-Byzantine the Yazid's soldiers during of campaign). Byzantine 72 Ni:ildeke, der Araber," 82-83. "Zur Geschichte 73 "Commentaire," Bates, arguing against Morrisson, "Le monnayage 319-20, Daphne made at must be near of a hoard found note However, omeyyade," 312. solidus This an imitation Antioch. a Byzantine contains with the crossbar of the of crosses removed; otherwise the coins are regular issues of the emperors from Mau- rice to IV (668-85), the latter appearing on two coins together with Constantine brothers, therefore, were deposed in autumn 681. There is good reason, his who See assume the imitation with to crosses was minted before 681. that deformed Metcalf, Seventh-Century Byzantine Gold "Three 97-101, for discussion. Hoards," 74 1'abari, 1.3456 (on 'All's death). The acknowledgement of Mu'awiya at have Jerusalem Syrians in Dhii.l-Qa'da AH 37/April 658 (ibid., 2.199) may the by made a western Christian assume 'Ali was already dead. 75 1'abari, 2.4 (allegiance given in Jerusalem after the death of 'Ali), 2.199 ( recog- surrender nised "the people as a whole" after the by of 'All's son J:lasan on 31 July 661).

158 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 139 very gives such details as how the Arabs frightened well-informed and off some Constantinopolitan cried out in the way of youths "they when 76 the is In the course of 'God account of 'Abd language their great."' by a lake in southern Asia Minor in 664 we are told al-Ral).man's defeat Arabs have not attacked that lake again up to the present that "the this is one might infer that the author From writing statement day." a resident the not and also that he is after of the region. long raid however, is This, conclusive, since writers frequently add emphasis not to their of a situation by affirming that it has remained so descriptions 77 the present And it also conflicts with the conclusion drawn until day. Palestine numerous notices on that the chronicler the from by scholars 78 be that One solution would the to assume that province. from was was a native of northern Syria chronicler spent some time as a who But it is equally probable that the work originally Palestine. pilgrim in do to so we have and with a later compilation further, much continued draws that earlier local records. on George Resh'aina (d. ca. 680) of A tract written in Syriac and entitled "a narrative concerning the wicked Maximus who blasphemed against his Creator and of Palestine rather was presents us with a out" novel account whose tongue cut saint's life. It differs from its its counterparts chiefly in Greek this of description of crediting of the early him with a Pales- life Maximus, rather than Constantinopolitan background and casting him as tinian 79 mastermind whole controversy over Christ's wil1. the At one of the author tells us: the point 76 Chron. Maronite, 72. 77 when not in a position easily to verify such an assertion; e.g. Chron. Even Theophanes, 27 model inS. George's church in Lydda); (silver 357, 358 I

159 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 140 this I have set down, I, George from Resh'aina, All diligently Sophronius, a disciple Jerusalem; I have set bishop of of faithful. They represent what the for records down these and taken I have from persons who are seen, heard over 80 credence. of worthy is again at pains to stress the veracity of Elsewhere words, "for I he his 81 have to write down this history truthfully." taken There are care great of certain elements his reconstruction or however, for grounds, doubting spawned his Much, one suspects, is of by polemic; to that informants. Maximus was born of the adulterous union of a Samaritan say and man a Jew's slave-girl is to attribute to him the worst imaginable ori- Persian to portray as the inspiration behind dyothelete doctrine Maximus gin; 82 to own stated deference to Sophronius is such matters. in belie his seem also factual details that certain doubtful: the accession are There in II (641) is sited in the time of Africa rebellion Gregory's Constans of to and implied that Maximus did not go is Africa until 648, it (648), 83 whereas he was there we 632. know in But our purposes it is enough to for that the manuscript con- note taining this account is of the seventh-eighth century and "it is certainly 84 not autograph." the Whatever the truth of his narrative we author's therefore, be that we have the view of a Monothelete bishop can, sure Arabs later century. His the on the rise of the seventh is opinion of made clear in the following paragraph: time as the Syriac Life. For further discussion see Sansterre, "Les biographies same of Maximus," 340-46. Maxime Brock, "Syriac Life de Confesseur," and le 80 George Resh'aina, Syriac Life of Maximus V, 304-305. The text has Gre- of and elsewhere of it has George (ibid. XI, 307), but Brock, "Syriac Life gory here, Maximus," 332-35, argues that the latter is more likely. 81 George Resh'aina, Syriac Life of Maximus XXII, 312. of 82 refers Peter the Illustrious, Maximus information by him to Sophro- Asked for "a wise advocate of the truth and an teach- defender of the divine unbeatable nius, arguments He able with citations ings. is to refute any heresy" (Maximus, Ep. and 13, PG 91, 533A). 83 George Resh'aina, Syriac Life of Maximus XVIII, 310; see the entry of on "Maximus Confessor" in the Chapter for more biographical information. 3 above 84 an Brock, Life of Maximus," 300 {i.e. it is a copy of "Syriac earlier original). See also Wright, Catalogue, 3.1206 {no. LI, Add. 7192).

160 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 141 went After Rome, the Arabs seized control up Maximus to of the and entered Cyprus and Arwad, rav- the islands of sea captives. They gained control over and them taking aging almost all the islands of the sea; for, and subdued Africa wicked the wrath of God punished Maximus, the following 85 which accepted his error. place had every are the tool The God's ire, sent to all places which had wel- Arabs of ac- their Thus the Arabs themselves, "blasphemy." Maximus' comed beliefs, require no and The author can simply say explanation. tions "the Arabs and took control of Syria and other areas," that appeared 86 forces accustomed to join is with paganism." "heresy and that interesting comment is given, however, which, though only an One remark, something betrays more than mere polemic: offhand accepted that Rome had saw the foul mire When Maximus his blasphemies, he also of down to Constantinople went at time when Mu'awiya the peace with the emperor made Constans, having started a war with Abu Turab, the emir 87 of and defeated him. I:Jira, at ~iffin is and nickname of 'Ali ibn Abi Talib, Turab its appearance Abu the 88 informant. from an Arab ultimately derivation In most here suggests acounts the battle of ~iffin (657) led only to an agreement be- Muslim on Mu'awiya to seek arbitration 'Ali their dispute; 'Ali's and tween where was The casual mention here that ~iffin later. came defeat defeated Abu Turab may be a telescoping of events, but Mu'awiya 89 are hints on the Christian and Muslim side that it is right. there Fi- emir there observation that 'Ali was the of I:Jira. In the classical is nally, legitimate the fourth ruler of the Arabs, though Muslim accounts is he him early Christian and Muslim, portray sources, as a rebel Syrian 85 George of Resh'aina, Syriac Life of Maximus XXIII, 312-13. 86 XVII-XVIII, 310. Ibid. 87 Ibid. XXV, 313. 88 For the possible meaning of the name see Kohlberg, "Abii Turab." 89 347, Slaves on Horses, 203 n. 30. Theophanes, Crone, says that Mu'awiya "obtained victory without any toil."

161 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 142 90 with in the East. support Moreover, he is usually con- only leader with than l:Iira, though the two were close enough rather Kufa nected 91 to be possible. identification or confusion for of Edessa (665-84) Daniel, Bishop of north in monastery Syria remained active throughout The Qenneshre century scholars turned out such respected seventh as Thomas the and in Heraclea, the New Testament revised Syriac, the philoso- of who and mathematician Severus Sebokht, and the polymath Jacob of pher mid-660s, however, it suffered a brief aberration when af- the In Edessa. The anonymous Syriac Chronicle of 1234, by a horde demons. flicted of relying on probably Dionysius, tells the that in a nearby patriarch us a stone slab inscribed with Median characters was discovered, village which cauldron a bronze under containing a bronze figurine. Sor- was sorcerers summoned, "for surely," people said, "it was then cerers were buried days in this of old." who their When sorcerers) whispered they spells over the lit- (the demons thousand "Sixty with them saying: it spoke idol, tle figurine." imprisoned in are this demons And asked: the this command us? Where shall we go?" At the you "How do of the from undid neck chain the figurine and sorcerers the "Go, enter into the said: of the monastery of Qen- monks Just the monks of then abbey began to suffer that neshre!" misfortunes Many ailments. many became possessed and cocks demons. by to crow like They and to bleat like began Peter They insulted the icons of the saints, calling goats. "Fool-Fisherman," "Skinhead," Thomas "One-Ball," Paul bar "Long-Beard" ( daqniinii l'iishii), Saint John Aphtonia "Dried Up (yabzshii), Beardless One" and Saint Ephraem 90 He not feature at all in Christian does of Muslim rulers; see the entry on lists the "Zuqnin Chronicler" in Chapter 10 below. 91 Thus Maronite, 69, has 'All assassinated Chron. J:Iira, rather than at Kufa at as Arabic sources maintain. Besides the proximity of the two places, the close with association the former Lakhmid capital, ofJ:Iira, the Arabs may be significant.

162 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 143 Man." Theodore more perversities did And many "Blind 92 speak. monks these and Michael the Syrian gives The chronicler patriarch twelfth-century this further which "cannot be doubted for they are details of incident, book of that truthful man, the patriarch Dionysius:" the in the of lord Daniel, bishop of Edessa, demons took In time monastery in the of Qen- brothers of possession certain Daniel abbot and called upon The to find some sent neshre. Saint to go to them told unfortunates. those for relief He (at Kayshum) and fetch the body of bishop Severus Jacob's They monks of Kayshum) did not want (the (of Samosata). granted him but under pressure they give a part of to up, When this was brought near, the demons began to him. "Alas ( us! That Broken One wail: mtabbrii) has come! for was of enough for him to drive us from the region It not but come must Samosata, here also!" The demons said he this called him "Broken One") because the saint had (i.e. once fallen from a beast of burden and been lamed in one had formerly been foot. by a demon One those possessed of bishop, and they threatened the demon the a disciple · of saying: come this man's master has him to expel in "Now enter The "I did not answered: this man of demon you!" own volition, but under compulsion. He my our mas- killed ter's in the upper vineyard and for that reason he sent dog to he him. My friends me sent to enter into these torment church would leave the they at the time of because monks, the Offering and go out to swim and play in those pools of water outside monastery"-"our master" was what the the called sorcerer-As soon as the monks stood demons some youths in front of the right those of the saint, the hand 93 aloud and came wailed of them. demons out 92 Chron. 1234, 1.267; one cannot be sure if this is from Dionysius since Michael It the a related, but not identical, story. gives would seem that both accounts Syrian and the fragment adduced below are all drawn from a much larger narrative about demons at Qenneshre. 93 Michael the Syrian ll.VII, 420-21/429.

163 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 144 information is by a fragment in the defective Berlin Syriac More given 94 315. piece is composite, but its first and Sachau manuscript The The relate this same incident. to first describes sections third clearly and the saints of Qenneshre, John bar Aphtonia insult demons how 95 and among narrates seven exorcisms worked by the them, Ephraem the of one by the hand of Severus of Samosata as in the saints, relics 96 for the Syrian. "This lasted Michael two months." by quoted extract third section begins by explaining that Chalcedonians had The oc- the of Qenneshre in monastery time of Domitianus, bishop the cupied (578-602), that then, as now, the Chalcedonians there and of Melitene of by It continues with a report claimed how at a later were demons. "the king" ordered the Jacobites to bring the demoniacs and the date before for sorcerer adjudication: him took Dyophysites and entered before 'Abd Allah We the Darrag, emir and governor of Mesopotamia, who was a bar (gabrii When the sorcerer and the pos- mhaggriiyii). Muslim before the emir, they (the possessed) blamed stood sessed the sorcerer and made known that he had sent the demons there (to monastery) and that these demons had suf- the many afflictions from these Broken Ones torments and fered the their One ( daqniinii) and from mtabbre), fel- ( Bearded 97 saints. low asked the head The the demons: "Are emir of 40,000 of demons." leader am the "I replied: many?" you He Mary emir "Is Jesus son of said: your friend?" The The then answered: "He is my enemy. Today demon has no power he me have again had power over will and he me; he once over you time to prevail over me." The emir said to him: "Are a rather I am the servant of "No, He answered: his servant?" 94 Fols. the manuscript is described in Sachau, Verzeichnis der syrischen 58a-63b; Handschriften, 2.521-30 167). (no. 95 as are daqniinii and They respectively, called in Chron. 1234 above. yabfshii 96 Qenneshre Fragment, 124-29/114-18 (first section). 97 This to Athanasius the Cameldriver (d. refers and his brother Severus of 631) latter the 1 and Section John bar Aphtonia, all mentioned in and (d. Samosata 641), two in the extracts above. Michael the Syrian and Chron. 1234 cited from

164 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 145 I am revolt against him, but in the end he God. in Now 98 over authority have will me." Edessa of Daniel Bishop in the is person and pro- then introduced first exorcise one of the demons by means of a saint's purse. After to ceeds demon the cried out in torment presence of the crowd the two days in now (Athanasius "That Broken One had or Severus) that gathered: enter emir this one of us cannot so his heart and give the protects that to our master, Satan." More exorcisms are carried out when a victory man with a ring containing a fragment of the Cross. The appears young attempt to his own ring fails, for as the demon asserts: "In emir's use 99 one cross, it is the other is no we fear." one The apologetic that there of this passage is obvious. First it is pointed out that it is intent only the who are tried by demons and it is only by the relics Chalcedonians freed. that they are Next there is a dig at the Monophysite of saints chief Muslims, being likened to the emir demon as a servant of God the ( 'Abd Allah/ 'Abdii d-Alliihii) rather than of Christ. The inferiority of the emir's is then demonstrated by the inefficacy of his ring in faith to that the Christian youth. contrast of synchronisation the patriarch Theodore ( 649- correct between The at the 67), of the first part, 'A bd Allah ibn Darraj mentioned beginning and Daniel of Edessa (665-84), and the Allah that 'Abd fact (660s) 100 correctly governor for Mu'awiya, as suggest that these is described the From not long after fragment occurrence. their recorded events were Dionysius Michael Syrian's and from the it appears that Daniel quote first the in appearance the drama. This and his in role played a key a the make it plausible that he was text major source of the person in and that some account was written down, either fragment him or at by his in the 670s or 680s. behest, however, second of this fragment, The reveals later rework- section ing. It comprises the interrogation of demons by a saint sandwiched and between brief conversations between Daniel, bishop of Aleppo, two a demon. The saint asks the demons whom they prefer: the pagans 98 Fragment, 131-32/120. Qenneshre 99 Ibid., 132-33/120-21. 100 Baladhuri, 57. 4.1, 427; Crone and Cook, Hagarism, 160 n. Ansab

165 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 146 or the the Nestorians or the Chalcedonians, the Nestori- (~anpe) Jews, the whether they attended the Council of Chal- Julianists, and or ans first reply: the demons the question To cedon. us dear The beloved to are {in that they do pagans more and that Christ is God, but say that not is a created believe he for Jews know a little Him who lives in Heaven. man}, the are them pleased with we and love them more than But very 101 because they have crucified God their lord. the pagans sentence in curly brackets was incorporated by the The into the editor text, it actually only appears in the margin. It plainly does not but do here; sense, since the Jews also no not believe Christ makes it belong God, and it obscures what is simply the resurrection of an old to be 102 pagans are like demons as they do not know God. the The argument: marginal was evidently penned at a time when the term "pagan" note 103 In come to be used most ( to refer to M uslims. ~anpii) had commonly addition, Daniel of Aleppo, the regarding word is struck out and latter "of Edessa" written in the margin. Though this second section is not discordant with other two parts and with the events at Qenneshre, the is it that it relates to another incident involving a Daniel also possible and later incorporated by a was compiler, who assumed it to Aleppo of so Qenneshre episode and refer "corrected" Daniel's diocese. the to and Sachau accepted the emendation and posited Daniel of N au 104 But of the whole composition. the author even if the al- Edessa as is correct, and this requires some teration since it occurs scepticism 05 Daniel is unlikely to be the twice/ author. He appears in the sole 101 Qenneshre Fragment, 130/118. Section 2, including this passage, is repeated with minor further on in the manuscript at Sachau 315, fol. 72b (Sachau, alterations der Handschriften, 2.526). Verzeichnis syrischen 102 where Reinink, Muslime in einer See von Diimonengeschichten," "Die Sammlung at length. this fragment is discussed 103 This seems to have been the case by the late eighth century; see the entry on "Athanasius of in this chapter. Balad" 104 Sachau, historique," 112, Nau, n. 1; "Notice Verzeichnis der syrischen 118 2.523. Handschriften, 105 south Though Qenneshre Fragment, 135/123: "It (Raqqa) is to the note of Aleppo;" "south of Edessa" would make more sense.

166 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources 147 Coptic as well the first person, and he is hardly likely to have got his third as it copier to have miscopied later twice. Other a nor own wrong, diocese the manuscript, the occasional use of Ara- factors-the defectiveness of 106 the margin, the composite nature of the fragment - in loanwords bic caution. Daniel may well be the main source for the episode invite also demoniacs this Qenneshre, but in the fragment we have only a of of of the original narrative. excerpt reworked of Patriarch of Antioch (683-87) Athanasius Balad, studied under Severus Athanasius at the monastery of Qen- Sebokht and retired to a convent of then 'Abdin to occupy him- 'fur neshre self with of Greek works, philosophical and theological. the translation Isagoge among notable is that of the his of Porphyry, translations Most completed in 645 an introduction, and of select epistles of Severus with Antioch, in he undertook of 669 at the request of Matthew, which of little and Daniel, bishop of Edessa. We hear bishop of him Aleppo, in his until the office of Jacobite patriarch appointment 683 and even to from his three-year seven-month stint in this high office we have only 107 letter . encyclical one date, was at an early copied since among missive evidently This manuscripts that contain it, two date the the eighth century. nine from first made two minor additions, copyist are found in almost The which the later versions. He wrote a note in the margin that "this was in all the of the Greeks," so in 995 first year of Athanasius' term year the office. And he supplemented Athanasius' modest title, "a written in with heading: "A letter of the blessed patriarch the memorandum," regarding that a Christian should not eat of the sacrifices Athanasius 108 the Muslims (mhaggriiye) who now hold power." thought Nau of 106 gives second the manuscript (fol. 64) in biographical details about A fragment the Cameldriver, which led Sachau ( Athanasius der syrischen Hand- Verzeichnis to part Baumstark ( GSL, 186) as consider both fragments 2.523-24) and schriften, of a Life of Athanasius by Daniel of Edessa. Reinink, "Die Muslime in einer Samm- now that a large number of folios, miss- lung 337, Damonengeschichten," warns von ing, once separated the two. 107 For his dates of office see Schrier, "Chronological Problems," 78-80. 108 additions the manuscripts and For see Voobus, Syrische Kanonessammlungen, 1A.200-202.

167 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 148 this may been added by Jacob of Edessa, because in the that have which from the letter there were a number of items he edited manuscript 109 by that scholar. The eighth-century provenance translated written or suggestion. this the text lends some weight to of two of versions is addressed to the archbishops and inspectors, Athanasius' letter to and an end to "the evil them sin of this wickedness put reqesting church practised now in the is God." He then explains of we which, hear, particular wrongdoing he has in mind: what a terrible For about dissipated Christians has come report the hearing our humble self. Greedy men, who are to of of slaves the are heedlessly and senselessly taking part belly, pagans in feasts together, with women mingle the wretched the pagans unlawfully and indecently, and all with anyhow times eat without distinction at their sacrifices. They from are astray in their neglect of the prescriptions and going of apostles who often would cry out about exhortations the to those who believe in Christ, that they should dis- this tance themselves from fornication, from what is strangled and from blood, and from the food of pagan sacrifices, lest they be this associates of the demons and of their unclean by no table. heading that he gives to the letter the copyist indicates that the In he the be meant here. Yet to term "pagans" (~anpe), believes Muslims appears in the text of the letter, tended to denote which in non-believers and not commonly employed was designate the Muslims until to general late before century. Syriac writers the this time usually referred eighth then to as Arabs (tayyiiye), and overlords used mhaggriiye if they their wanted to specify Muslims as opposed to Christian Arabs.lll If the 109 Nau, canonique syriaque inedite," 2-3 n. 1, using the ninth-century "Litterature 62. Paris Ms. syr. 110 of Balad, Letter, 128-29. Athanasius 111 See "Mul~ammad's Scripture and Griffith, 118-21. For some exam- Message," Edessa," of the seventh-century use of these terms see the entries on "Daniel of ples "Theodotus Amida" and "Jacob of Edessa" of this chapter, and on "lsho'yahb in III" and "George I" in Chapter 5 below; see also Mouterde, "Inscriptions en syri- south aque Kamed," nos. 10, 28 (two inscriptions from a Lebanon written "in the year 96 of the mhaggriiye").

168 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 149 report Athanasius came from Iraq, then pagans might be relayed to as the Isho'yahb III (d. 659) tells us, in certain meant, for, catholicos 112 the more numerous than "were Christians." these of regions Iraq is more likely that, though he may in general intend all non- But it in Athanasius' mind. uppermost were Christians, Muslims adherents different confessions between of Marriage and attendance others' festivals was a common enough occurrence before of each Islam- is from the numerous rebukes evident and exhortations to eschew, as of, have made by church canons-and it is continued to bound actions such what to do about Christian women Islamic as Indeed, in well. times Muslims was a problem that often preoccupied with who consorted 113 authorities. Muslims made sacrifices That Christian contemporary noted by Christians from an early date, but of what kind or on is also 114 what not explained. occasion It must be borne in mind, however, is that of the rather loaded term "sacrifice" one could translate instead "ritually issue, meat." Then the here though still impor- slaughtered whether becomes more familiar one of tant, one should eat meat the that had been killed according to the procedure of another religious 115 community. of Rakoti, of Alexandria (689-92) Isaac Patriarch of begun the fortunes of the Coptic church, work by The restoring (665-81) continued his successors Agathon by Benjamin, was John and 112 III, Ep. 14C, 251. Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, 396- Isho'yahb makes 430, that paganism was still alive in seventh-century Iraq. On pagan it clear in Byzantium Syria and Byzantium see Haldon, survivals in the Seventh northern 327-37. Century, 113 of Sinai, Questions, no. 76 Anastasius PG 89, 773AC, no. 123); Jacob (= of Edessa, Replies to Addai, no. 75 (translated in Excursus A below); Synodicon 223-24 the entry on "George I" in Chapter 5 below). (see orientale, 114 See and Cook, Hagarism, 12-13, and the entry on the "Monk of Beth Crone in 11 I:Iale" below. Chapter 115 (= Edessa, Replies to Cf. A15 Jacob of Voobus, 254 [no. 17)): "Is it right John, for killed to eat of flesh which was killed by a pagan when it was not a Christian for Yusuf, Abu the sacrifice ( dbz~ii)?;" dhab!~a) ( Radd, 115: "The sacrifice of the sake of the apostate is not to be eaten whether he is a Jew or a Christian" (citing Abu I:Ianifa).

169 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 150 6 Samamid They were, however, often obstructed in this of (681-89).U Chalcedonian by instance: rivals. their For a named Theodore governed Alexandria, days man those In and in the community of the Chalcedonians he was a leader an opponent of the orthodox Theodosians. and was He the foremost of the Muslims, named to to went Damascus Mu'awiya, him took from ibn a diploma empow- Yaz!d and him the people of Alexandria and Maryut and over ering its environs and [declaring that] the governor of Egypt all had no over him, for he had paid him (Yaz!d) authority money. He and tyrannised the father, Abba much returned 7 troubled and himY Agathon, John of Samanud did And go out to meet the new gover- when not of Egypt, 'Abd al-'Aziz ibn Marwan, not knowing to his visit of nor he denounced by Theophanes, brother-in-law of the Alexandria, was Theodore, and accused of arrogance, for which aforementioned was he 118 by fined heavily emir. Thus the feuding went on between the much two communities, with the Muslims courted by both sides for th_e power they wielded. arrival of bd al-' Az!z in 685 brought about a number of The 'A History almost the Patriarchs says The nothing of Muslim of changes. he, and it may be that him as brother of the caliph governors before al-Malik, was the 'Abd to bring Egypt under effective central con- first came with two secretaries, Athanasius and Isaac, "trustwor- trol. He and the whom he set over thy whole land of Egypt, Maryut, orthodox, On and which is Libya." Pentapolis account of his brother's Marakiya youth 'Abd al-Malik had decreed that "Athanasius should be not only his scribe, authority the his affairs and that of and admin- but manager 119 should be his." this Naturally istrative direction strengthened greatly 116 Patriarch discussion given by M iiller, General is en des 7. J ahr- "Koptische hunderts." 117 Hist. XV, PO 5, 5. Patriarchs 118 Ibid. XV, PO 5, 13-14; Theophanes is called governor of Maryut (ibid., 18), which he had presumably received from Theodore. office 119 12. 1234, 1.294; Hist. Patriarchs XV, PO 5, Chron.

170 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources 151 Coptic position the Copts. And by their mediation, abetted by the pa- of the honesty and John was forgiven his initial faux triarch's own frankness, emir, gained favour with the and who commanded and "acceptance pas the city that none should address the patriarch except with good in all him, and that none should hinder him in what say any evil of words nor nor going his desired in and out of the city." he in obtained in the time of John's successor relations Equally good the to seat patriarchal intervention the on his owed who Isaac, place 'Abd al-'Aziz. the latter's patronage he was able to repair of With of in Mark, restore the liturgies church the churches and erect the S. "because I:Iulwan. last act he effected This in that place at a church used to go to the emir 'Abd al-'Aziz, he had commanded the gov- who one Egypt and of the Upper of the provinces that each rest ernors of 120 of them himself a residence at the city of I:Iulwan." for In the build his Life Isaac, written to commemorate of death by Mirra the Coptic bishop of Pshati, it is said rather that "the king built churches and 121 monasteries his city, for he loved the Christians." of monks around Islam: also some promotion of however, undertook, governor The ordered He of all the crosses which the in breaking were land Egypt, even the crosses of gold and silver. So the of Christians of the country of Egypt became troubled. the placed he number of notices and a them on the wrote Then of the churches in Mi~r and the Delta, saying in them: doors is great messenger ( al-rasiil al-kabfr) who "Mu}:tammad the does and Jesus too is the messenger of God. God God's, is 122 beget and is not begotten." not And Isaac averted conflict with him only very narrowly. On the twice occasion complained Saracens, hating our faith," first to 'Abd "some faith," Aziz al-' detested "us and our that and said that if the emir Isaac did not believe them he should invite Isaac to dinner and request him before not the sign of the cross make eating. Isaac wriggled out of to this dilemma by asking the emir, before they partook, should he eat to 120 XVI, PO 5, 24. Ibid. 121 Isaac of Rakoti, Life, 368. 122 Hist. Patriarchs XVI, PO 5, 25.

171 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 152 left or up or down, gesticulating and thus making the sign of the right, to the of the poor governor. The second time the cross, bewilderment king before summoned for having written to the the he was governor allied to Nubia, of and Abyssinia, still hostile, "that they the Muslims, and peace make be no ill will between them," but he was there that 123 the governor's secretaries. a ruse by exculpated of of Nikiu John, Bishop to relating brief events from the Creation chronicle the end of the A in conquest of Egypt claims as its Arab a certain John, bishop of author Nikiu, a a town miles to northwest of Fustat. Of this man we few the two the first that he was present at only election of the have notices, he of in 689; second that Rakoti was deposed from the patriarch Isaac of chief administrator of monasteries for office punishment of excessive the patriarchate of Simon the Syrian a monk, occurred during which 124 Arabic preface appended to the chronicle by its (692-700). The an picture, as the simply characterising John translator adds little to 125 madabbir wa-mastagaddal) . and ascetic administrator ( The original work was written in Coptic and translated into Arabic 126 at date. an Both these versions are lost, and there only unknown the Arabic an was rendered from Ethiopic which survives translation, Extensive primarily is made of Greek sources, 1602. the world use in of chronicle and John of Nikiu John continues up to his Malalas, then time, as he tells us in his introduction: own We will to compose this work from many ancient begin which deal books, with periods and [various] his- the the torical events which too have witnessed in we times to the 123 cross of Life, 372-76 (sign Isaac Rakoti, incident), 377-84 (letters: though of having Mauritania and Makouria; Hist. Patriarchs XVI, PO 5, 24-25, has Nubia and Abyssinia). PO 5, 22, 32-34. 124Jbid. XVI, 125 Ethiopic John Charles, 1). The "preface" word madabbir is a bor- ofNikiu, (tr. "sophist" signifying then mastagaddal, may be so for this the from rowing Arabic; the explain would This "ascetic." rather than dispute") means root Arabic (the "to of reference to it activities and John's good knowledge of Greek, but monastic lack is a very tentative suggestion. only 126 John's Monophysitism and lack of reference to the Chronicle in Byzantine tra- in Nikiou." it unlikely that it was written of Greek; see CE, s.v. "John make dition

172 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 153 we And I have been honest in order to which come. have a noble memorial the lovers of virtue recount and to leave 127 present life. this in John are The the incursions of the events witnessed by presumably in the capture of Alexandria in 641, since this is Arabs culminating his chronicle It is generally thought that John wrote while where ends. the postulated a view which was first in on the basis administrator 690s, accounts the the preface that "these in were put together of statement 128 the administrator." by Yet John cannot infer from this that John one compiled while administrator, and though the Arab conquest per- them marks an place to finish, one baulks at assuming a half obvious haps their the events and between narration. Moreover, the hiatus century of any reference to monastic activities suggests that John may absence composed this work before he had entered the church hierarchy, have ca. 650. probably 129 is a fairly mediocre piece. The It reproduces a stan- chronicle Roman version the history of the of empire, simply relates events dard rather than discusses them, and concentrates on the legendary and the anecdotal: who the first to do so and so (eat human flesh, dye was play garments, who built or named such and such a place. the flute), favour matters scenes are eschewed in battle of such tales and Church bowl," the magician who sacrificed to demons in a silver "Paulinus as apple which they brought as a present to the emperor Theodosius" "the "the cloth of the towel and and of our Lord Jesus Christ, manifestation a which in the house of found Jew who lived in Alexandria." were John's Monophysite affiliation means no more than that he reverses the merits of the successive emperors, judgements on the Chalcedonian above the Marcian, Justinian and of all Heraclius the likes denouncing but praising Anastasius and even the only grudgingly arch-persecutor, Tiberius. tolerant 127 ofNikiu, "intro." (tr. Charles, 15). John's sources are discussed by Zoten- John la chronique byzantine de Jean de Nikiou." "Memoire sur berg, 128 Ibid., 456. 129 2.219-20 in the Stratos, Century, Byzantium (n. 30), gives a brief Seventh assessment of John's Chronicle, and concludes that it is only to be relied upon for in Egypt, and chiefly events before the Arab occupation. events

173 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 154 regards As of Egypt John does try to outline the move- the conquest the of our assessment of his account is hampered Arabs, ments though for that is a gap in the manuscript fact the years 611-39. the by there "pay- unique information, in particular that the Arabs, some He offers attention to the fortified cities," initially raided the Fayyum, an ing no Fustat, the south of oasis whereas Muslim important to agricultural the Arab commander 'Amr ibn al-' A~ "advanced directly sources say 130 John's reconstruction, that Fustat." Arabs first took posses- the to of the surrounding districts before proceeding to the city with its sion sense and also accords with what we much fortress, defensive makes 131 Arab from other sources. of warfare know attitude towards the Arab conquest is summed up John's general in words he says were being voiced which everyone: "This expulsion the by (of Byzantines) and victory of the Muslims is due the the wickedness to of emperor Heraclius and his persecution of the orthodox through the 132 of Regarding the actions patriarch the Muslims them- the Cyrus." John laments that: "The yoke they laid selves the Egyptians was on upon that which had been laid than Israel by Pharaoh ... They heavier despoiled the Egyptians of their possessions and dealt cruelly with 133 them." he furnishes his readers with a catalogue of their atroc- And though very he lets us glimpse a different picture: occasionally ities, became every day in every field 'Amr his activity. of stronger been exacted taxes which had the determined upon, And he 130 ofNikiu, CXII.3, CXI.4-11 (tr. Charles, 180, 179); Baladhuri, Futii~, 212; John Ibn 'Abd 59-61; presumably John had some Fayyumi source. See further al-J:Iakam, "La Jarry, conquete du Fayoum par les musulmans." 131 Procopius, Buildings, 2.1X.4-5 (tr. Dewing, 157): "The Saracens are E.g. nat- put together storming a wall and the weakest incapable of barracks, urally of kind with perhaps nothing but mud, is sufficient to check their assault." Compare Azdi, Futii~, 50, has Abu Bakr advise the Arab troops to avoid besieging cities, but who to villages first into the countryside and rather and to cut off roads and sup- go the to the Byzantine forces. Of course, hamper Muslims soon learned how to plies stage a siege once they were in a position to win/compel the cooperation of local inhabitants. 132 cf. of CXXI.2 (tr. Charles, John Nikiu, CXV.9 (184) where John speaks 200); persecution "the hostility of the people to the emperor Heraclius because of the of of Egypt." had visited upon all the land which he 133 Ibid., CXX.32, CXV.7 (tr. Charles, 195, 184).

174 155 West and Armenian Sources Coptic Syrian, took of property of the churches and he he but none the spoliation plunder, and he preserved of or committed no act days. And when he seized them city throughout all his the had canal drained in the with he Alexandria of accordance 134 the instructions by given the apostate Theodore. population Egypt the invasion occasioned much Christian of the Among confusion fled, "abandoning all their possessions and and panic. Some 135 wealth a few resisted and made plans "with a view to and cattle;" 136 from a number even "apostatised Muslims;" the Chris- the attacking 137 and embraced the faith of tian beast." faith Others were con- the and bridges, "and people began to help the roads scripted repair to 138 The initially put up a fight, but a run of defeats Muslims." military pursue people conciliatory line. The them of Antinoe made a more to wished prefect but John their take refused, "for he offensive, the he could not resist the Muslims and should feared] lest he [he knew 139 Fayyum." fate as the garrison of same with Soon the au- meet the emperor the at Con- temporarily, and least defeat, thorities conceded with make "to check peace and the Muslims Cyrus stans empowered ad- further resistance against them, and to establish a system of any 140 to the government of the land of Egypt." ministration suitable provides interesting on the Arab conquest of Egypt, John details reveals of worth concerning the conquerors themselves., he but little 134 (tr. 200). CXXI.3 Ibid., Charles, 135 182, CXX.28 Ibid., Charles, CXV.6, 183, 194). CXIII.6, (tr. 136 CXV.3 and 10, CXX.24 (tr. Charles, 183-84, 194). Ibid., 137 Ibid., CXXI.lO (tr. Charles, 182, 201). CXIV.1, 138 73. Charles, 181); Ibn 'Abd al-l:fakam, (tr. The latter and many Ibid., CXIII.2 scholars say that this modern "because they wanted to fight the Byzantines." was Butler, Conquest of Egypt, Arab and Moorhead, "Monophysite Response," 236, argue strongly against this; but note of Nikiu, CXIX.l (tr. Charles, 189): "A John Lower had out between the inhabitants of broken Egypt, and these were great strife one other the Of these wished sided with Theodore, but parties. into divided two Muslims." the join to 139 Ibid., (tr. Charles, 184). CXV.lO 140 Ibid., CXIX.22 (tr. Charles, 191). Jarry, "L'Egypte et !'invasion arabe," tries at the time of the conquest Egypt the to various Christian factions of distinguish the see Cyrus by played the Arabs; for the part to respective their and reactions entry on below. "Conquest of Egypt" in Chapter 13 the

175 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 156 the chronicle been through two translations one has to be Because has distortion wary The list of chapter headings provided and of tampering. translator chronicle in disaccord with the Arabic as by the is frequently content in of both numbering and it, of chapters. The terms have we called Ishmaelites or Muslims; since Arabs latter appellation are the not elsewhere in Christian texts until 775, one wonders figure does the Coptic was not Saracens or whether Mu}:lammad is Arabs. original "beast" but in explanation of the term once, so that one mentioned only 141 it to be a later gloss. of king such as "the Expressions suspects again "the religion the Muslims" and "the faith of the beast" are of I:lijaz," 142 is interesting to It John quotes the that note equally questionable. sent figure sources for the reinforcements Arabic by the caliph same as 143 Egypt. so Yet the number 4000 occurs 'Umar to in Muslim often 144 that one again hesitates to accept it. army estimations of (d. 698) Theodotus Amida story of the brave deeds of the holy lord Theodotus, bishop "The of the of Amida," was, so we are city at the end of his biography, told written down by one "Simeon, a priest and precentor from Samosata, ... as was dictated to me by lord Joseph the priest, disciple of the it This Theodotus born in the region of Amida and at an saint." was of monk at the monastery Qenneshre. He remained a became early age until the death of the patriarch Theodore (649-67), then set off there "to obtain from the holy places," visiting Sinai, Jerusalem a blessing country Egypt. years in the latter five he returned to north and After where he roamed for a Mesopotamia, of years with his bag of number saints' and his companion Joseph relics reluctantly taking on the before post of bishop of Amida ca. 690. He was consecrated in this office by 141 John Nikiu, CXXI.lO (tr. Charles, 201): "Many of the Egyptians who had of false and denied the holy orthodox faith and life-giving baptism, been Christians the the of the Muslims, embraced enemies of God, and accepted religion de- the testable doctrine of the beast, this is, Mul).ammad." 142 CXXI.10, Ibid., reference to the Lakhmid king "Alamundar"), (in XC.79 CXIV.1 (tr. Charles, 142, 201, 182). 143 Ibid., CXII.6 ( tr. Charles, 181): note that 'Umar is said to have been in Palestine 61. at time; cf. Ibn 'Abd al-l:lakam, 59, the 144 Conrad, "Chronology and Literary Topoi ," 230-32.

176 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources 157 Coptic patriarch himself, the Roman (687-708), but left it shortly the Julian spend his years at Qenneshre, where he began his to last afterwards 145 before found his own monastery life, he died: and spiritual to finally of the holy lord Theodotus occurred in the year The death in (698), month of August, on the fifteenth day, on 1009 the of holy Lady Mary, the anniversary Mother of God, the our in of the patriarch lord Julian, of lord Gabriel of the days lord Matthew of Amida, lord Sergius of Mardin, lord Dara, of Tur 'Abdin and lord Elijah of Mayferqat. These A}fay and their honoured the commemoration of the bishops cities and final their country he took his man repose. He holy in which near in the monastery Qeleth he loved buried was 146 the land which he held dear. and in life given Theodotus' over to the enactment of two of his favourite was humans interrupts the miracle of God's pres- with "Intercourse sayings: and "Remember those that are in trouble as if you yourself were ence," with them" (Hebrews xiii.3). Accordingly, his biography is suffering of and taken up with tales of his severe ascetic practices entirely almost ministrations to the poor and needy. Since and exorcisms, his healings of former, latter conflicted with the demands he wandered much the the that to to avoid the crowds seeking would gather upon from place place, of his approach and the church authorities who rumours pres- would sure to ordination and some official post. Though Joseph him accept admired his master's "voluntary exile" and regarded him as greatly with suspicion. "We have such a saint, were often viewed vagabonds under [penalty of] anathema," wrote Theodotus' younger contem- ruled porary George, bishop of the Arabs (d. 724), "that wandering monks 147 bearing reliquaries of saints should not be welcomed." bags and 145 1 very grateful to Dr. Andrew Palmer for allowing me to see the unpublished am Theodotus; and translation of the Life of his the numbering of the sections of text text Life is according to his future edition. For more information about this the see various articles by Palmer {listed the Bibliography II below) and idem, Monk in and Mason, 88-91, 165-68. 146 (Palmer's of Amida, Life CVIII, fol. 68b Theodotus translation). 147 Voobus, Syriac and Arabic Documents, 99.

177 West Coptic Syrian, and Armenian Sources 158 world in Theodotus moved was still predominantly Chris- The which a Syriac tian. referring to the time of Mu}:lammad chronicler As noted, in (692-708), "Christians were overlordship Mesopotamia Marwan's ibn 148 and governors of the lands of the Arabs." the "In scribes, leaders still of Samosata was a certain governor ( the whose name was land arkhon) this was from I:Iarran," and the tax-collector for the Elustriya; man 149 Es- his servants, Sergius by was one We hear of an of region name. governor of Mayferqat, who unsuccessfully sought an interview tarti, Theodotus; a governor of 'fur 'Abdin who "had received an arrow with wound in battle which the Arabs fought over Nisibis" in 640 and the bore witness Theodotus' sanctity; and another Elustriya, gover- who to Dar would who promised that if the holy man of stay in his region, a, nor near that of Mar Abay Qeleth, "shall not give monastery, favourite his (gzztii) to the king all the poll-tax of your life; I shall give it out days 150 own house." of These were most likely Melkites, and sanctity my appear to have been able would cross confessional boundaries, for to heretics he into the house of "when he would associate with them went just as freely as with the orthodox." Theodotus, whose letters "spread throughout the [those of] the apostle Paul," corresponded land like Byzantine in the castles on the Arab-Byzantine the commanders with "would send to the governors of Beth frontier, with instruc- and I:Iesne threats hard words to frighten and that they might not tions, them aggressively with those poor people who lived with them," "for I act that persecute them to [make them] change their the Romans know 151 The only Jacobite personalities we encounter are clergymen, faith." seeking to ply the saint with responsibilities, other solitaries like often officials the lite of Tella, or lower Sty such as John the epitropos Thomas 152 Claudia. of 148 Dionysius Tcllmai:Jre as preserved in Michael the Syrian 1l.XVI, 449/474, of Chron. 1.294. and 1234, 149 of Amida, Life XXVII, fol. 61a. Theodotus 50 VI, XLIII- 1 fols. 63a (Estarti), 63b. Ibid. 151 XXIII, fol. 60b; XXXV, fol. 62b. Ibid. 152 Ibid. XXIV, fol. 60b ("The episcopal fathers together with the blessed patri- Theodotus arch decided to seat the holy lord Antioch on the apostolic see of a of bishopric ... "); XCVII, fol. 67a (Thomas: also mentioned by Chron. Zuqnin, 156, The term 13); XXXI, fol. 62a (John). 819, Chron. epitropos is also used by and l:lnanisho', Rulings XVII, 32.

178 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources 159 Coptic Muslims tend be no more than a hostile background pres- The to the plight of the when of ence, his disciple, hearing Theodotus as and flee hardships dearth and the "who brought about orthodox people the called headed "the lake which is Arabs," Hure and they the by for Syrians assembled all together by the castles, because they the found 153 the Arabs intended to invade that region." heard When had that of had however, he bishop more direct dealings with ordained Amida, he for the other places unlike frequented, Muslims had them, there, and a unit of Arab cavalry been stationed. Almost settled soon as as and Arab "who was the authority over the city in he appointed, was district" arrested and "dragged him to their mosque," "in order its him that might he on account of a letter judge he had written to that him 154 for he accused him of being a friend of the Romans." Beth Romaye, "that was man" But struck blind and had to beg forgiveness of evil cured him. A second encounter occurred when then who Theodotus, the to redeem some captives of money city, and he gained he sought 155 (mhaggriiye)." "both and Muslims Christians this purpose from for In general, Theodotus seems to have been respected by all confessional (tayyiiye) and pagans ( ~anpe) came to Arabs "Christians, groups; thus a blessing from upon his appointment as bishop of Amida, obtain him" of heretics "took hold of the Muslims, the fear and the ortho- and him 156 ordered." to everything that he agreed they The "viceroy of dox and the East" was even supposed to have concerning to Amida written all saying: "I Theodotus, command laws of the city of Amida that the of all the region be given into the and of that righteous man hands who the office of bishop in it. holds heard that he does not give I have of to any persons, and for this reason I have given the laws preference 157 into his hands." the Christians 153 Theodotus Amida, Life XXXV, fol. 62b. of 154 LVIII, fol. 64a; though he had previously been accused of being a spy Ibid. the the by some thieves who threatened to hand him over to Byzantines Arabs for fol. 63a). (XXXIX, 155 LXVI, fol. 64b. Ibid. 156 Ibid. LVIII, fol. 64a; LXVII, fol. 64b. Only twice is mhaggriiye used as opposed well to could mean Christian as which as Muslim Arabs. tayyiiye, 157 Ibid. LXXIV, fol. 65a; one suspects, if true at all, that a lower official than Mesopotamia, J:Iajjaj meant, perhaps the governor of is who was then Mui:J.ammad ibn Marwan.

179 West and Armenian Sources Syrian, Coptic 160 Life is acquainted with numerous Christian per- The Syriac well the Mesopotamia second half of the seventh northern in of sonalities century. of a full of the bishops of Amida give that period: can It list 158 himself, and finally Matthew. Thomas, It Athanasius, Theodotus intimate an of the area, its villages, monasteries and reveals knowledge And was there seems no reason to doubt that it on. composed so so disciple, early century from the memoirs of Theodotus' the eighth in Joseph. Jacob of Edessa (d. 708) anonymous biography of Jacob informs us that he was born and An in educated of Ayndaba near Antioch, thence proceeding the village in monastery and later to Alexandria Qenneshre order to the of to studies, notably of Greek. He returned to Syria, taking further his bishop in for a time before being appointed its Edessa residence up to relax church rulings and regulations brought in 684. His refusal bishops, into the patriarch Julian and fellow with and he conflict him his post resigned four years. He retired to the monastery of Mar after "certain at to polemicise against Kayshum people who transgress Jacob 159 Law of God and trample upon the canons of the church," the then accepted a commission rejuvenate Greek studies at the monastery to Eusebona. Problems Grecophobe brothers prompted him to of with he abbey the next nine years at Tel'ada and "revising the spent leave 160 to Edessans sought him Old be their bishop once The Testament." 158 Zuqnin, under has Chron. AG 1024/713: "The holy lord Thomas, bishop 156, This chronicler is, however, succeeded by lord Theodotus." of Amida, he was died; 10 slapdash the entry on him in Chapter rather below) and is likely to have (see bishops, both a Thomas, and Theodotus (a people the dates the either muddled or bishopric the the to Olives of of Simeon election mentioned the in instrumental as are Monk and Mason, 163). Palmer, in I:£arran of see 700; 159 This is the title of a tract by Jacob found in Ms. BL Add. 12,154, fol. 164b (see Catalogue, [no. 860]). 2.984 Wright, 160 of confirmed by This colophon is two manuscripts containing revisions of the the Bible-BL Add. 14,429 (Wright, Catalogue, 1.38 [no. 60]) and Paris syr. 27 Jacob (Zotenberg, 11)-which claim to have been completed by Catalogue, at "the of Tel'ada" in AG 1016/705. great convent

180 West Syrian, Armenian Sources 161 Coptic and which more, but died after only four months in office in he to assented, 708.161 notorious, was well known, almost Jacob for Life As his suggests, and he produced seven cycles of legal decisions. activity, legislative his simply a list of rulings on exist issues, but the other five Two as various form of judgements take Jacob given in response to questions the of 162 correspondent. by His stint as a bishop ( 684-88) and his some posed make likely that much of the material reflects real authority problems it and Jacob, to by but the question-and-answer style encountered put these adopt is also a popular literary device. cycles which largest collection is that addressed to the priest Addai, which The almost "together with the replies to them." 120 questions comprises letters of 18 items, appear as and to "John the collections, 27 Two of Litarb;" then there are two Sty cycles written for the priests lite short and A question will often Abraham. in length in different Thomas vary for their pithy nature meant they could easily be com- manuscripts, 163 and transposed. amplified pressed, proportion matter diverse, subject a large is is taken up The but the issue of purity, both in liturgical and social practice. In the with un- sphere meant caution in one's dealings with heretics and this social Thus one should not make altar coverings, priests' garments believers. or drapes cloth on which is embroidered the Muslim profession from 164 faith hiigiiraytii); ( and one should lock the church doors tawdztii of 161 The preserved by Michael the Syrian ll.XV, 445-46/471-72; his is biography by and most recently been surveyed have Drijvers, "Jakob von Edessa," works life the dates of his life established by and "Chronological Problems," 72-77. Schrier, 162 calls former "canons" and the latter "resolutions" (Entscheidun- Voobus the This distinction has some validity, especially for the form but the material, of gen). in that was once a resolution may note what later collections as a canon appear {this is true for almost all the material from Jacob in Bar Hebraeus' Nomocanon). 163 these are described and references given in Excursus A below. Note All cycles is though the material in these cycles of concerned with church law, there that most and few questions, especially in the Addai cycle, about Bible commentary a are science matters, such as would be commonly found in medical-natural question-and- that of Anastasi us of Sinai described in Chapter collections (compare with answer 3 above). 164 (=Kayser, of Canons (BH}, Jacob Edessa, 6/37). Bayhaqi, Ma~asin, 498- 12 99, may well, then, be right that it was 'Abd al-Malik who first had Muslim slogans and documents. orinted on cloth as well as on coins

181 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 162 a service "Muslims enter and mingle with the believers, during lest 165 them at the holy Mysteries." and Jacob does, and disturb laugh one to sometimes bow that constraint, and must recognise however, should martyrdom. Usually one he not eat does nowhere recommend but if a Chalcedonian or Muslim governor orders with a non-orthodox, 166 then it." "need If in dire need a deacon may serve soldiers it, allows and Arabs, compelled by the campaign, a monk or a priest may if on 167 if he faces suspension battle, he kills someone. participate though in Jacob is willing to And lenient in matters that "do no harm." Priests be may the blessing of the saints to Muslims or pagans ( mhaggriiye give 168 aw may teach the children of Muslims, I:Jarranians and ~anpe), and 169 They pardon and give the may to (presumably re- Jews. eucharist 170 and in danger of dying, pentant) bury them after their apostates 171 if bishop is in the vicinity. no And in the thorny area of death, Jacob accommodating, shows himself apostasy probably wishing also play problem: the to down should We not a Christian who becomes a Muslim rebaptise or pagan ( kristiyiinii da-mhaggar aw ma~nep) then returns, 165 Jacob Edessa, Replies to John, B9 {in Voobus, Synodicon, 237). of 166 Jacob to Addai, nos. 56-57(= de Lagarde, 139-40; = Lamy, ofEdessa, Replies 154-57). 167 79-80 {translated in Excursus A nos. No. 80 appears abbrevi- Ibid., below). and without its question in Jacob of Edessa, Canons (BH), 42 {= Kayser, ated 13/39). 168 of Edessa, Replies to John, A6 {= Voobus, 249; = Rignell, 52). Jacob 169 Jacob Edessa, Replies to Addai, nos. 58-59 (= de Lagarde, 140; = Lamy, of 158-59). 170 text has "haw d-haggar w-af:mep;" one could The this as a hendiadys, the see whole phrase meaning "apostate to Islam," but Voobus translates it as "a Muslim or a pagan," the same distinction is made elsewhere {see the previous sentence and and read that one should probably "aw" here. Since new converts the next so quotation) unlikely to opposed to die-hard pagans, are as around Edessa at this time, paganism, beliefs/practices reprobate) that indulgence in pagan {i.e. generally assumes one Addai, meant Jacob of Edessa, Replies murmur (e.g. no. 36, on those who to is incantations, tie knots, make amulets etc.; though they say they pray, they are not Christians). 171 Jacob of Edessa, Replies to 261). no. 116 (in Voobus, Synodicon, Addai,

182 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 163 the penitents is to be said over him by the but prayer of 172 period enjoined upon him. and of a bishop penance to she and who says that married A woman who is a Muslim the Islam unless she is given thaggar) host, to ( convert will it, but with a penalty that is be granted appropriate should 173 her for receive. to rulings two ·These apostasy to how became a early demonstrate Islam contemporary apocalypse illustrated by a a fact vividly serious issue, of that people who laments members "many the church will were which the true faith of the Christians, along with the holy cross and deny the Mysteries, without being subjected to any compulsion, awesome 174 But though he probably wished to declare to or lashings blows." renegades they be taken back, that was not advocating Jacob would case of Around the first goes." he drapes a veiled a policy "anything intimating that such apostasy threat, deprive one of the grace of may baptism; in the latter instance he insists that "even if there is not and that of apostatising" some "rebuke" was necessary "so fear other her women fear lest they too stumble." translation grammar, with busied himself legislation, Besides Jacob 175 Greek, natural science and chronography. from His Biblical exegesis, revised the was a chronicle which field and con- latter to contribution of Eusebius, as tinued explains in his introduction: that he as he (Eusebius) compiled a chronological canon in- Just of time the events of the the and the years brief cluding in 172 253 Replies to John, A13 (= Voobus, Edessa, [no. 15]); also in idem, Jacob of Canons 22 (=Kayser, 8/37). I give Bar (BH}, version, but note that it Hebraeus' is and exists simply as a judgement shorter than in answer to a question. rather 173 Jacob of Edessa, Replies to Addai, no. 75; also in idem, Canons (BH}, 41 (= Kayser, 13/39). Bar Hebraeus' version here, except that I correct Muslims I give Harvard to as appears in Ms. (mhaggriiyii), syr. 93 (translated (mhaggriiye) Muslim Excursus A below) where there is in of the woman's husband. Again, Bar mention Hebraeus' is considerably shorter version omits the question. and 174 Ps.-Methodius, Apocalypse, XII.3. 175 In to the survey works listed at addition beginning of the chapter see Kayser, the Die Canones Jacob's von Edessa, 64-74; 'Iwas, "Mar Ya'qub al-Ruhawl." Two of "A Calendar of Jacob Edessa," and Revell, Brock, specialist recent studies are Grammar of Jacob of Edessa." "A

183 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 164 which he facing each other so that it might empires, placed for those to it [to see] who were at a certain be easy coming generals, writers kings, ... Likewise, on time the scholars, I will starting from year twenty of model, that establish, which will comprise subsequent times Constantine, a canon arrange in succession, one beside and I will the the other, events empires have existed ... of the which the years and as the men which one, as well have taken place during each 176 have become famous in some who way. of Nisibis informs us that Jacob composed his chronicle in AG Elias and this is confirmed by a comment of Theodosius of Edessa: 1003/692, the of Edessa, who translated the book (of city Jacob, of and the times ar- added Syriac, Greek into from Eusebius) ranged not only from Adam the Abraham, but also events to Constantine his own period to which there ruled from in the Romans Justinian (685-95) and over the Arabs over 177 al-Zubayr; 683-92). 'AbdAllah (ibn chronicle the claims to have incorporated "all the who Michael Syrian, to this subject," states relevant Jacob halted that AG 1021/710, and at concludes 708 either did not die that Jacob or, as is surely correct, in that one of his disciples continued his master's project until this later 178 date. 176 Jacob Chronicle, 263, and cited by Michael the Syrian 7.II, 128/254. of Edessa, 177 ofNisibis, 2.99; Theodosius is cited Elias Michael the Syrian 7.II, by Chronicle, 128/255. 178 Syrian 1l.XVII, 450/482-83. The the author of a work on Michael anonymous marvels of the the days of Creation cites Jacob of Edessa during his account six of fourth day, saying: "Jacob of Edessa wrote that in the year 1004 of the the the Arabs into the territory of the ten (692-93), days after the incursion of Greeks Byzantines, the heavenly spheres were pierced by fiery bows and rays like spears in a long Add. north all night to without cease" (Ms. Cambridge straight line south from same quotation Hebraeus uses the Bar as evidence for how comets 2017, fol. 119b). 167a, portend Ms. Paris syr. 346, fol. (in edited by Nau, "La cosmographie disaster au VIle siecle chez les syriens," 247). Since it also appears in Michael the Syrian 1l.XVII, (though wrongly placed under the year 1019/707-708), 450-51/480-81 it might have been in Jacob's chronicle, perhaps the concluding notice, which he included he considered as it a sign of God's disapproval for the Arabs' incursion of 1003, or even as an eschatological harbinger.

184 West Syrian, Coptic and Armenian Sources 165 The British Library manuscript Add. 14,685 contains a work en- titled: "A chronicle in continuation of that of Eusebius of Caesarea composed by Jacob 'lover-of-toil' (ral;,em 'amlii)." That this is Jacob's chronicle has been demonstrated convincingly by Brooks, with the qual- ification that it "is not the full work of Jacob but only a series of ex- 179 tracts from it." Unfortunately the manuscript has several gaps and the part after 631 is entirely missing. All we have regarding Islam are the notices that "Mul;lammad (Ml;mt) went down for trade to the lands of Palestine, Arabia and Syrian Phoenicia," that "the kingdom of the Arabians ( arbiiye), those whom we call Arabs (tayyiiye), began when Heraclius, king of the Romans, was in his eleventh year and Khusrau, king of the Persians, was in his thirty-first year" ( 620-21), and that 180 "the Arabs began to carry out raids in the land of Palestine." Jacob was also an avid correspondent and replied to enquiries of a remarkably diverse nature, as is illustrated by the 30 or so letters which 181 have come down to us from him. Only two make any mention of the Muslims, and in each case the reference is incidental. The first occurs in a letter answering sundry queries of John the Stylite, one being why the Jews pray south. Jacob points out that his question is based on a misconception, for the Jews, like the Muslims, pray to a particular 182 cultic object, not in a fixed direction. The second mention is again found in a letter to John, which demonstrates that the Virgin Mary is of the house of David. In the course of his exposition Jacob presents the Muslim view of Jesus and Mary: 179 Brooks, "The Chronological Canon of James ofEdessa," 261-64. 180 Jacob of Edessa, Chronicle, 326. A central column counts off the years since Constantine and the regnal years of the Byzantine and Persian emperors, and his- torical notices are placed on either side. But a notice may straddle a number of years, so it is difficult to be sure of its exact date. Mul}ammad's trading is placed beside years 293 and 294 = AG 929/617-18 and 930/618-19, but before the mention of a solar eclipse which seems to be that of 4 November 617 (Schove, Chronology of Eclipses and Comets, 115-17). The Arabs' raids are placed beside years 301 and 302 = 937/625-26 and 938/626-27. 181 Extant letters are listed in Bibliography I below; Barsaum, Al-lu 'lu' al-manthiir, 300-305, lists 46 letters, which includes lost letters and cycles of canons in the form of a letter. 182 The relevant part of the letter is cited in the entry on "Sacred Direction in Islam" in Chapter 13 below.

185 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 166 therefore, the is in the flesh of the line of That, Messiah David is considered fundamental by all of professed ... and and Muslims them: Jews, Christians Jews ... it ... To the although they the true Messiah who deny is fundamental, come indeed has Muslims, too, although they ... not The do nor to say know wish true who came and this Messiah, that by the Christians, is God and the is of acknowledged son they confess firmly God, nevertheless is the true that he who was to Messiah and who was foretold by the come prophets; this they have no dispute with us ... They say on Mary at that Jesus son of times is in truth the all to all God, they him the Word of call as do the holy Messiah and They also add, in their ignorance, scriptures. that he is to Spirit for they are not able God, distinguish be- the of word tween spirit, just and they do not assent to call the as 183 Messiah God or son of God. This passage shows remarkably close fit with the portrayal of Jesus in the There too he is referred to as Jesus son of Mary, as Qur'an. 184 Messiah, as the Spirit of God and Word of God (iv.l71). the and Jacob's Like Qur'an stresses that Jesus the not God nor the letter is of God (v.72, 75). And in general Jesus is a prominent figure in son the Qur'an: a mortal (iii.58), he works miracles (iii.48), both though (iii.49) receives scripture (lvii.27) and, most importantly, confirms and foretells the coming of Mul;lammad he (lxi.6). After setting the a proof logic-the prophets out by Messiah said will be of the lineage of David; the son of Mary is the Messiah; so Mary is descended David-Jacob writes: from ~ compelling means of such a by and true syllogism It is we should show to any Christian that Muslim who in- or begetter Mary the holy Virgin and that of God is of quires 183 Jacob of Edessa, Letter to John the Stylite no. 6, 518-19/523-24; see Crone and Cook, 11-12. Hagarism, 184 In the Qur'an, however, the term is devoid of the redemptive significance that "Wie a Christian understand by it; see Graf, would ist das Wort Al-Masil~ zu iibersetzen."

186 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 167 race although this is not illustrated by the of David, the 185 scriptures. Muslims than Jews, are to be engaged in debate. The then, more so the in passage quoted above: whereas the Jews deny found reason is is the Messiah, the Muslims actually call him such as a that Jesus of course say much about him that accords with Christian matter and stop of of saying he is the son yet God. That this sentiments, short it Jacob from his repeated reference to clear in the first frustrated is 86 and elsewhere/ may and some Christians as well, Jacob above passage 187 have the Muslims round to their view of Jesus. win tried to implies, of Sakha (d. 720s) Bishop Zacharias, patriarch Simon is credited with the policy of seeking out The Coptic the brilliant their deeds, steeped in in scriptures, wis- men, "spiritual 188 sciences, and he appointed them bishops dom every place." and in The of his proteges were Zacharias and Ptolemy, ordained bishops first learn Sakha Manuf respectively. We Upper more about these and of characters from the Coptic synaxary, which two an entry for contains 189 His family had a tradition of serving in the administra- Zacharias. tion, and he too, once versed in "foreign and ecclesiastical wisdom," was enrolled as a in the lim administration ( dfwiin). It was secretary Mus he then and became friends with Ptolemy, who was that pre- there met idea wiilf) Sakha. The two conceived the ( of going off to become fect of together and, though obstructed in their plans by the monks author- ities, finally spurred into action by the vision of an angel who were them their procrastination. Heading towards Scetis, reprimanded for encountered a monk who escorted them to the they of S. monastery 185 Stylite of Letter to John Jacob Edessa, no. 6, 519--20/525-26. the 186 In a commentary on 1 Kings xiv.21-22 Jacob says that, like the Jews handed over to for the wickedness of Reheboam, "so also the Messiah has surren- Pharaoh subjected many sins and perversities, and us to the harsh our us, of dered because be of Arabians who do not acknowledge him to God, God and the son of the yoke and the Messiah to be God His son" (Jacob of Edessa, Scholia, 27 /42). 187 See entry on "Anastasius of Sinai" in Chapter the 3 above. 188 Hist. Patriarchs XVI, PO 5, 46. 189 the Coptic "21 Amshlr" (= Ethiopic Synaxary, "21 Yakkiitit"); Synaxary, edi- of Michael abbreviates the following account. tion

187 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 168 Colobos, where became disciples of its two most illustrious John they that members and George. time, of Abraham the of its people petitioned died, patriarch bishop Sakha the When Simon them Zacharias. This request was granted and the to set over there for 30 years. Since Simon was in office for latter period sat the must held his see for have first quarter of the the 692-700, Zacharias and During by 731. century this time, the synaxary tells us, died eighth composed "he many canons and articles, sermons and treatises," and a number of his writings are still extant today. Preserved in indeed, the original are his Life of John Colobos, a homily on penitence and Coptic on the of Jesus to Jerusalem; a discourse on the coming another entry his holy to Egypt and the Life of Abraham and George, family of a 190 at Scetis, exist only in Arabic. teachers of the Olives (d. 734) Simeon holy to was born This a certain Mundar of I:Jabsenus in northern man After initiated in writing and the scriptures by Mesopotamia. being teacher attached to the village church," Simeon went "the at the age on 191 of in accordance the local ten, with to attend the monastic custom, school of Qartmin convent. At the age of fifteen he became a monk at this establishment, some time there as a stylite and eventually spent appointed its A nephew of his, named David, came upon a abbot. was who made available to his uncle, treasure lavished it upon the which he and used it to buy property and equipment for the monastery. He needy olive established plantations, whence his sobriquet "of the olives," tree all "from lighting was provided for produce the churches and and their of '"fur 'Abdin." With the permission monasteries "the great king of the Arabs" and the help of the Melkite governor of '"fur 'Abdin, he of built a magnificent church at Nisibis, securing a Monophysite foothold year an bastion. In the Nestorian 700 he was consecrated otherwise in converted of which position he in the Manichaeans, I:Jarran, bishop 190 given by Albert et al., Christianismes Details 204 (though there is orientaux, also Coptic fragment of the a of Abraham and Georges). Life 191 "According to the custom that had long been established throughout the whole region of had 'Abdin, every male child fur that attained his tenth year should who be brought by his parents to the school of the holy monastery, after which, if he priest" 125). might become a monk or a Life, (Simeon of the Olives, he wished,

188 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 169 pagans of the city and its environs. He continued, however, and Jews close ties the monastery of Qartmin, and would visit to maintain with accomplishing after feast of Pentecost, the wonders there every it year largesse, and when he died in 734 he donated to it his and distributing 192 wealth. still considerable Life The us with these biographical details which furnishes Syriac to have been claims of Simeon lord Ayyub, written of "by nephew 193 nephew," David, lord Simeon's would one to be writ- whom expect ing some in the second half of the eighth century. time the text, In however, hear how Simeon was crushed to death as a boy at the we 194 of Qartmin in 648 and subsequently revived; Gabriel how funeral of healed he the Shahrbaraz, conqueror of Jerusalem in general Persian 614; and debated with Arabs, Jews and Nestorians before the how he 195 (813-33). caliph Clearly the Life Ma'miin acquired numerous has many probably taken from "the Ayyiib's first draft, accretions since of the Simeon written in Arabic," to which account copier refers lord for us whole of his disputation" with "the "teachers and sages of the 196 Baghdad." The rebuilding of the castle of 'fur 'Abdin in 972 is re- ported, and note appended to the text says that the Life was copied a I;Iarran in to the monastery of Qartmin by one Rabban and brought possibly of of Beth Svirina, the latter nephew to be iden- Gabriel, John 197 tified of Qartmin ca. 1170. As with we have it, then, the a bishop Life is product of at least the late tenth and inore likely the twelfth a century. 192 130-31 (investments at Qartmin), 133-37 (building at Nisibis), 139-40 Ibid., to (consecration 142-43 (conversions), 144-53 (visits bishop), Qartmin). as 193 lbid., 157. 194 Also told in Gabriel, Life XXIV, 88-89, which goes on to give a brief summary of Simeon's life 89-90). (ibid. XXV, 195 128-29 Olives, Life, Simeon (Gabriel's funeral), the (Shahrbaraz). The of 127 before meeting is not in Dolabani's edition, but does appear in other Ma'mun manuscripts. 196 incident seems to result from a confusion or This of Simeon with confiation (no. see Wright, Catalogue, 2.901 of I:Iarran; Abu Qurra, a later bishop Theodore says who 850), Ms. Orient 1017, fol. 206a, contains "a notice of Simeon of that was at Baghdad in the year 1135" (AD Olives, called by the Arabs Abu Qurra, who 824). 197 Michael the Syrian, "Register 161. 767; Palmer, Monk and Mason, 44,"

189 West Coptic and Armenian Sources Syrian, 170 198 historical nevertheless discernible. kernel The Qartminite A is 819 of ordained bishop in AG 1011/700, in agree- has Chronicle Simeon acquaintance Life. is also sufficient There with lo- with ment the and personalities to inspire a measure of confidence. The places cal Melkites village of Anl:,lel, the "headmen" of the region of Tur the at well given the picture fit by Theodotus of Amida's biog- 'Abdin, into rapher. Ayn and Cyril of' Zachariah Warda, featuring in brothers The Life as disciples of Simeon, appear on an inscription of the at the 777 199 Qartmin. abbey The Melkite author Constantine of J:Iarran, to of the Life Simeon address a treatise, is known to have written has whom quotations apologetic works in a early eighth century and of number the 200 to Simeon" have survived. his "reply from building activities in Nisibis are Simeon's confirmed by the also Chronicle 819: of 1018/707: Simeon, bishop of J:Iarran, built and AG Lord the church of the orthodox the Nisibis, all in completed expenses and outlay for necessary being provided by the it same bishop out of the monastery of Qartmin. He built it three over, for what he built during the day the times and Jews down by night, with the result Nestorians tore 201 church with difficulty completed. the that was at Life, the event is narrated however, much greater length. In this the to build at Nisibis, Simeon went authorities to permission Seeking there, whose honoured by their head was name was Peroz," and "he 202 Persian like his evidently Mardanshah son of Zarnosh. a predecessor For outside the city, construction consent was sufficient; but Peroz's when Simeon resolved to erect churches and monasteries inside Nisibis, authority needed. Obtaining a document from the governor was higher 198 Further in Palmer, Monk and Mason, 159-65, and idem, "Two Ja- discussion cobite Bishops." 199 which Monk and Mason, See Palmer, gives more discussion. 159-65, 200 A list of Simeon's writings comes at the end of the Life. On Constantine of syriens," l:larran Roey, "Trois auteurs chalcedoniens van 129-32; his letter to see Simeon is cited in ibid., 144/152. 201 819, 13-14. Chron. 202 Simeon of the (Mardanshah). Life, 133 (Peroz); Chron. 1234, 1.294 Olives,

190 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 171 ( approached "the great king of the Arabs," bearing shallftii), Simeon that the rites and was granted exalted document ordering gifts, and "an 203 of upheld in all the dominion the the Arabs." Christians be of laws this, Sirneon embarked upon his project. "He was hin- Encouraged by anathematised the by the Nestorians, whose priests in dered building went or work there, whether as hired labourers who not." But anyone to the the 300 workmen despatched by of governor of 'fur 'Abdin, with aid task was soon the Moreover, "in order to honour the great completed. king to make and Arabs well towards him," Simeon built the disposed the a school. "a large and beautiful mosque" and church to adjacent the Arab rulers, and in affection all respect by this "For was held he they gave him gold, silver and presents to distribute in the path of and good." is what Dubia A Papyrus Coptic papyrus no. 89 in the British Library contains a sermon Coptic let- or ter which twenty lines of preserved, if somewhat fragmentarily. The are text explains that the raids of "the Saracens and Blemmyes" who can- God's be 12) are a sign of (1. wrath against those who stopped not and revered blood" (1. 19). The author brings body His "spurn holy they shall (inexactly): Isaiah lxvi.24 by "And point quoting home his forth and look upon the carcasses of the men go have transgressed who against for me, shall worm die ... " (1. 14), and John iii.36: their not the Son has everlasting life, and he who believes not "He in who believes Re- the Son shall not see life, but the wrath of God abides on him." in fifth-century the writing suits that the period of the best villout feels pen, it is not from his whereas Crone and indeed Shenute, ascetic if the to opinions refer to the time of it Arab conquests. Both Cook take 204 are conjectural. 203 of Perhaps is Maslama ibn 'Abd al-Malik, then governor here intended Mesopotamia, or one of his subordinates. 204 Revillout, "Les Blemmyes d'apres divers documents coptes," 2, and idem, "Les 404; Crone d'une inscription copte," propos a and Cook, Hagarism, 155 Blemmyes n. 28.

191 and Armenian Sources West Coptic Syrian, 172 of Alexandria Theophilus {ps.?) 205 Arabic, a translation from Greek, possibly is a homily in Preserved as by in to have been given heading Theophilus, patri- claims which its "the of feast the occasion of two the on Alexandria of arch (385-412), Peter predicts Paul." At one point S. Peter and that: stars brilliant remove time God will After the yoke of the more some from the country of Egypt for the sake of the Byzantines faith He orthodox will establish a strong people who and have compassion will on of and will not the churches Christ faith in any way, and God the chastise the people will offend 206 Egypt for their sins. of sounds like a comment in hindsight about This Arab occupation the and homily should be assigned, in its present form at least, to the the 207 208 much the earliest, seventh and very likely late later. at century A Letter of Bishop Jonah In a bibliography of Christian-Muslim dialogue there is an entry on attributing to him a "letter to the periodeutes Theodo- John of Tella., the demand which had on to monogamy," which "John replies sius in why made by an unknown Muslim: Theodosius is a man not been to to have two wives?" It is further alleged that permitted died in John the century and that his letter is preserved in a British mid-seventh 209 manuscript. Library 205 "Une homelie de Theophile d'Alexandrie," 375, Fleisch, this from the argues occurrence in the text of arkhun for archon and arghun for organon, but these could easily be words. loan 206 Theophilus Alexandria, Arabic Homily, 393. of 207 Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, Thus 354-55. 208 suggests "Une de Theophile d'Alexandrie," Fleisch, homelie the ninth cen- 375, tury, taking the last clause of the above quote to refer to the caliph Ma'miin's is argument uprising in Egypt; the date an possible, but the of is weak. repression 209 Caspar et al., "Bibliographie du dialogue islamo-chretien" (1984}, 278.

192 West Syrian, and Armenian Sources Coptic 173 This misleading entry. John of Tella was born in 483 and is a very text the and in any case the century, speaks of Jonah died in mid-sixth 210 ( Yw~nn). referred The manuscript (Yonan) to is in the not John 211 not library. the It is entitled: "A letter of the Cambridge, British, sa'orii)," lord to Theodore the periodeutes ( bishop, and holy Jonah, as follows: begins Theodore, brother, and pious [from] lord our revered To humble Jonah: I took as my starting point the the Since as with said, you had which, certain peo- conversation you that learn [more] so to with these words I was ple, zealous might well press de- who are enquiring, or rather those we declare [of is it that you "Why to us that it manding you]: is fitting that a man take two wives at the same time, not even though we do not have a single demonstration from the sacred from the holy fathers?" scriptures nor continues and presenting proofs from scripture then from Jonah by mention argument of monogamy. The favour that "we do rational in have ... " indicates that the petitioners are Christians and not "an not Muslim." unknown possible that the is was prompted by It question of polygamy among Muslims, but this is not definite, since observation 212 Islam, also concerned Christians before had issue and we know the 213 of the provenance of the letter. nothing 210 Brock, Attitudes to Greek Learning," 21, gives a resume of John's life "Syriac further and references. 211 Add. 2023, fols. 254b-259a; the manuscript is Cambridge by Wright, described Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts in Cambridge, 2.600-28. 212 example, At of Mar Aba I in 544, for synod it was stated that men should the not take a second wife (Synodicon orientale, 82-83). 213 contents. manuscript is of the The century and of very varied thirteenth

193 CHAPTER 5 1 SYRIAN EAST SOURCES Adiabene 659) Isho'yahb (d. III of the third century we hear of a Christian church in As early as Sasanian of members having been deported its by the Per- many there territory, Shapur I (240-71) during his wars in Byzantine lands. This ruler sian was augmented by refugees from Byzantine persecu- community later Constantino- their support of Nestorius, patriarch of for tion, expelled 428-31) and eponymous had of the Nestorian church, who father ple ( the cult of Mary as growing of God" and the con- "Mother opposed reduction emphasis on Christ's humanity. The Ch:t>istology comitant of N estorius and particularly of his teacher Theodore of Mopsuestia (d. of was championed in the Sasanian empire by Aramean and Persian 428) and students Ibas of Edessa, bishop became popular particularly as of a result of the efforts and skilled exposition of the catholicos Mar Aha I 2 (540-52). sense of Nestorian identity was engendered by the devel- A organisation of and law, by the liturgy of schools, opment a distinctive 1 Syrian sources of the seventh and eighth centuries are surveyed by As- East semani, BO (which is an annotated edition and translation of the catalogue 3.1 Nisibis Nestorian compiled by 'Abdisho' of authors [d. 1318]); Wright, Short of 380-83; of Syriac Literature, 166-95; Duval, Litterature syriaque, 370-74, History Baumstark, 194-242; Chabot, Litterature syriaque, 96-109; Ortiz de Urbina, GSL, histoire syriaca, Fiey, Jalons pour une Patrologia de l'eglise en Iraq, 9-11, 139-53; 17-28; Brock, "Syriac Sources for Seventh-Century History," 23-27, 29-33. 2 For general picture see Labourt, the Christianisme dans l'empire perse sous Le la dynastie sassanide, and Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire de l'eglise en Iraq. 174

194 East Syrian 175 Sources that of and by the establishment of monasteries, most notably Nisibis, founded of half century before the Arab conquests. A modus in them the gradually out with the Sasanian government, vivendi also worked was was expected to enforce the the of Nestorian state decisions whereby ratify elections, new construction to and promul- and projects synods ecclesiastical rulings, and the church gation expected to ensure of was payment taxes and show loyalty to the Sasanians by praying for the of 3 and rebellious Christian subjects. monarch outlawing the the Nestorian church was well established by But end though the the period, it was not Sasanian from dissension and experienced of free intra- and both conflicts. Their complexities are to inter-confessional some unravelled by examining the movements and writings of extent of Adiabene, energetic defender of Nestorian orthodoxy Isho'yahb an blazed of trail through the church ranks, becoming bishop had who a 4 5 and in of Arbela by 640, 620s, metropolitan then catholi- Nineveh the 6 cos, the Nestorian church, from 649 until his death in 659. head of He had his conviction at a very young age when, with 300 demonstrated students, stand had resigned from the school of Nisibis as a other he the of of Gregory against Kashkar, metropolitan of Nisi- victimisation 3 in relations see Brock, "Christians 0n the Sasanid Empire;" Mo- church-state rony, "Religious Communities in Late Sasanian and Early Islamic Iraq." 4 Thomas Marga, Governors 2.IV, 69, says he was elected bishop when of of Isho'yahb appointed catholicos in 628, and emphasises (ibid. 1.XXVI, Gadala was 51) no that the order of Khusrau II a result bishops or metropolitans had been as of how- was, There of the catholicos Gregory (605-609). time since consecrated the ever, a tenens in Seleucia-Ctesiphon in the person of archdeacon Mar Aba locum Chron. authority 22), and Babai exercised some sort of ( over monastic Khuzistan, (Thomas communities Marga, Governors LXXVII, 51-52), so it is possible that of of III unofficially as bishop acted Nineveh before 628. Isho'yahb 5 This date is a terminus ante quem given by the report in Chron. Siirt CVIII, PO 13, 629-30, bishop who opened Nineveh to the Arabs was Maremmeh (i.e. the that of already to become metropolitan left Arbela); had Isho'yahb Baladhuri, Futii~, has 'Utba ibn Farqad come to Nineveh in 641. 331, 6 briefly is thoroughly dealt with by Fiey, "Iso'yaw le Grand," and more life His letters, Book Governors, l.lxxxiv-xcvii. His of 105 of which survive, are Budge, by by listed and summary of contents addressee Assemani, BO 3.1, 140-43, and with discussed by Fiey, "lso'yaw le Grand," and Young, Patriarch, Shah and Caliph, Bedeutung 85-99. also Miiller, "Stellung und See des Katholicos-Patriarchen von Seleukeia-Ktesiphon," esp. 237-39.

195 East Sources Syrian 176 The latter been forced to leave his post and abode for having bis. had against I:Jnana Adiabene, famous teacher of the school, out of spoken 7 interpreted to Theodore" of "had Mopsuestia. differently things who the racked the church in second 640s when Sah- A doctrinal dispute his appointment as bishop of Mal:wze ca. 645, published upon dona, 8 of the hypostasis of the unity Isho'yahb was par- Christ. ideas his on the been fellow monks at had convent of since aggrieved, they ticularly and he had used his influence Beth procure Sahdona's bishopric 'Abe to him. visited for He and personally to him, entreating him him wrote abandon his stance, but when resolutely failed he opposed him this to 9 fought anathematisation and exile. and for his life enemy second bane of Isho'yahb's the was the the within, After the Monophysites. Frequent resort by enemy em- without, Byzantine flee and many of them to East, to the persecution forced perors to 10 by numbers deported there by Persian rulers. were joined they large of pagan Arabs and Zoroastrians also helped to swell the Conversion 11 they began to organise themselves, establishing community. Soon 7 Siirt LXXIV, PO 13, 507-13; for a discussion of the theological Chron. issues involved Hadrill, see Antioch, Christian 27-51. 8 of B~ra, Book of Isho'dnaJ:! 67-69/56-57 (= Bedjan, no. 128). The Chastity, significance of Sahdona's thesis is clearly set out by de Halleux, "La christologie idem, "Martyrios-Sahdona: Ia vie mouvementee d'un de Martyrios-Sahdona," and "' 'heretique. (d. ca. 630) is alleged to have seen Sahdona's work before Bar 'Idta case (see 57 below), in which n. the prophetic comment therein its publication the be must Hagarism, 156 n. 28, say "refers to what Cook, Crone which and Arab invasion" may intend the Byzantine-Persian wars (Sahdona, Book of rather III. them 1.40: "Great declarations of prophecy had been revealed to Perfection 50, land, holy of our day) concerning [the of cities, hardship on the men devastation deportation massacre of the population, and famines and terrible plagues, enduring to come perturbation of the whole world, and all these things did indeed and strife old, that ibid. XIV.16, 3.154, Sahdona states that he is 28 years at so, Note pass." is true, he this in his youth). if wrote 9 controversy The be followed in Isho'yahb III, Ep. 6-7M, 123-38; 28-30M, can Book 202-14 is translated by Budge, 6 of Governors, l.lxxxix-xcv). (no. 10 In 574 Khusrau I took captive 90,000 from Dara and 292,000 from Apamea the "who sent into Persia" (Michael all Syrian IO.IX, 349/312). About 35,000 were Mader, [tr. XXIV (Sebeos, 614 in Jerusalem of sack the fate same the suffered after 69]; Strategius, Capture of Jerusalem, XVIII.1-2). cf. ll For an example of such activity see Nau, "Histoire de Mar Ahoudemmeh" (d. 575).

196 East Syrian 177 Sources and building and monasteries. Just as the Nestorians sees churches their rites, hymns in which teaches have their towns each a school of the same, now do the so relates Maruta, first and liturgy, Jacobites in (629-49), head Monophysite seat the the metropolitan of Tagrit 12 disputes East. between the two communities arose Inevitably, as encroached and more upon each other's territory. Both sides they more to their local governors for privileges for try people, and bribe would as would they even went as far their to intercept slander adversaries; other's mail. each first three decades of the seventh century The a particularly were difficult for the Nestorians. Annoyed that his choice of a succes- time the Sabrisho' (596-604) was passed over, Khusrau II catholicos sor to "as patriarch as I live I will never have another that in the swore long the of and after Gregory I (605-609) East," seat was va- country the 13 the emperor's death. cant until also, whether intentionally or not, He strengthened position of the Monophysites when he allowed them to the from had expelled their sees in replace he Chalcedonia.n whom bishops 14 A he had conquered. Byzantine the further blow was the death lands of Yazdin shortly after 620, for he had been responsible for the finances of Khusrau had used his influence to the benefit of the Nestoria.n and Then defection to Monophysitism of Gregory of followed the church. after bigamy, excommunication for who, exploited his po- Sinjar his imperial physician to persecute his erstwhile co-religionists. sition as incanta- silver "with and bitter tones how angry describes in Isho'yahb and golden supplications" the Monophysites won the indulgence tions gained governors, and had even present-day permission to build of the at the gates of Nineveh in view a church the latrines, causing the of people groan and be in torment to they go to empty their whenever 12 Maruta, Life, Chron. Siirt LXXXVIII-IX, PO 13, 542-45. The holder 65-66; this was referred to as "maphrian." of office 13 of Marga, Governors LXXVI, 51. Thomas 14 Chron. 1.224-25. At Edessa Khusrau 1234, initially tried to impose a had his in Christians them the most un-Byzantine of considering candidate, Nestorian instead But the face of fierce Monophysite from he in chose opposition realm. those of their number in the region of Mo~ul, deeming them at least to some degree in persicised perhaps also wishing to court the Monophysites and his newly won Syrian lO.XXV, 389-90/379-80). lands (Michael the

197 East Sources Syrian 178 5 lie to use the same tactics himself, however, for a bowels.l appears victory against Tagrit which he claims to have won by impious the of 16 means source says he achieved by another of bribes. of grace the God, are given of losses and gains of souls and there Many one, instances is of father and a Monophysite mother, who oscillates born a Nestorian 17 two. the between Isho'yahb's chief concern was the attempted seces- As catholicos, sion Arabia, of Fars and East Christians whose metropolitan at of the time was Simeon of Rewardashir. The that seat had always Persian to submit to Seleucia-Ctesiphon, where the catholicos reluctant been that a history going back to Cyrus the Mede with resided, believing the church. centre of the Nestorian constituted In 497 the they real Babai, had the synod of boycotted and in 585 metropolitan Yazdad and his bishops refused to II the synod of Isho'yahb attend Gregory 18 Between and 566 the 551 Joseph had harshly (628-46). catholicos Maika, bishop of Darabgard, which treated a show of sol- prompted idarity all Persian Christians and from name was struck off Joseph's 19 diptychs. to In this seventh-century episode the rebels had tried the obtain the of the region's new rulers, as Isho'yahb complains: support satisfied with wickedness against the church of Not their so-called their made a demonstration of your God, bishops chief the there and to the to ruler who is rebellion rulers the rulers of this time. They rose up against the above of church primacy of God, and they have now been the 20 rulers as befits their insubordination. the by scorned 15 III, Ep. 44B, 82. Isho'yahb 16 Ibid. 97-98; Bar Hebraeus, Chron. eccles., 2.127. 49B, 17 This Ep. 44B, 83. Isho'yahb example of inter-confessional fraternisation III, is not isolated: a synod of 585 forbade Christians to celebrate festivals with Jews, them or to accept their offerings; another heretics to seek marriage with and pagans, 676 to those who after mass would go in Jewish taverns to drink despite the chided existence of Nestorian establishments (Synodicon orientale, 157-59, adequate 225). 18 Ibid., 64-65, 163. 19 Chron. Siirt XXXII, PO 7, 178-79. 20 Isho'yahb Ep. 18C, 266; cf. Ep. 17C, III, "You took the statement of your 261: rebellion to the court of the secular rulers." Since lsho'yahb was catholicos from must be to the Muslims. 649 to 659, the references

198 East Syrian Sources 179 By and threatening the Christians of Qatar and alternately entreating personally, Isho'yahb to heal the division and visiting Simeon managed giving and arrangement, Qatar-formerly under achieve a secure India 21 Fars-their own metropolitans. control the of Muslims we hear very little in the writings of Isho'yahb, Of the they are ever conceived of in terms of their dealings with and only 22 never a separate phenomenon. Christians, Their first mention the as been a in which Isho'yahb had in urging some monks not comes letter simply act like "senseless stones" in the face to Monophysite attacks, of but show more "zeal for the faith of our Lord." Then he continues: to heretics are you [when they say] there hap- The deceiving happens Arabs, order of the what which is certainly by pens Arabs For the Muslim not (tayyiiye mhaggre) do the case. aid those who say that God, Lord of not suffered and all, died. if by chance they do help them for whatever rea- And ( the Muslims mhaggre) and persuade you inform son, can be, of matter as it should them if you care about it this at all. So perform all things wisely, my brothers; give unto 23 Caesar Caesar's, and to God what is God's. what is interest of passage is twofold. Firstly, it is our earliest ref- The this Christian and with Muslims, to it is clear that the dealings erence from vied for privileges Nestorians their new mas- Monophysites and much as they had done in ters times. As far as what should Sasanian be to Caesar, bishops and monks alike sought tax concessions rendered other people; favours for their and in matters concerning God such conduct they the freedom to requested their own affairs unmo- simply mhaggre. term it gives us our earliest reference to the Secondly, lested. in equivalent magaritai is found form a bilingual papyrus The Greek 21 quarrel is documented in Isho'yahb III, Ep. 14-21C, 247-83; and The Young, see "The of the East in 650," 64-71. Church 22 Nestorian-Muslim survey of early For relations see Landron, "Relations a brief entre chretiens de !'Est et musulmans." 23 Isho'yahb Ep. 48B, 97. According III, the heading, Isho'yahb writes this to may letter of Nineveh, giving a terminus ante quem of 640; but the bishop when be misplaced (for some comments on the ordering of the letters see Fiey, "Iso'yaw le Grand," 315-20).

199 East Sources Syrian 180 24 AH which is a receipt from the commander of the Arab 22/643, of in forces it local goods provided, and for was to inhabitants Egypt the documents or from the scribes that probably them from such copied Christians the term. In turn, learned Greek derives from the that the muhiijir, which is the name by the the Arabs are des- Arabic which 25 official documents of the first century of Islam. on But ignated all did of Christians make exactly it? It is possible that, turn- the what to scripture for inspiration, they simply connected it instinctively ing Hagar, the mother with Ishmael, common ancestor of all Arabs. Yet of terms such a connection already existed in Greek and Syriac denoting and in use of expressions such as "the Mus- (hagarenoi/hagriiye), his Arabs" lim and to whom God has given dominion over the "the Arabs 26 Isho'yahb demonstrates his awareness of a definite distinction world" the "then" and the "now," a seeming appreciation that old the between order was changing. world in occurs the Muslims to addressed a letter reference A to second of Rewardashir, whom remain desperately exhorts to Isho'yahb Simeon argues the of the church. within fold that the only possible ex- He planation for the disasters which have been afflicting the Persian and East Arabian under Simeon's authority, in particular the Christians of some pretender, is their attempt at secession: successes religious of earth the peoples of the all have become es- alone You And one of them. tranged because of this es- every from from all these, the influence of the present er- trangement came prevail ror with ease among you. For the one to 24 Papyri no. 558; the term is found in numerous papyri, but this is the ERF, between is no difference in meaning There with earliest Greek dating. Arab and the forms mhaggrii and mhaggriiyii (plural: mhaggrejmhaggriiye). 25 For the significance of this see Crone, "First-Century Concept of Higra." Grif- fith's doubt and magarites are connected with muhajir seems whether mhaggriiyii Scripture and Message," 122-23; "Free Will in Christian perverse ("Mul;lammad's Moshe bar Kepha," 151-53). Did Greek and Syriac-speaking Christians just I

200 East Syrian Sources 181 seduced who uprooted your churches was first you has and in the of Radan, where the pagans us among region seen 27 are than the Christians. Yet, ( l},anpe) numerous more conduct of the Christians, the pa- the to due praiseworthy led astray by him. Rather he was driven not gans were from disgrace; not only did he not uproot the in out there himself extirpated. However, your re- churches, he was but received him, pagans and Christians, and of Persia he gion as he willed, the them consenting and obe- did with pagans Christians inactive and silent. As for dient, Arabs, the the whom has at this time given rule ( shultiinii) over to God you know how they act towards us. Not the world, well not our Christianity, but they praise they only do oppose and priests saints of our Lord, the give faith, honour and to aid and monasteries. Why then do your Mr- the churches their reject on a pretext of theirs? And this wnaye28 faith Mrwnaye admit that the Arabs have the themselves when them to abandon their faith, but not asked compelled only to up half of their give in order to keep them possessions faith. Yet they forsook their faith, which is forever, their retained the of their wealth, which is for a short half and 29 time. of Muslim warmth towards the Nestorians in this passage The mention of taken a pinch of salt, be as is shown by the remark with must for, cited the Monophysites also above, that the Arabs Isho'yahb claimed 27 clearly to not refer This Arabs, who are designated tayyaye, and would in does case early be numerous in this area at such an any date. Either Zoroastrians not see pagans or intended; on these communities in this period must Morony, Iraq be Muslim Conquest, 280-305, 384-430. after the 28 This term been explained as inhabitants of Merw by Assemani, of Mazon has for Oman) Braun and Chabot, and by Mahrah (so Maranites) by Nau; of (modern and discussion see Nau, references Mazonites et Maranites." Isho'yahb's "Maronites, letter seems very much to have Persia in mind (cf. Isho'yahb III, Ep. 14C, 248: that where people, the Mrwnaye ... great also are the churches of Qara- "Where are man and of all Persia?"); see also n. 43 below. 29 states III, Ep. 14C, 251. Earlier on in the letter he Isho'yahb that "two ... escaped the fire of impiety" (ibid., 248). alone

201 East Sources Syrian 182 them; apparently favoured alleged this in order to win ad- both sides reassure their community. Isho'yahb is said to have and own herents good with the on been Muslims: terms a respected was He of governors man the region whom the to and one of them gave him assuring diploma a beholden, were his hand to his monasteries, regard seat, his a free with him only and a small his intimates; exemptions and revenue of go for exacted He would those every week charge things. to for what he needed and ask whatever he might thereby for 30 benefit of the affairs the Christians. wealth some out his considerable pointed to an when Christians But he suffered imprisonment and torture for Arab to governor, refusing with of it. Still obtaining nothing, any governor pillaged several part the 31 churches in of vicinity and l:Iira. the Inter-confessional politics Kufa evidently a were with the leaders dirty each party vying business, of those of the with for the governor's favour, which alone conferred other 32 the power to sanction and persecute. A Chronicler of Khuzistan (wr. ca. 660s) A short chronicle, purporting to convey "some episodes from Nestorian Ecclesiastica, that church histories, and from the Cosmotica, the is, Hormizd secular from the death of is, son of Khusrau to that histories, end of the Persian kingdom," makes no mention of the identity of its the Because its author. anonymity it is known to scholars either as the of Guidi, as the name of its first editor, or Anonymous the Khuzis- after its most plausible geographical provenance (Beth after Chronicle, tan The work follows a chronological order, tracing the l:Iuzaye/Khuzistan). succession of the Persian emperors and heads of the Nestorian church, 30 Mar1, al-majdal, 62/55. Kitiib 31 Bar Chron. eccles., 3.130-32. Hebraeus, 32 the Jacobite patriarch Severus bar Mashqa (668-80) acted harshly in E.g. his man the of support the was a severe had and he of he "for affairs, church execution 436/456, of the Arabs" (Dionysius of Tellma[.tre in Michael the Syrian ll.XIII, king and his 1234, His predecessor Theodore Chron. 2.263). estate to "bequeathed Mu'awiya, so that out of fear of that man all the Jacobites would be obedient to him" ( Chron. Maronite, 70).

202 East Syrian Sources 183 culminating on Yazdgird III (632-52) and Maremmeh (646- in entries then There account of the miraculous conversion of follows an 49).33 by of Merw (d. after 659), a list of towns founded by Elias some Turks son of Belus, a Ninus of the Arab portrayal and Seleucus, Semiramis geography. and a short survey of Arabian 630s-40s) ( conquests present those Among deathbed at III in 659 was of the Isho'yahb 34 this standing metropolitan His high Elias, in the same Merw. of and Nestorian of access to church records put him in a church ease position compose an ecclesiastical to and that he suitable chronicle, 35 is so did later authorities. by This coincidence, along with attested 36 other style and content, features has led one scholar to certain of portion in Chronicle we have the latter Khuzistan of the that the argue 37 Elias original to chronicle a later figure, most likely a close of which of the metropolitan, appended a few editorial comments, acquaintance 38 a short note on with worked by Elias. a miracle beginning is certainly that there is a disjuncture after the report of true It if only in terms of chronological sequence. How- death, Maremmeh's by the Seleucus of Elias and of the cities founded mention after ever, time others, text continues: "At and the of which we have been the speaking, when the Arabs conquered all the territory of the Persians and the they also entered and overran Beth J:luzaye," which Byzantines, to be up from where an earlier entry on the conquests picking seems 33 Chron. (Yazdgird's death), 34 (Maremmeh's death). 31 Khuzistan, 34 and $aliba, Kitiib al-majdal, 56. 'Amr 35 Siirt LXXIV, PO 13, 513, notes that Elias spoke in detail of Gregory, Chron. of specifies 'Abdisho' bishop that Elias' Ecclesiastica were "succinct" and Nisibis; in "a book" (Assemani, contained single 148). 3.1, comments do fit our BO Both text. 36 however, interest The topographical None, pointed out by Nautin decisive. is n. (see characteristic of the redactor 38) evident throughout the work. E.g. as the of is the same as Antiocheia Mygdoniae, being so called because which "Nisibis, 18); and it ... " ( Chron. Khuzistan, in "the Persian forces headed for gardens parks sealed by walls and with the waters Alexandria, the Nile all around; it also had of strong and had been built by Alexander gates the advice of Aristotle his master" on (ibid., 25). 37 clear we not have a complete chronicle That do from the way it abruptly is begins: "Hormizd reigned 12 years ... " without even specifying which Hormizd is intended, from its lack of a colophon. and 38 Nautin, Merw." de Ia 'Chronique Anonyme de Guidi:' Elie de "L'auteur

203 East Syrian Sources 184 39 dff. entry, chiefly concerned with the capture of Shush had left The is detailed: tar, and Shush very He sent numerous troops against (the general Hormizdan) they routed them all, and the Arabs dashed but the Arabs, Shush, taking besieged and in a few days. it after They distinguished citizens and seized the House of the killed all taking treasure that was kept there, which Daniel, the Mar preserved on the king's orders ever had the days been since Darius of and also broke They Cyrus. open and took off a chest in which a mummified corpse was laid; according silver that many but others held Daniel's, it belonged to it was to They besieged Shustar, fighting for two king Darius. also who from Qatar lived Then a man it. to order in years take friends with became who had a house on the there someone and the two of them conspired together and went out walls, a the them: "If you give us telling third of the spoil to Arabs, the city, we will let you into it." They made an agreement of them and they dug tunnels inside under the walls, between Arabs, who thus took Shustar, spilling blood the letting in as if were water. They killed the Exegete of the city there it with bishop Hormizd Ardashir, along of the rest of the and students, priests and deacons, shedding their blood in the very [church] sanctuary. Hormizdan himself they took the 40 alive. the following brief report on Arab successes in the west it Amid is recorded "they also killed Isho'dad, that of ijira, who was stay- bishop be- there with 'Abd al-Masil,l, who was undertaking an embassy ing tween there Arabs Byzantines." And then the is the excursus and the is the It may be, then, that not disjuncture geography. on Arabian 39 ibid., 35 (tr. Brock, Chron. cf. I

204 East Syrian Sources 185 an a change in author, but of a change in focus and/ or indication of text now on Khuzistan and East Arabia. This The concentrates source. the sphere of interest and he may reflects rely- presumably be author's informants, this the chronicle on direct of maybe even his part in ing This is also suggested by his comment "regarding that knowledge. own discover of have been unable to we what it is," the Abraham dome explain the less-ordered character of the and coming after may notices death. Maremmeh's date case, would not In to one the text's completion either wish than the 660s. The title declares the finishing point later be "the to end the Persian kingdom," and certainly there is no clear reference of any event 652Y If, as seems likely, the narrative on the siege of to after Shustar eyewitness from and testimony, then one would derives Shush its not its composition, given to vividness, much more than wish place decades after the event. It is not stated two Elias of Merv was that not it is perhaps but and this probably occurred implied, already dead, after when he witnessed Isho'yahb's demise. long 659, eminent and profane, are recounted concisely, and sacred Events, at of era are personalities the intervals. Political and theological noted matters are dealt with, but in an anecdotal and gossipy vein, much 42 of perhaps being of oral origin. the Thus we are treated material accounts of poisoning of the Arab chief Nu'man by Khusrau II; to the search Cross the Persians' at Jerusalem, buried in a vegetable the for barbers and Jew's rallying together of weavers, garden; a Babylonian to welcome the messiah and burn churches; and a Manichaean fullers and breadmaking from group ritual virgin of a pre-selected insemination 41 mention text to the 670s, linking the the of the capture of Africa Noldeke dates 5). 670 of Qayrawan in However, ("Syrische Chronik," 2, 45 n. the founding to the with "the Arabs could statement that difficulty enter and capture Egypt, only the Thebaid and Africa" ( Chron. I

205 East Sources Syrian 186 consequent offspring. text is partisan in that the hostility of the The and Persians "us" faithful is highlighted and the machina- the Jews to heretics emphasised, "us" are the but the narrative is against of tions a straightforward told in informative and matter- nevertheless and very of-fact style. entry the his reign of Yazdgird the chronicler gives a brief Amid on of account the invasions: Muslim raised up against them the sons of Ishmael, [nu- Then God whose the on the sea shore, sand leader ( md- as merous] was Mul;tammad ( m~md). abbriinii) walls nor gates, Neither they gained control them, and armour shield, withstood or the of the Persians. Yazdgird sent against land entire over troops, but the Arabs routed them all and them countless in Rustam. shut himself up Yazdgird the walls killed even the and finally escaped by flight. He reached Mal;toze of country the l:fuzaye and Mrwnaye, where he ended his of The the gained control of Mal;toze and all Arabs terri- life. to Byzantine territory, plundering and also came tory. They entire region of Syria. Heraclius, the Byzan- the ravaging tine king, sent armies against them, but the Arabs killed than of them. When the catholicos Isho'yahb 100,000 more that been devastated by the Arabs and Mal;toze had saw had to off its gates they 'Aqula (Kufa) and that carried who remained were wasting away from hunger, that those the in Garmai, Beth town residence up took and left he in 43 Karka. of more is up again This when taken detailed knowledge is subject later, 44 For chronicler the imparted. knows that "an Arab general example, to ... built Ba~ra settle the Arabs ... just called (al-Ash'arl) Abu Miisa 43 Jbid., 30-31 §§36-37). The Mrwnaye in this passage are presumably (tr. Brock, as of mentioned in Isho'yahb's letter to Simeon same Rewardashir (see the those Merw, above). Yazdgird died in or around 28 it is tempting to connect Since n. the same). In any case, it makes the are this group with this city (the root letters reading Mazonaye (note unlikely Mazon is that given in the description of correctly Arabian topography further on in the chronicle). 44 §§49-53). ensuing details are all The from ibid., 36-38 (tr. Brock, taken

206 East Syrian Sources 187 as of (Abu) Waqqa~ had built as another place for the Arabs Sa'd son the live named Kufa." And in his summary of the Arab city to 'Aqula, of the are told of the victories we Khalid (ibn al- in campaigns west the despatch by Heraclius of "a great army" under the com- of Walld), 45 loss subsequent defeat with the its of more than mand Saqzliirii, of and the death of its 100,000 He is also aware that the men commander. experienced difficulties in invading Egypt, "because the bound- Arabs was guarded by the patriarch of Alexandria with a large ary strong and army" this man had erected high walls along the Nile. The section and on the death of Heraclius and the observation note with concludes a subdued victory the "the of Ishmael who overpowered and of that sons two strong empires, came from God." these chronicler then continues with a short piece on Arabian geog- The a speculation about the origin of the Muslim with raphy, beginning in Arabia: sanctuary the dome of A braham, we have been unable to Regarding discover it is except that, because the blessed Abra- what wanted ham in property and rich to get away from grew the envy of the Canaanites, he chose to live in the distant and spacious the desert. Since he lived in tents, he parts of for place worship of God and the the offer- built that for had It took its present name from what it sacrifices. of ing 46 place memory of been, the was preserved with since the generations of their race. Indeed, it was no new thing the goes the worship there, but to back to antiquity, for Arabs their early days, in that they show honour to the father to of head of their people. the which scripture calls "head of the kingdoms" (Joshua I:Ia~or, 47 belongs to the Arabs, while Medina xi.lO), is named after 45 This presumably the treasurer ( sakellarios) Theodore Trithourius, who ap- is Early and Arab sources (some references given by Donner, Is- pears in Byzantine 145-46). 132, 137, lamic Conquests, 46 of whether the chronicler 0ne heard wonders the term Ka'ba (Jacob of had Edessa, Letter to John the Stylite no. 14, fol. 124a, writes it J{'btii), and thought that from the dome ( Qiibtii) of Abraham. it derived 47 Cahen ("L'accueil des chretiens d'Orient a l'Islam," 53-54), Moorhead ("The Earliest Christian Theological Response to Islam," 267) and Suermann ("Oriental-

207 East Sources Syrian 188 Abraham's fourth by Qetura; it is also called, son Dumat to them], and the Jandal [belongs Yathrib. And Hagaraye, water, is rich in the palm trees territory of which The territory of J:Iatta, situated by fortified and buildings. the the vicinity of the islands of Qatar, is rich in in sea the it is also thickly vegetated with various kinds of way; same too it lies by it; region Mazon also resembles The of plants. and comprises an area of the than 100 parasangs. sea more [belongs them] too the territory to Yamama, in the So of of the desert, and middle territory of 'fawf, and the city the Mundar, surnamed the the seat of king of which was J:Iira, 48 he in the line of the lshmaelite kings. was "warrior;" sixth Qur'an where read: "Take the place the Abraham stood [to wor- In we "While a place prayer" (ii.l25) and: of ship] for and Ishmael Abraham our the foundations of the House, [Abraham prayed] ... 0 raising were from make to you and [make] submissive our offspring a people Lord, us 49 the share Both funda- same accounts (ii.127-28). you" submissive to assumptions: that Abraham, the mental of the Arab people, built fount details, sanctuary which is still used as such by his ancestors. For the a we turn to Genesis where must find all the ingredients we however, our chronicler's of concoction: frequent Abraham wanderings makes southwards (xii.9, ), he displays apprehensiveness regard- xx.l a certain ing the xiii. 7), he is "very rich in cattle, in silver and Canaanites ( xii.6, to altar there an built tent ... and the his "he (xiii.2), gold" in pitches Lord" the name of the (xii.8) and God promises and upon Lord called to Abraham (xii.2) and both Ishmael (xvii.20) to make of them "a to great nation." Moreover, the etymological suggestion regarding Medina is only possible as a result of the synonymity of Ishmaelites and Mid- and it is in Genesis xxv.l-2 ianites assumed Genesis xxxvii.25-28, in Medina, Christen Islam," 130) read J:Ia~or = der Cahen thinking that this ische und "a certain justification of the the domination," Moorhead assuming Arab indicates borne not text. The connection is the by out be author confused. to 48 Chron. I

208 East Syrian Sources 189 50 that son of Abraham via Qetura. Midian But though the named is the above are culled from the Old Testament, components of passage come blend at all must have to from outside. The impetus the them only be using Biblical antecedents to make sense of the chronicler can rather he that albeit has gleaned about Muslim information, vague, worship. Hormizd ca. 670) Rabban (d. words to the paralytic: "So that you may know that With his the of has the power on earth man forgive sins, I say unto you: Son to take a vivid your bed and walk'" (Mark ii.lO), Jesus gave up 'Arise, and link the agency of God between works of healing, the of illustration to Christian demonstrated missionaries how best to establish and future Particularly when attempting the conversion credentials. one's divine The leader of healing were almost a sine qua non. Arab acts of pagans, tribe into Christianity when gratefully with his whole entered Zocomus 51 monk Lakhmids his barren wife fertile. certain The rendered held a made pagans until out when the king Nu'man as his conversion 593, as a result of being relieved by three Nestorian churchmen of a demon. And "when wished in his bounty and generosity to save the pagans God 'Ayn al-Namir turn them from error, the son of the chief's sister of and giving and near to death," thus drew the Nestorian monk Mar fell ill the chance to assert the supremacy of, and win round the chief's 'Abda 52 true faith. the followers to, holy for powers of Christian curative men was a sen- Respect the that carried on into Muslim times. timent 'Ubayd Allah ibn When a problem governor of Iraq, had the with his foot, he sought Ziyad, the prayers of the same Mar 'Abda, who sensibly despatched his stick, two weeks' of which cleared use the malady. recourse was up Similar 'Utba, governor by Beth Garmai, to Sabrisho', metropolitan made of the region, regarding of of his daughters possessed by demons. two many had in a position to were useful advice since Monks often give studied medicine at school, as was the case with Rabban Khudahwi, 5 ° Siirt CI, PO 13, 600, also Chron. Yathrib as the city of Qetura. knows 51 Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica 6.XXXVIII, 2.673. 52 'Abda). Siirt LX, PO 13, Chron. (Nu'man); XCVII, 586-89 (Mar 468-69

209 East Sources Syrian 190 was able cure and subsequently baptise a daughter of the caliph who to 53 Mu'awiya. Although healing of Muslims by Christian holy men tales the of conversions and very rare of one would imagine abound, reports are curtailed by the Muslims' status as conquerors proselytising that was severe consequences for them of apostasy. One alleged success and the that of Rabban Hormizd, a native of Khuzistan who spent story is careers monastic northern Iraq. The names and in of his all his life 54 55 the Persian, and particularly Yozadak John Rabban monks, fellow 56 monasteries Abba all founders his Simon, and disciples of disciple of 57 (d. ca. 630), the tell us that Hormizd was active in Bar early 'Idta to 58 mid-seventh The extant prose Life claims as its author the century. "Simon, the of Rabban Mar Yozadak," who, like Rabban same disciple one left the "company of fiery men" that was Beth 'Abe Hormizd, of years the Risha where he spent seven at in proximity to for monastery 59 There is no particular reason to dismiss this Hormizd. pretension, 53 Jbid. PO 13, 589 (Mar 'Abda); CIX, 632 (Sabrisho'); XCVIII, 594 XCVII, (Khudahwi). 54 a Life of Rabban Bar 'ldta wrote GSL, 203; Fiey, "Autour de He (Baumstark, biographie de Bar 'Eta," 4; Rabban la 'Idta, The Histories "preface," 115), in Bar which refers to Isho'yahb he expulsion of III's ca. 650 (ibid. XXIV, 156). Sahdona 55 Isho'dnal). ofBa~ra, Book of Chastity, 49-50/42 (= Bedjan, no. 91). 56 Ibid., (= Bedjan, no. 68); Baumstark, GSL, 205. 40/34 57 Isho'dnal;t of Chastity, 9-10/10 (= Bedjan, no. 15); Chron. Siirt ofBal?ra, Book 13, 'Idta The traditional death date of Bar PO is 612, whereas Scher XLV, 446-47. bar 'Edta," l'histoire de Rabban de 12 n. 3). A probable ("Analyse for argues 622 to him being alive at the time of the battle allusion Nineveh in 627 (The Histories of XXX, and meeting with Sahdona after the death of Jacob, first abbot of 167-68) 'Abe "Iso'yaw XXIV, 156), suggest a slightly later date. Fiey, Beth le Grand," (ibid. III n. says 21 basing himself on a letter of Isho'yahb 3, to the monks of Beth 629, 'Abe which chides them for not electing a leader despite the testament of the former abbot Jacob favour of John the Elder. Isho'yahb implies that he has recently in a bishop become 18B, 31); if this occurred in 628 (seen. 4 above), then Jacob (Ep. Chron. ca. he fits with the comment of 627, Siirt LVI, PO 13, 463, that which died lived "until the end of the days of Khusrau II." Bar 'ldta would have been an old man by time, so his death must have occurred shortly afterwards. this 58 'Amr Saliba, I

210 East Syrian Sources 191 subsequent distortions are almost certainly present accretions but and 60 the of such an addition example the consecration in work. An is by an unknown catholicos, Tomarsa II; the monastery Hormizd's of wholely fictitious, invented either legitimatory purposes incident is for inmate of the monastery, or an inflation an an originally lower-key of by 61 event, such as a local the bishop. visit of one- the of Rabban into one finds biography delving On Hormizd, and demons are self magic, sorcerers in a world where miracles and and the true believers are where a perpetual state of omnipresent, in with the treacherous infidels. Hormizd showed himself "hot warfare zeal with heretics, and he burned with fervent desire for against the destruction was their worship of error;" "he utter anguish and a the of tribulation unto village of Arsham and a heretic and afflic- terror the 62 tion wasted tavern of Bezqin of the teachers of heresy." He unto the of an in the conduct both his own ascetic uncompromising man, was life the dealings with others, forbidding his use of amulets and and in and the adornment of children's foreheads with crosses, beads charms for the and insisting on re-baptism like; heretics who wished to and 63 the faithful. join He made no attempt to be conciliatory, and despite slandered, he consecrated a church in the Jacobite and being assaulted of Arsham razed their monastery of Bezqin, erecting his village and nearby. own the this he was helped by all Muslim governor of Mo~ul, "the In of 'Uqba," who, upon witnessing Hormizd raise his son to life, had emir the versions, composed by Emmanuel of Beth Garmai (d. 1080), which earliest on same traditions as the prose draws the but need not be textually dependent. Life sources Syriac listed by Fiey, are Assyrie 2.535-37 (who wrongly states chretienn.e, the prose Life to be still unedited; see Baumstark, GSL, 205, for manuscripts); late Arabic versions given in Graf, GCAL, 1.527. are 60 See Assyrie chretien.n.e, 2.534-41; Gero, "Cyril of Alexandria, Image Wor- Fiey, 90-92. Gero's of Rabban Hormizd," Vita suggestion of a terminus a ship and the of of 886 (ibid., n. 78) is not likely for the whole work since the basic outlines quo the are already well known to Isho'dnal). of Ba~ra Life of Chastity, 48-49/41 (Book [= Bedjan, no. 89]). 61 Rabban Hormizd, The Histories XVIII, 84-89. 62 XX, 92; VIII, 54. Ibid. 63 Chron. Siirt XCIX, PO 13, 596-97; cf. Rabban Hormizd, The Histories XI-XII, 69-71.

211 East Sources Syrian 192 that he baptised by the holy man together with his ten requested be 64 Arab may have converted from is evidently What companions. they and principal not even alluded to, the interest concern of the of is no Nestorian demonstrate superiority of the the over to narrative being 65 of baptism. the The only Jacobite that one can discern form reality and passages is the similar competition between the rival intense in this the as of the authorities, favours when Ignatius, abbot of Mar for groups came to 'All, 'Uqba's monastery, and "made bitter Mattai successor, against the holy man complaints Hormizd and calumniated Rabban him," the latter defused by defeating Ignatius in a supernatural which 66 and son. contest exorcising 'All's (661-81) the Synod of 676 I and George of rich "The noble parents," George was sent at a young age son and take charge of their estates in the country of Marga. Once there he to became to the monastic life and entered the convent of Beth attracted Isho'yahb, bishop of Nineveh, "saw the intelligence, good 'Abe. then and humility of the young George ... and brought him to disposition be disciple." When catholicos, his made him metropolitan of Isho'yahb successor. his as him and on his death bed he named place, his Arbela in the same year as "I:fasan began to reign" took in up post George this (660-61) died twenty years later. and is known of George's Little about for term of office except his dispute with the this during activities long of Nisibis and Mayshan, who were also called George and metropolitans had been of Isho'yahb and so felt the latter had had them in intimates life, for This information on George's catholicate. such as it mind the 64 XI-XII, 'Uqba Noldeke identified this Ibid. with 'Uqba ibn Mu}:lammad 65-71. 532); Mo~ul in 886 ("Review," certainly no governor named al-Khuza'I, of governor 'Uqba is listed before this date by Forand, "Governors of Mosul." The conqueror and first governor ibn Farqad may be meant, which would fit well chronologically, 'Utba see note. but next 65 tale is told with the same moral in Chron. Siirt XCIX, PO The 596, but 13, the has changed and Arabs do setting feature, which makes one suspect that not their involvement is secondary. 66 Rabban The Histories XXIII, 98-104. One Hormizd, this 'All to be suspects fictitious; he is not recorded in Arabic sources and is probably just a memory that time 'All Abi 'falib was powerful in the East at this ibn (cf. the entry on "John of Daylam" in this chapter).

212 East Syrian Sources 193 is, down to us from the Ecclesiastical History of Mar Athqen has come 67 monastery Izla, who wrote in the eighth century. of of the Mount records we George's term in office that other possess The only of island of that he held on the minutes of Diren in East the a synod are a letter addressed to a "priest and Arabia bishop in the land and chief the named Mina. The latter had written to George "in of Persians" 59 ( the rule of the Arabs year shiiltiinii d-tayyiiye)" asking for a the of and succinct of the orthodox faith," "exposition "in this year and clear 68 gave his reply. synod The 60" was George in May "of the year held 69 and rule the Arabs" (676) the of attended by the metropolitan of 57 Qatar of bishops of East Arabia. George's principal objective and five rift the in relations to heal this convening was probably in assembly in the catholicate that had occurred the this province between and of Isho'yahb. time which of diverse content were established, a few of canons Nineteen new problems interaction with at of rulers. Canon 6 urges the hint be "legal disputes between Christians and judged within the that cases and that "those to be judged church" not go outside the church should before pagans and non-believers." the the wording is vague, Though the Muslims must chiefly be meant, and we find the same concern 67 Cited Thomas of Marga, Governors 2.XII-XIII, 80-85; 2.XVI, 88-89; see by BO 3.1, Athqen says George died "in the same year as I:Jasan," 217. Assemani, say (d. perhaps 'Amr and $allba, I

213 East Sources Syrian 194 7 rulings Jacobite and Jewish leaders. in ° Canon 14, by contemporary is not for Christian women to consort with the it "that appropriate strangers God," the fear of are is similarly unspecific; pagans, who to but it intends all non-Christians, probably again it a general in way that Muslims were uppermost in the the of those at minds likely is attention indeed, this issue commanding the find of a we synod, and 71 Christian authorities. It number of however, true contemporary is, there still pagan vestiges in East were as is indicated by that Arabia, the "in dead their to bury manner Christians which 18, Canon forbids the pagans," it is a pagan custom to wrap the deceased in of "for precious weakness and, in and and despair, to make great clothes rich 72 that Canon 19 stresses them." bishops should be lamentations for in honour and respect by their flock, and that "believers who hold held and not to exact poll-tax authorised tribute ( ksep rzshii w- are power ruling from from a layman." This as gives us our earliest madattii) him reference to a poll-tax imposed by the Muslims, literary illustrates and 73 latter made use of local inhabitants to the taxes. that collect John bar Penkaye (wr. 687) All that we know about John is that he was a native of Fenek in north- Mesopotamia a resident of the monastery of John Kamul. and western 70 Synodicon Jacob of Edessa, Canons, no. 30: disputes should orientale, 219-20. brought rzshiine the leaders of the world ( be d- 'alma) or before the "before not when Sherira Letter, 35, mentions that Gaon, Rabba was head of (~anpe)." pagans academy in the and in Pumbedita Sura (ca. 660s), an amendment was passed Huna ordering divorce, give the wife an immediate husband for "the daughters of that the were relying on the gentiles Israel forcibly obtain a divorce" (elucidated by Mann, to "Responsa the Babylonian Geonim" of 121-22). For why non-Muslims (1919-20), "Set- Frantz-Murphy, go to Muslim courts, at least in Egypt, see sometimes might tlement of in Provincial Egypt." Property Disputes 11 Questions, Cf. Synodicon of Sinai, 223-24. no. 76 (= PG orientale, Anastasius 773A-C, no. 123); 89, ofBalad, Letter, 128-29; Jacob ofEdessa, Replies Athanasius no. no. 75. Cf. Emed i Ashawahishtan, Riviiyat, with 42 (on intercourse Addai, to non-Zoroastrian women). 72 Synodicon orientale, 225. Excessive mourning for the dead is labelled a pagan any janii'iz section of almost ~adzth the Arab Muslim legal manuals by (see practice 2 , collection, and E/ s. v. "Niyal;ta"). 73 Synodicon orientale, 225-26. Other early references to poll-tax are: Theodotus ibid. 18. X, Life XXVII, fol. 61 a; Rulings XLVI, fol. 63b; l:lnanisho', Amid a, of

214 East Syrian Sources 195 It the abbot of this convent, one Sabrisho', that he dedicated his is to melle ("Book Salient Points"), "a chronicle of the world Ktiibii d-r'ish of 74 from bar Though extending Penkaye." Creation to by John composed chastisement of today," the work seeks only to treat "the "the severe of brief and "in a points" fashion" ( ba-ps'iqiitii). Its real salient history set is forth goal at the outset: book we set out in brief a history of the In which this events and occur in this temporal will such as we have did world, from the holy learnt and such as our weak mind scriptures is to comprehend ... We begin to make manifest those able and those which for us in His goodness things done He has our has ingratitude effected against Him and which things those works which His Providence has renewed wondrous so us return might His that He to generations in us for all 75 side. which pervades the work, is theme, clearly brought out in This most fifteenth and last chapter, the the Arab conquests and the dev- where astating and plague of AH famine are depicted as proddings 67/686-87 by God "to arouse our minds little by little to repentance." The Arabs, the their endure God's wrath in to form of a division of too, are shown 76 (malkiitii), their first civil war (656-61). a reference kingdom to theological reviewer led its first Western work's to char- The stance 77 source." importance as a historical "without it This judge- as acterise is certainly too harsh, particularly as regards ment comments upon its Muslim In the first place, John is noticeably unhostile towards times. rule. phrases a sprinkling of stock abusive Arab such as "a bar- Despite their barian "hatred and wrath is and food," John notes the people" 74 For his life and works see Scher, "Notice sur Ia vie et les oeuvres de Yo}:lannan bar Penkaye" includes an edition and translation of a short Life of John (which 162-67); Ketaba "Projet d'edition du at de Resh Melle;" Albert, "Une Jansma, considers centurie Jean bar Penkaye" (briefly Mar another of John's works). de Rlsh melle is difficult to translate into English; Baumstark (see n. 77 below) gives very apt. is "Hauptredepunkte" which 75 Mingana Penkaye, John (from Ms. bar 179, fol. 2r). "intro." 76 This chapter is discussed by Young, Patriarch, Shah and Caliph, 99-105, and Penkaje." Suermann, arabische Reich in der Weltgeschichte des Bar "Das 77 Baumstark, "Eine syrische Weltgeschichte des siebten Jahrh.s.," 273.

215 East Sources Syrian 196 of the towards the Christian population. The Christian Arabs leniency and were respected: "Before calling them, (God) its members religion them to hold Christians in prepared thus they had honour; beforehand commandment from God concerning our monastic had also a special 78 should hold it in honour." made No attempts were station, that they Arabs forced the conversion: "Their robber bands went annually by at captives parts the islands, bringing back to from all the distant and to the heavens. Of each person peoples required only tribute under they 79 him to remain in whatever allowing he wished." madattii), And ( faith Mu'awiya's rule John says: "Justice flourished in of time and there his was peace in the regions under his control; he allowed everyone to great that they he later adds and crops were bountiful and wanted;" live as In was his only criticism doubled. the lack of persecution: trade fact, Christian," no between pagan and distinction he laments, "There was 80 was not known from a Jew." "the faithful though the coming of the Arabs is conceived of in Biblical Secondly, and of part of God's dispensation, John does use a number terms as Mu.Q.ammad as a guide notions. non-scriptural presents example, he For a result mhaddyiinii) instructor ( tar'ii), as ( of whose teaching the and Arabs "held to the worship of the one God in accordance with the cus- toms of law." John also makes him out to be a legislator, observ- ancient tradition the "they kept to the that of Mu.Q.ammad ... to Arabs ing of extent the they inflicted an death penalty on anyone who was that such 78 bar Penkaye, 141 (tr. Brock, 57). John 79 147/175 (tr. Brock, 61). Cf. Hist. Patriarchs XIV, /bid., 1, 494, which PO of indigenous peoples, a guarantee of the safety mentions "covenant" ( 'ahd), a call them and which they the law (al-niimiis)." "which leader gave Mul;tammad their Bakr cf. 1234, 1.240, which has Abu And say in a cautionary address to his Chron. generals on how to conduct war: "Let them bring tribute ( madattii) as determined between you let them be left in their faith and their land;" a similar speech is and attributed (see Mul;lammad or Abu Bakr in a number of Arabic sources found to "Arabic, and and Greek Historiography," 220-22, Hoyland, see Excursus E, Syriac will 20, in also Qur'an v.82: "You below). find the nearest of mankind Note n. affection to the believers (to be] those who say 'we are Christians.' That is because because them priests and monks, and they are not proud." there among are 80 John bar Penkaye, 146/175 (tr. Brock, 61): Mu'awiya; ibid., 153/181: crops persecution the 151/179: lack of ibid., (Brock omits passages in which trade; and the latter two references are found).

216 East Syrian 197 Sources 81 to against his laws ( niimosa wh)." act The term "tradi- brazenly seen ( something handed down, but one doubts mashlmiiniitii) tion" implies of Most from Mul;tammad is meant. corpus likely that a fixed rulings the simply message given out by the Muslims them- is John relaying they adhere to and enforce the example selves, their Prophet. that of he acquainted with a number of news items of internal Finally, is especially second relating to the affairs, Arab civil war, Muslim those is taking as he wrote. He characterisa- aware of the place was which of tion caliph Yazid, circulated by his opponents, as profligate and the corrupt, of the claim of the rival caliph 'Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr and be a champion the House of God: to of the his by name Zubayr, made of voice heard One Arabs, He made it known about himself that he from a distance. come out of zeal for the House had God and he was full of against the Westerners, claiming that they were threats of of to law. He came the a certain locality in transgressors 82 where their sanctuary south and lived there. the was His reconstruction of events also follows remarkably closely the tradi- tional Muslim of how the rebel leader Mukhtar ibn Abi 'Ubayd, account with the Arabs, "gave orders that all their slaves disillusioned Kufan 83 their go into battle in be masters' stead." liberated These and should then rallied round him in their thousands, and "all that they had slaves 84 their was in a sword or a spear or a stick." either They were, hands John, themselves of captive origin" and "include among "slaves all says 85 the under heaven." peoples then takes us to John theatre of action paid scant attention by the a Muslim sources: to Nisibis, a focal city, subsequently seized by these slaves who "gained control the whole of Mesopotamia." They thus over 81 146-47/175 (tr. Brock, 61). Jbid., 82 155/183 (tr. Brock, Ibid., In Muslim accounts, too, Ibn al-Zubayr is par- 64). al-'ii'idh bi-l-bayt). ticularly associated with the sanctuary ( 83 Jbid., 157/184 (tr. Brock, 65); cf. Baladhuri, Ansiib, 5.267: "Every slave who free." is joins us 84 bar Penkaye, 157/185 (tr. Brock, 65); cf. l1:>fahani, Aghiinl, 5.155: "These John just slaves with sticks in their hands." are men 85 John bar Penkaye, 157/184, 167/194 (tr. Brock, 65, 73).

217 East Sources Syrian 198 the general over them by Mukhtar's right-hand man, slew appointed al-Ashtar, Ibrah1m all his comrades, for "they preferred along ibn with from and own ranks as commander, someone Ibrah1m and to have their captive to Arabs." "Others of the origin collected brother his belonged joined those who were in the city of together Every day and Nisibis. would up from every quarter and join them. They captured more turn 86 of and the fear of number fell on all the Arabs." them fortresses, a slave sources that a kind of confirm revolt was taking Muslim The though they are only concerned with place, Arab reaction to this: the "Our are rebelling against us," complain the Kufan notables, slaves us they which God has granted booty together with these are our "yet 87 lands." it clear that we have makes a rebellion of men wrenched John here their homelands and forced into a life of servitude in the strange from who Arab garrison towns, and the have now seized the of environment against afforded Mukhtar to rebel by their masters. opportunity them I say kind of slave revolt, because not a in Mukhtar's forces were all serving Arabic to freedmen still (the their masters as opposed slaves of possession in to 'abzd wa-mawiilz); but those refer usually sources their Arab were resentful against clearly prisoners-of-war, Nisibis all there seeking John further hints that freedom. was a captors and their to the slaves' mutiny, for for explains their name he dimension religious as an indication "their zeal for righteousness." shurte, of themselves, consulting the Muslim On we find that whilst in the service of sources, Mukhtar had been addressed as "chosen men ( shurta) of God," they term to had then presumably applied they themselves when they which 88 broke away. 86 The (tr. Jbid., 66-67). 158/185-86 Arabic sources (I~fahani, Aghiini, Brock, 5.155; Mas'udi, Murilj, 5.241-42) simply say that Muhallab ibn Abi $ufra and later 'Abd besieged Nisibis, which was held by Abu Qarib Yazid ibn Abi al-Malik and Rotter, Khashshiibiya ("wielders of wooden clubs"). See $akhr Der zweite the Biirgerkrieg, 214-16. 87 2.649-50. '"fabari, 88 s.v., 5.246; see Baladhuri, Lexicon, Ansiib, for this meaning of shurpa. Lane, Brock, "Book XV of Ris Melle," 66 n., makes a connection with al-shuriih, a name sold used Kharijite sect meaning those who have the their lives to God for the by and different are (Qur'an iv.76); but the roots of the two words heaven reward of such an explanation does revolt. suit the Shi'ite context of Mukhtar's not

218 East Syrian Sources 199 The and devastation occasioned by this inter- appalling suffering and nal plague and famine" prompt John to the strife "unparalleled apocalytic seemed musing on the-as it an to him- conclude on note, of the at the hands Ishmaelites" these shurfe. "destruction impending of wonders whether the end of all And world might not also be in he the and a kingdom against a a people "For is a people against here sight: here famines, kingdom; are plagues; only one thing is earthquakes and 89 the advent of the Deceiver." us: for tnissing lurid and graphic detail The which John describes these natural with disasters their devastating consequences upon the local population and one feel he must have penned them only a very short time makes that rule occurrence the year 67 of the their of the Arabs" ( 686- after "in And that he was an eyewitness of these events is corroborated 87).90 by 91 d-yawmiinii). various disasters as "of today" ( his of characterisation only mention to such a hypothesis is the The of the death of obstacle al-Zubayr a Zubayr, be 'Abd Allah ibn to and thus yielding assumed 92 a post quem of 692. died John asserts that this Zubayr terminus in an incident the burning of the Arab sanctuary and was then involving by succeeded This is evidently an allusion to the episode of his son. when 'Abd between 683 Allah ibn al-Zubayr October a confrontation J:lusayn al-Numayr culminated in a conflagration at the Meccan and ibn In the course of this, 'AbdAllah's brother Mundhir ibn al- sanctuary. 93 killed. Zubayr The presence of the two brothers, or the general was of of surely lies at the root Zubayrs, John's confusion, so proliferation and dismiss we 692 terminus post quem can proceed to a more the accurate dating. 89 John bar Penkaye, 165/192-93 (tr. Brock, 72). 90 Ibid., Brock, 68). He continues: "In this (tr. 67 the accursed 160/187 year began; there plague been nothing like it and I hope there will be nothing like had though again." 265, mentions a recurrence of the plague in AH 69, Khalifa, this it bout, or it may have to do with a different with the earlier may be a confusion region. 91 bar Penkaye, 165/192, 167/194, John (omitted by Brock). 170/196 92 /bid., 155/183; Sachau, Syrischer Rechtsbucher,; Brock, "Book XV of Ris Melle," Suermann, 52; "Das arabische Reich in der Weltgeschichte des Bar Penkaje," 64. 93 'fabari, 2.426.

219 East Sources Syrian 200 last securely event recorded is the death of Mukhtar The dateable 94 April in AH John begins to wax apocalyptic and 67/687. After this to is whether he difficult talking fact or escha- it becomes determine mentions a withholding of rain "for three months fiction. tological He the harvest" which, if it is the same to remarked by Mus- drought prior 95 us summer 687. take to he closes with the Since lim would observers, the at rebels that Nisibis may well overturn Arab speculation victorious writing ante quem for John's terminus is the suppres- an rule, obvious not the revolt at Nisibis. Though the Arabic specific, are sources of sion the summer of 690, and in any case before most in this likely occurred of occurred ibn al-Zubayr, which defeat in the autumn of the Mu~'ab 96 year 72/691. AH In the or AG 1002/690-91, says one 71/690 either the to submitted land entire the and was "there source, Syriac peace 97 'Abd al-Malik." authority The latter was achieving some success in of assertion onwards, his authority from the summer of 689 the which of commented to have upon were he writing at would expect one John also have time. John must, then, that composed his book between after or the summers of 687 and 691, and most likely in late 687 or 688. l:lnanisho' the (d. 700) Exegete immediately the of Nisibis in 639 its Muslim Almost after capture affair adjudicate in the to of Cyriacus, called was conqueror upon that city, and allowed the opponents of Cyriacus to metropolitan of 98 the residence of the cell the In the 640s and metropolitan. plunder the monastery of Bezqin in northern Iraq monks some Monophysite of murdered whom they a woman made imputed the and had pregnant Rabban Hormizd, a Nestorian monk of the nearby monastery crime to the enraged local of a miracle Hormizd convinced Risha. of means By 94 John bar Penkaye, 158/186; 'fabarl, 2.750. 95 John bar Penkaye, 162/189 (tr. Brock, 69); Tabar!, 2.765 (AH 68). 96 Mas'udl, 5.241-42; Dixon, Umayyad Caliphate, 131-34. See the entry Muriij, "Islam for the First Century AH" in Chapter 13 below on an argument for the in earlier date. 97 one 154, though this may Chron. Zuqnin, year out. 'Abd al-Malik's minting be of Muslim coinage in AH 72/June 691-May 692 must be of some significance here "The First Century (see Bates, oflslamic Coinage," 243-49). 98 Chron. I

220 East Syrjan Sources 201 governor true situation, whereupon the latter threw the Mono- of the to the governor of Mo~ul of their prison "and monks into physite wrote from this Mo~ul took a large bribe of the heretics But crimes. governor 99 Mo~ul and told them to return to their monastery." Balad In and of and mutiny of Persian the East Arabian Christians in fight against his Isho'yahb and appealed to "the local governors 650s, also to the the III 10 governors." who was over the local time of ° Finally, only governor that facing I was George catholicos, to charges his elevation years two after before brought authorities him by a disgruntled Muslim against the 101 metropolitan. of former Sasanian lands apparently all Religious bul- leaders but their rulers into taking notice new them, demanding the bargain of lied that and ratification in exchange for taxes and loyalty recognition of had worked so hard to conclude with the Sasanian government. they This meant, that they also ran the same risk of occasional however, This their affairs. first occurred during the intervention unwanted in catholicate second war in the civil of I:Inanisho' I (686-93). Based Arab at Mada'in, I:Inanisho' found himself under rebel rule from Kufa, first that of (685-87), then that of Mu~'ab ibn al-Zubayr (687- Mukhtar The pro-Umayyad of Iraq 'Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad 90).102 governor wooed of metropolitan of Nisibis, promising John that "if him Dasen, and establish (I:Inanisho') depose him me,· will I will you accompany 103 patriarch in his place." his John was for courted presumably as you civil at was a hive of sedition during the which war. Nisibis, connections Certainly Bishr ibn Marwan, governor then Kufa (692-94), seems to of have some agreement with him, made he forcibly installed him in for 104 of place I:Inanisho' . John's partisans Nisibis, led by Subsequently in aristocratic Christian physician named Mardanshah, aided an Persian to al-Malik, of brother recap- 'Abd Marwan, another Mul;lammad ibn 99 Rabban The Histories X, 61-64. Hormizd, 100 III, Ep. 18C, 266. Isho'yahb 101 Thomas of Marga, Governors 2.XIV, 85. 102 0nce had entered upon the governor only he find him "in agitation, for he to 30). XVI, Rulings for battle" ready making was (J:Inanisho', 103 John Penkaye, 156/184 (tr. Brock, 65). bar 104 bribed Mari, al-majdal, 63/56, states that John I

221 East Sources Syrian 202 the cit'y. party of I:Inanisho' was driven out and Mardanshah ture The 105 with the After the death of John in entrusted was administration. forbade new Iraq, I:lajjaj ibn Yusuf, of the election of the governor 695 thus instigating a Sasanian-style policy of government catholicos, a new church affairs. involvement in himself I:Inanisho' retired calm of the monastery of Mar Yu- the to patriarchate. near a kind of shadow exercising We know nan Mo~ul, almost about his life, but he appears to have been an assiduous nothing numerous letters on legal matters, particularly relating wrote He fellow. inheritance, and the author of a four-volume work "on the exege- to was 106 in At the Gospel" which still exists pericopes fragments. the of of sis one point, commenting Matthew xxi.9, which tells of Jesus' entry upon Jerusalem into reception as the Son of David, I:lnanisho' indulges and the Jews: some against in polemic when Israel has Why, celebrated nor not priests nor people prophets so exclusively as it has Jesus, nor kings illustrious oppose the quarrelsome Jews, who hate God, stubbornly do that should be known as God? For if he were a de- Jesus they shamelessly maintained, who of this ilk have ceiver, as honoured God? the people as be And if he were by would known then become as one who he would a deceiver, why in the name of the Lord came be immediately praised and and as King of Israel? And if he were [only] a proclaimed as new says some prophet, folly ( ayk da-mpaqqa leliitii idly [like those who said]: "this is Jesus the prophet ~dattii), from Nazareth in Galilee" (Matthew xxi.ll), when and to of prophets did the people cry out Hosannah, the which children as xxi.9), and as (Matthew whose rea- both adults 107 not yet mature (Matthew xxi.l5)? is son "new folly" clearly designates The which stressed Jesus' place Islam, in a long line of prophets culminating in Mul).ammad: "We inspire 105 Ibid., 63-65/56-57. 106 Syrische Rechtsbucher, 2.xvi-xvii, Sachau, (legal work); 'Amr and Saliba, 1-51 Kitiib al-majdal, 58 (exegesis). 7 der Cited and discussed by Reinink, "Fragmente 10 Evangelienexegese des Katho- likos l:Ienaniso' 1," 89-90.

222 East Syrian Sources 203 and the prophets after him, as we inspired you as inspired Noah we Isaac, Jacob the tribes, Jesus, Job, Jonah, Abraham, Ishmael, and the and brought to David we Psalms" (Qur'an Solomon, Aaron, as ii.l36). Like his contemporary, Jacob of Edessa, I:Inanisho' iv.163; cf. frustrated though respecting Jesus, the Muslims that, was evidently of this his divinity, and short remained the sticking stopped admitting the two religions throughout centuries of polemic. point between disparaging tone The I:Inanisho's comment is reflected in a con- of had with 'Abd al-Malik on the occasion of the allegedly versation he visit to in 691: latter's Kufa al-Malik ibn 'Abd king of the Arabs, came When Marwan, the land of Shin'ar, I:Inanisho' went to meet him to of- to fer his according greetings custom. ('Abd al-Malik) to He asked him: do you think, catholicos, of "What religion the of the Arabs?" I:Inanisho' promptly replied: "It is a reli- by confirmed by the sword and not a faith established gion as the faith and the old Law of Moses." miracles, Christian king cut his tongue the out, but friends ordered Indignant, sent and he was him away unharmed. The interceded for however, ordered king, he should never again appear that 108 presence. in his we does have this account from a thirteenth-century source That only it not in its authenticity, but confidence is worth noting that invite this objection to Islam as a religion, which was to receive much usage put forward in the earliest writing on Islam: "The ever after, first was 109 not come armed with a sword." do prophets of Daylam (d. 738) John Nestorian the of Timothy I (780-823) the catholicate church During and six new metropolitan provinces expansion witnessed considerable were created. Timothy corresponded with Turks and Tibetans, and he the of number of missionaries who "travelled to the ends a despatched 108 Bar Hebraeus, Chron. eccles., 2.136. 109 Doctrina Jacobi V.l6, 209.

223 East Sources Syrian 204 0 in new soulsY pursuit A pioneer in this field was John of East" of 111 Born at I:Iadatta in northern Iraq, he yielded to the ca. 660 Daylam. years life when a mere thirteen of old and was taken call the monastic wing of one Simon the Beardless at Beth 'Abe. Soon after under the of was latter, John death seized by some Daylamite bandits and the the 112 the Enthusiastically he rose to their challenge, and to country. taken of healing, tree-felling, dragon-slaying and other by a display marvels, cleansed "he Christians, all and they became them paganism of true for zealous the faith." the turn of At century, receiving instruction from God, he went the to in Jerusalem and "he visited the king of the Arabs, 'Abd al- pray bar Marwan, was residing in Damascus at that time." Curing who Malik caliph's earned him a royal missive the announced to which daughter this governor Aramaye and Persia: "Let Beth holy man build the of and monasteries in our realm wherever he should do to wish churches my and be given the expenses out of him royal treasury." So John let so, 113 I:Iajjaj in Iraq went receiving similar guarantees, to proceeded and, to to live out his days Fars combat with paganism, founding two in death his before Mary Virgin the to dedicated and monasteries a church 26 January on 738. in panegyric to place our confidence us the veracity The invites verse of the actual John: words convey claiming often contents, its of to children our Mar did relate, and his master wrote it all "Thus John 110 and Qardag were sent to Gilan and Daylam by Timothy (Thomas Yahbalaha of Marga, 5.VII, 265-70), and Elijah to Moqan (ibid. 5.X, 278-81); see Governors Patriarch, and Caliph, 118-27. Shah Young, 111 Life exists in Syriac (prose and verse panegyric), Ethiopic (Ethiopic John's nu- "19 'feqemt"), (see Elr, s.v. "Deylam, John of") and in Soghdian Synaxary, de Dailam" ). "Jean Arabic versions (see Fiey, merous 112 The prose Life adds: "Since the king of the Arabs, 'All bar Abutalib, was lax and the Daylamites used slack, plunder territory mercilessly" (John of to his Syriac Life X, 136). This is omitted by the verse panegyric contradicts and Daylam, author other data, so one imagines that hazarding chronological was simply the the a guess here. 113 The prose Life narrates only briefly John's encounters with 'Abd al-Malik and gives (ibid. The verse panegyric 139-40). much more detail XXVII-XXXI, J:Iajjaj 187-89 /165-68), furnishing a reason for the meeting with the caliph (news of (ibid., reached by in Damascus had John him and he summoned John performed miracles how to his son) and relating exorcise John cured J:Iajjaj of cancer.

224 East Syrian 205 Sources 114 afterwards in Certainly, at a very early date traditions down books." were set in writing, and only a century after John's circulated and down and of say that "very many could great things are Thomas death Marga him" and that "many have written histories about written concerning 115 man, Abu blessed Nu}:l." this especially Muslim briefly appears in the background, that the world Though it remains. No attempt is made to is any of its aspects. where elucidate towards Feelings are neither hostile the friendly, but rather Muslims nor It is interesting to note that indifferent. unlike the pagans, Muslims, a target for conversion-perhaps reflecting a knowledge of their not are as well respect for their power-but neither are they monotheism as of posed or curiosity-perhaps because Islam target no a explanation time. Christianity this region at this to threat in Metropolitan of Fars lsho'bokht, his catalogue of Syriac literature 'Abdisho' In Nisibis assigns to of Isho'bokht book which is entitled 'Al hiinii kull ("On This Uni- "a a ecclesiastical laws and tract on the signification of of one verse"), 116 no a'eras)," the but makes (shiidii' comment about the man winds himself. A ninth-century Muslim treatise, dedicated to the demonstra- tion of existence and unity from the order manifest in terrestrial God's celestial and among its sources "a book composed in phenomena, cites of metropolitan Umayyads, which Isho'bokht, days of Fars, put the the 117 and wrote in Persian." he Evidently being alluded together which first is the unfortunately title in 'Abdisho"s entry. This is here to 114 /bid., 183/154. 115 Thomas Governors 2.XXV, 101; 2.XXIII, of Marga, has addi- Thomas 97. material on tional early life, John's relates nothing subsequent to his capture but by Daylamites, presumably because he the the other "histories" treated this felt adequately. For the transmission and credibility of the Life "Syriac Life see Brock, NuJ:i of 125-33. Concerning the late John scholar Abu Dailam," eighth-century of al-Anbari see Baumstark, GSL, 218. 116 BO 3.1, 194-95. Assemani, 117 given Al- 'ibar wa-l-i 'tibiir, fo!. 4b. The name ( attrib.), is actually JaJ:ii~ ba have no diacritical marks), but the Isho'yahb (though the two letters preceding fact given of the two names in Arabic and the similarity that Isho'bokht was the author of a cosmological treatise, then one metropolitan of Fars and himself the copy should Isho'bokht. In addition, the read I use (BL Or. 3886) was clearly

225 East Sources Syrian 206 only the item is so-though second in a Syr- extant, but longer' no us information on Isho'bokht. The gives further translation-and iac preface of his own in which he translator homage to adds a short pays leader I (780-823), who Timothy commissioned the spiritual had his notes that Isho'bokht had been consecrated metropolitan work, and 118 catholicos the This could be either I:Inanisho' I (d. by I:Inanisho' . latter, I:lnanisho' Sachau opts for the (773-80); arguing that or 700) II of Timothy would immediately think of J:Inanisho' II, a contemporary predecessor, and so the translator would have immediate Timothy's 119 epithet if added had meant J:Inanisho' 1. a clarifying In this case he Isho'bokht's hiinii kull must have been written in his younger days, 'AI the Muslim is right in placing its composition in Umayyad if treatise times. legal by Isho'bokht, The simply Maktbiiniitii d-'al dme called tract the Laws") by its Syriac translator, is a substantial ("Composition on collection merely a not and 82 chapters. It is books work comprising six codify canons, attempt to systematise and an the Christian law, of but its originality prompts Isho'bokht and proffer an explanation for his to the men impelled that motives He reviewing by begins undertaking. of earlier times to write on history, metaphysics, natural science and the liberal then emphasises that such factors played no part in his arts, 120 his pen: take up to decision came following this composition for the I reasons: Rather to that there are many differences among peo- I have observed religion, the matter of laws, not only from religion to in ple in haste. See Gibb, "A Mu'tazilite Treatise Attributed to al-JaJ:ii~;" Daiber, made 'am 159-61 ibn 'Abbiid as-Sulam!, Mu (who discusses authorship). mar 118 Isho'bokht Fars, Corpus iuris "preface," 2-4. of 119 Sachau, Syrische Rechtsbiicher, 3.ix-x, 3.289. 120 And he adds: "I do not consider myself an instrument that would be useful to the of the Holy Spirit such that I would be roused by him to come to working and I am not trained in of mankind, of beneficial for the instruction write things acquire knowledge nature, nor do I intend to of all the education the that would allow me to elucidate the meaning of those things which are not clear to everyone" (Isho'bokht of Corpus iuris Fars, 8). This 1.1, doubt on the attribution to casts him of the first and third works on 'Abdisho"s list, but it may be only a literary ploy.

226 East Syrian Sources 207 and from nation to nation, but language to from language and the religion, nation and language, as in one in also same While place Jews in every Christianity. the religion of the and the error of the Magians likewise as law, one have also the Christians the us, now over rule who also those among Romans determined land of the the are are in laws which in the land of the Persians, distinct they in from those and distinct those in the land from the Arameans, are turn of from Ahwaz, and different in Mayshan, and and different in likewise places. Thus also from district to dis- also other from trict city there are many differences in the city and to And the the religion of laws. Christians matters of though is one, we and the same and law shall speak of the is not one for that later. Moreover, we have learnt the in reason that same the laws determined by earlier generations the place than later generations, each man according to other the are and according to his his Because of this knowledge wish. that I assemble, as far as possible, those things I desired genera- learnt from the tradition of the earlier I have which in our churches who were tions, from those fathers whether other churches, and also what I those who in or from were straight it and [then] to put from in this at thinking, arrive those of myself and of for who, like me, book the education 121 of felt instruction. need in such had it only his own wishes that not spurred him to write, Yet was also the demands of but friends and bishops similarly distraught many at heterogeneity of Christian law the who sought unity in their and province at least, if it could not prevail in the whole church. Isho'bokht now proceeds discuss, "in the form of question and answer, so that to be is clear to those reading it," what it will civil law ( dznii), what most 22 ( trz?iitii), what is ideal law ( niimosii)/ is how do they differ rectitude "why mankind, other, why the civil laws are not the same for each from 121 Ibid. l.I, 8-10. 122 is lsho'bokht's tripartite definition of law; niimosii means the ideal prin- This is the same for all Testament (e.g. see Matthew v) and so ciples found in the New Christians (see the last question of this paragraph).

227 East Sources Syrian 208 same, the the Christians are the of their civil laws are ideal laws when same?" The of the first book is devoted to such questions the not whole 123 jurisprudence. of subject is not found in pre-Islamic Christian legal Interest this in are some hints of related activity by authors of the late There writings. 24 and century/ seventh but it is the work of Isho'bokht eighth early the a proper treatment of matter, and so he upon first which embarks this something What spurred him to a pioneer. innovation is clear is of the above introduction: the variations in Christian law as com- from pared that of Jews, Zoroastrians and Muslims ("those who now with not But and his friends did he reach this conclusion sim- over rule us"). observation, to it was pointed out by them, as we see from rather ply of one of the chapters of Isho'bokht's first book: "Concern- the heading what is said by the Jews have the ~anpe that the Christians and ing laws no is not possible that their it be conducted without and lives 125 The usual Jewish accusation laws." had that the Christians did been not to the law of Moses, hold specifically that they had no laws. not So the question must have originated with the ~anpe, which can here the mean as is evident from Muslims, occurrence of the same the only in a disputation: question Christian-Muslim then the on to ask about the laws of emir Chris- The moved they and what fashion were after and if they what tians, written in the Gospel or not ... And the illustrious were said: ... "Show me that your laws are written in the emir 123 The five books treat the law of marriage (2-3), of inheritance (4) and other work For a consideration of the whole (5-6). see Sachau, Syrische of contract Rechtsbiicher, 3.x-xiv. 124 The whole of catholicos George's preamble to the synod of 676 is taken up with of mankind's for laws and the provision need them by God and the a discussion of church (Synodicon 215-16). Note also that the Armenian patriarch John orientale, Christian Ojun of the first to codify (718-29) law in his country (see Albert became et al., Christianismes orientaux, 146), and Leo III (717-41) compiled one of the very few Byzantine codes, his Ekloga (see Freshfield, "Official Manuals of Roman legal Centuries"). of Eighth and Ninth the Crone, "Islam, Judea-Christianity and Law Byzantine Iconoclasm," 71-73, argues that Ekloga was a response to Islam; Leo's see also eadem and Cook, Hagarism, 180-81 n. 18. 125 Isho'bokht of Fars, Corpus iuris !.XIV, 20.

228 East Syrian Sources 209 that yourselves by them, or submit you conduct and Gospel 126 of the law the to Muslims." reply that "we Christians have laws interlocutor's The Christian is and just and accord with the teachings and prescriptions right are which Gospel, the canons of the apostles and the laws the the church." of of is to deny the need for civil laws, arguing that the Isho'bokht's response is than virtuous community its rivals. Simeon of Re- Christian more 127 also considers this writing soon after Isho'bokht, wardashir, probably transmission non-literary is to stress the of modes of solution issue. His law: "We found many other things which, though they Christian have been writing, on to us from the earlier generations in not have handed 128 come have to us in their practices." them from they of the Convent of Sabrisho' Abbots The verse history of the A of Sabrisho' at Beth Qoqa in Adiabene, convent north describes the times in office of the abbots of this monastery Iraq, its to Sabrisho' (d. 650) from Sabrisho' bar Israel (fl. 820), after founder the the was destroyed and place monks dispersed (though they whom later returned and rebuilt the convent). The author's frequent use of the phrase convent" indicates that he himself was a monk of this "our 126 Patriarch Colloquy, 251-52/261-62. John-Arab Emir, 127 Simeon traditionally been identified with the Simeon This Rewardashir of has but Sachau, Syrische Rechtsbiicher, 3.xix-xxi, with Isho'yahb III, who corresponded metropoli- the holding must have been more than one Simeon there out: points (a) of the Persians at Rewardashir; (b) Isho'bokht of Fars, Corpus iuris l.I, tanate among states no one had 10, yet made any codification of the civil law that the as Persian Christians; Simeon shows no interest (c) Zoroastrianism, whereas it does in since but This suggests that Simeon wrote after Isho'bokht, Isho'bokht. concern Simeon it is likely that was writing not much are similar of ideas a number their later. 128 of Rewardashir, Canons "intro.," Simeon Simeon wrote the introduction 233. to collection of 22 canons on inheritance his in reply to four questions: "Why law is what legislation, not confer them (ecclesiastical laws) by his own Lord our did reason the we do not make dzne according that the niimosii of Moses, from where to special we receive the legal tradition which has reached us, and how are certain did practice of laws in the cases we follow to be treated?"

229 East Sources Syrian 210 and of history of the abbots he tells us that "it is establishm~nt, his 129 biographies compiled it." their that from I have with Sabrisho' chiefly taken up concerning accounts of part The is by or for him. While a hermit in a cell near Arbela worked wonders "the out in force," but a divine power kept them at bay came Arabians remarks the narrator aside: "This was the point abode. this his from At and the of Qedar son of Ishmael, of it was the end beginning kingdom 130 kingdom of the Persians, the scion of Nimrod." Later, of when the land abbot, Arabs invaded the "the and the brothers fled was Sabrisho' a to named Beth I:Iniq and the fortress was shut off from certain village soon sons Hagar." The monks were of in need of water, the marauding again prayed and it came in abundance; he prayed whereupon Sabrisho' the Arabs were stopped in their tracks and then rained upon with and Arabs marzbiinii), captured by the Persian governor ( stones. flaming A ordered to surrender his wealth, came and Sabrisho' requesting his to future. and him to predict his asking The abbot foretold that prayers there would be no hope unless he renounced his false religion, but that 131 his not be harmed in any event, "and thus it happened." family would phenomenon observable this and other sources is the move- A from groups the Arab pastoralists across of upper Tigris east into ment of neighbouring districts, caused ultimately by the entry of and Adiabene tribes into the region between Syria and Iraq in the wake the of new monastery conquests. head of the was of Sabrisho' John Arab When Arabs came and pitched their tents nearby. Though (675-92), some John, their chief was something of a nuisance, occupying respectful of monks' and the like. The cells became more serious un- encroachment forced John's successor Shub}:lalmaran (693-729) when the Arabs der their lands and the monks had to conceal their neighbouring people off abbot Despite Arabs would frequent the the for his mirac- books. this, 129 of the Convent of Sabrisho', 216/264. Fiey, Assyrie chretienne, 1.130- History gives details 57, the monastery and its abbots, and briefly discusses (132) about du couvent de Sabriso de B. Qoqa," the verse history. Scher, "Analyse de l'histoire makes the point the anonymous author, that of Marga and Isho'dna}:l of Thomas Ba~ra draw upon the same sources for their information about the convent. 130 of of the Convent History Sabrisho', 176-77/226. 131 Ibid., 179-81/229-30.

230 East Syrian 211 Sources 132 cures. of these Arabs were probably still Christians, like ulous Most the 720s at who in Iyas as a storekeeper was al-Shaybanl, employed Rabban Having 'Idta in Marga. of been granted the monastery Bar highway build the old royal alongside on land to permission a hostel the monastery, he went belonging to seize the surrounding fields to on 133 kill the steward and put to flight the abbot. even and to Ba~ra (wr. ca. 850) Isho'dnaJ.:l of works of the metropolitan of Ba~ra, there is recorded Among Isho'dnal;, book of chastity in which he assembled the accounts of all "a holy the 134 founders [of convents]." men This text is preserved only in a late and manuscript nineteenth-century the heading: which bears power write our Lord Jesus Christ we begin to the the By of 135 those brief sharbe) of all in fathers who founded stories ( of the kingdom of the Persians and Arabs, all in convents the ascetic life, of fathers books on who those composed metropolitans and bishops who founded schools or the holy composed on the ascetic life or founded convents in books the regions, and of eastern lay people, men and virtuous women, who founded convents and monasteries, as com- by God-loving Mar Isho'dnal)., metropolitan of the posed 136 d-Mayshan, Ba~ra. which Perat is some is monastic history in which a aspects of follows effectively What of the East Syrian the are related with reference to and career church 132 /bid., 198/247-48 (John), 201-202/250-51 (Shubl).almaran). 133 of Marga, Governors 2.XLI, Thomas (Arabs pasturing in western Adi- 130-33 Conquest, Muslim the after Iraq 104-105 also See (Iyas). Morony, abene); 2.XXIX, Young, 106-27 Shah and Caliph, 229-32; (using Thomas of Marga). Patriarch, 134 Assemani, 3.1, 195, citing 'Abdisho' BO Nisibis, who includes among of Isho'dnal).'s other publications "three volumes of ecclesiastical history, a treatise on logic some consolatory discourses." and 135 It not clear whether this means that the scribe is copying "a brief history of is fathers those " or if he is summarising "a ... of those fathers ... ;" i.e. was history summarised? later it of Isho'dnal). a summary or was work original the 136 (= Book of Chastity, Isho'dnal). ofB~ra, Bedjan, "title"). A number of copies 1 the manuscript; but all derive from the same late nineteenth-century known, are title Book of Chastity is only found in 'Abdisho's catalogue, not in the manuscripts (see Fiey, "lch6'dnah, metropolite de Basra," 435-38).

231 East Sources Syrian 212 the framework the individual lives of its most virtuous members. in of not, however, do We have of for composition Isho'dna~, the original there are numerous glosses has taken place. In and some reworking of founders, in an epitome listed this work, Jacobite several particular, feature in the present text and were not omitted at a later probably do 137 it a wholly East Syrian history. date make to known writings. Isho'dna~ outside of his is His Ec- Nothing about of is five times by Elias History Nisibis, for the last clesiastical cited in AH 95/714. If the "Dna~ Isho' the Nestorian" cited by Michael time the as author of a notice on the conversion of a pagan con- the Syrian into a convent J:Inania, bishop of Mardin and Kafartuta, struction by 138 Isho'dnal;l, he is writing later than 793. our And if the ref- then is dead Timothy whom one assumes is I, from the absence to erences any honorific titles assigned to him, and of the translation of the to Ja'far of the third year of "in bar Mu'ta~im, king of corpse Isho'zeka Arabs" (849-50), are not later glosses, then he the in the flourished 139 mid-ninth century. the only of the 140 In of one Book of Chastity is reference entries 140 to the Arabs. the This concerns Joseph J:Iazzaya, a native of made town of and son of "a leader ( rabbii) of the Magians:" Nimrod 141 At the time held the reigns of the kingdom 'Umar when of with had the an army to make war and the Arabs sent 137 See ibid., 438-47. 138 the Syrian 12.V, 488-89/20, followed by Bar Hebraeus, Chron. eccles., Michael The by is given 1.333. the fact that the patriarch Cyriacus (793-817) ordained date consecration I:Inania after his own shortly as this a bishop patriarch. 139 of Ba..

232 East Syrian Sources 213 town of one built by king Nimrod Turks, the Nimrod-the him-held named him and did not out and after against him. and was outside the gate to they open its gate Joseph was with persons, and it 130 when captive him took along years old that he was captured. An Arab man he was seven of the bought him for 370 silver coins from town Singar circumcised along his [other] children and (zuze), with him 142 pagan 'abdeh ~anpii) . ( him made a him later master the children sold died, to a Christian named His and who introduced him Cyriacus the monastic life. He was baptised to in convent of John Kamul, and thereafter had a glittering monas- the career, all tic of "never work on the composition to ceasing the while 143 books." "in great old He some time in the late eighth died age" century. Thomas of Marga (wr. 860s) was born to a certain Jacob in the village Thomas Nel).shon, in .the of of Sharonaye in northeastern Iraq. Beth became a monk at He district convent 832 Beth 'Abe in the and then secretary to the catholicos of 144 bishop who appointed him (837-50), of Marga. II Three Abraham works would seem to have been written by him: a now lost composition 45 an certain holy men/ the of account of the monks Cyprian lives on Gabriel and of the holy men of Beth 'Abe. The latter and a history combined extant at some point became and and presented as two are the of is evident from the fact that at the end This a single piece. 142 of Ba~ra, Book of Chastity, 64/54 (= Bedjan, no. 126). Isho'dnal]. 143 0n writings see Scher, "Joseph J:lazzaya, ecrivain syriaque du VIlle siecle," his Answers looks his Book of Questions and who and his Chapters of Knowl- at edge, both unedited; Albert et al., Christianismes orientaux, 358-59, gives further references. 144 village of 3.111, 152 ("our Governors of Nel].shon"); 2.XXXII, Thomas Marga, ("Jacob my father ... in the district called Beth Sharonaye"); 109 125 ("When 2.XL, a young I came to this holy monastery, in man, year 217 of the rule of the the before letters 59 ("When in the days of my youth I was copying LXXXI, Arabs"); Thomas patriarchal of the holy Mar the throne is described as bishop Abraham"). of Marga in all the manuscripts of the Book of Governors. 145 385. he refers the Which to in ibid. 6.XV, reader

233 East Sources Syrian 214 five books note says: "Here ends the history of the holy men first a in who of Beth 'Abe," and a new work begins with the lived convent Rabban histories Rabban Cyprian and of Gabriel, holy title: the "The the monastery] which is in the district of Birta in the abbot [of country 146 the pious Thomas." by In the first five books Marga, of composed therefore a are references to the sixth, which must number be there of 147 separate and prior publication. a history of Beth 'Abe is entitled Ktiibii d-rfshiine ("Book Thomas' of apt insofar as the material is arranged according Governors"), is which the succession abbots, but the biographies of many other figures- of to as church, officials and ascetics-are also described, the the of nobles indicates: colophon Here ends, by help of our Lord and the support of His the the writing of this book called the Book of Gover- strength, which consists the histories and feats and excellent nors, of who the holy men and solitaries in lived stories concerning with holy of Beth the convent discourses in [the form 'Abe, of] separate chapters which make manifest all their histo- of It the pious man by God and spiritual was composed ries. 148 Thomas, of Marga. Mar bishop philosopher various biographies we are given a lively portrait of Through these the of East Syrian church from the the sixth to the mid-ninth fortunes late It is nevertheless a very introverted picture which excludes century. the world of Byzantium and Islam, and focuses all almost to reference trials and tribulations, machinations and intrigues, attainments the on triumphs endured, conducted and achieved by the illustrious past and Arabs of author's own confession. Muslim the only begin to devotees 49 mentioned in Abbasid times/ be and we may assume that before this 146 Ibid. 324-25. 5.XVII-6.I, 147 this Fiey, "Thomas de Marga." In by article Fiey draws attention Pointed out scholars all virtually that has since made by been identification the to erroneous and between bishop Assemani Marga, Thomas, Thomas, metropolitan of Beth of Garmai and brother of the catholicos Theodosius (852-58). 148 of Marga, Governors "colophon," 407. Thomas 149 Maran'emmeh, metropolitan of $alai)., prophesied ca. 750 that "the time is be near, children, when all these villages will my taken by the Arabs and all these

234 East Syrian Sources 215 their scarcely felt in this region. Since he speaks of his ex- rule was 150 and employer holy memory," master Thomas must be writing "of as 850. And Abraham II's in after death that he remembers him- the fact as a youth when he worked for the suggests in the 840s catholicos self he writing considerably later, probably about the 860s. that is nobles ( shahrfgiin) will go away, for a man by the landed of I:Iatim bar $alil~ name will them and uproot them and you persecute all become subject to him" (ibid. will 3.111, 152). Thereafter we do begin to hear of interference by Arabs: ibid. 3.IV, is part of the estate of the catholicos, 153-55 claim to a mill which (some lay Arabs 4.X, a miracle that it is his property); proves 207 (a governor of Mo~ul extorted but extra taxes from those building a new church for Beth 'Abe); 4.XXI-II, 239-44 (the designs frustration bar Mul).ammad's evil 'Imran by the catholicos Cyriacus); of Adiabene of monks man named Ya'la bar l:limran troubled the (a 5.XVI, 314-15 until killed by a local governor). See further Young, Patriarch, Shah and Caliph, 106-27. 150 Ibid. 4.XIX, 232.

235 CHAPTER 6 1 SOURCES LATIN Chronicler (wr. 650s) Fredegar, Frankish a in twenty-fourth chapters, which extends from the chronicle A Latin 90 of year death (584), to the of of Flaochad, Guntram, Burgundy king the palace in Burgundy (642)-though with occasional refer- of mayor events-has been known as the later of Fredegar ever chronicle to ences sixteenth century, when a French scholar ascribed it to one the since 2 In his never ascertained. archidiaconum" "Fredegarium reasons for prologue author makes his intentions. "From the beginning the clear Guntram's world the declining years of to reign" he copied and the of the works of five earlier chroniclers. From tells onward, he 584 abridged account," but have continued on my own fallen silent "I not us, have times, "facts deeds of later and finding them wherever they narrating were recorded, and relating of the deeds of kings and the wars of peoples 3 that or heard or seen read I could vouch for." that I have all 1 Latin period from Justinian to ofthe mid-tenth century are surveyed sources the from Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittlelalters I; for texts Manitius, by to Bede consult also Dekkers, Clavis patrum latinorum. For clarity Isidore I shall aggarenusf saracenus as "Saracen" and "Hagarene." agarrinus as translate always 2 A good introduction to this work is given by Hadrill, Fourth Book of the Chron- icle of ix-lxvii; Kusternig, Quellen zur Geschichte des 7. und 8. Jahrhun- Fredegar, derts, 3-41. assessment of Fredegar is A general by Hadrill, "Fredegar and the given History Rotter, of and his views on the Arab conquests are considered by France," Abendland Sarazenen, 145-82. und 3 Fredegar, Chronicle, 123 (tr. Hadrill, 1-3). 216

236 Latin Sources 217 earliest manuscript contains this text is dated 715 and The which a copy, is orginal was certainly composed in the seventh so itself the but is last, event described latest, as follows: The not century. more for three years and is Constans paid one It said that solidi a day to thousand Saracens; but then he gold the recovered strength, little by little won back somewhat his and this to pay tribute. How empire came about refused his 4 in the right year I shall its proper sequence. set under down notice tells us that the author was writing at a time when the This Byzantines were gains. Constans seems to have begun pay- making 5 tribute ca. but the civil war of 656-61 distracted the Arabs; 652, ing 658 achieved success against the around and soon there- Slavs Constans for the was forced to sue Mu'awiya peace, having "to pay after caliph Byzantines a daily tribute of 1000 gold coins, one the and one horse 6 Most likely, then, this entry and penned in the late 650s was slave. " may intended from it that Fredegar one to bring his work up to infer 7 this time, by prevented so doing, but from his own death. was perhaps The chronicle deals almost exclusively with the affairs of Frankish of and with the Visigoths relations Spain, the Lombards of its Gaul and other of the West. The sporadic notices regarding Italy kingdoms are knowledge illustration of how East percolated the a fascinating often spatial cultural distances in an the exaggerated and through and 8 account An example is Fredegar's distorted of how Shirin, wife form. of the emperor Khusrau II, came to Constantinople to convert Persian Christianity refused the hands of the patriarch John (582-95). She to at which return Persia until to husband had converted as well, to he her 4 Jbid., 162 (tr. Hadrill, 69). 5 Sebeos, XXXIII (tr. Mader, 110-11); Syriac CS, s.a. 652; Chron. Zuqnin, 152. 6 0n raid against the Slavs see Theophanes, 347, and Elias of Nisibis, Chron- the 1.140-41 icle, Isho'dnal). of B~ra). For the peace see Syriac CS, s.a. 659. (from 7 Goffart, Fredegar Problem Reconsidered," 220; "The "The Problem Erikson, of Authorship in the Chronicle of Fredegar." Both scholars refute previous theories of multiple authorship argue convincingly that Fredegar is one author, any and his differences being accounted for by style/content use of earlier materials. in 8 be Probably oral reports, but use of written Byzantine sources cannot mostly Byzantine Tours." cf. Cameron, "The of Sources of Gregory out; ruled

237 Latin Sources 218 "with 60,000 his subjects, and it took John and other bishops did of to the total number of Persians." The Byzantine deal with weeks two his clergy, counterpart bishops and gave "and emperor Maurice Persian 9 occasion to Christianity." speedily The was for this Persia all converted very likely the arrival of report at the imperial city in 591 was Khusrau 0 alliance with Maurice/ conclude but in Fredegar's portrayal it to an a of become Christian ascendancy. has demonstration 11 begins description conquests of the with Heraclius dis- The Arab by means of astrology that "his empire would be waste laid covering circumcised races," he ordered the baptising of Jews by whereupon Dagobert empire the Frankish king requested to throughout the and 12 then, But do the same. who also Hagarenes, called Saracens ... -a circum- The are had lived beneath the Caucasus on people of old cised who shores of the Caspian in a country known as Ercolia- the had grown so numerous that at last they took up arms now threw upon the provinces of the emperor and themselves who despatched an army to Heraclius, them. In the hold ensuing the Saracens were battle victors and cut the the vanquished to pieces. It is said that the Saracens killed in Then they sent a deputation men. 150,000 this engagement spoils with to send him the offer of bat- Heraclius to an he would accept nothing because of his desire for tle, but on vengeance the Saracens. 9 Chronicle, (tr. Hadrill, 7-9); for Shirin's Fredegar, acts 125-26 philo-Christian IV (tr. Mader, 28). Sebeos, see 1 paschale, 691; Chron. Khuzistan, 15. Fredegar calls the Persian ruler °Chron. probably "Anaulf," Aparviz, the regnal a corruption of Khusrau of II. name 11 are from Ensuing Chronicle, 153-54 (tr. Hadrill, 54-55). quotations Fredegar, 12 the tale Heraclius' astrological prediction/dream and his decree against of The PO 1, 492, and Coptic Synaxary, "8 Tuba" in Hist. Patriarchs XIV, Jews appears (both relying the Life of the patriarch Benjamin, probably composed soon af- on sixteenth-century the 665, as also is in Ethiopic source described by death his ter Islam," 206); of Heraclius and Dream Chron. Hisp. 754, §4 (= "The van Donze!, Pereira/Wolf, §5); 'Abd al-Razzaq, Mu~annaf, 5.343; Bukhari, 1.5; 'fabari, 1.1562; Chron. I11fahani, Ibn 'Asakir, TMDJ, 473; cf. 6.94-95; Siirt CI, PO 13, Aghanz, 600, and the Georgian source quoted in Excursus E, n. 19, below. On the forcible see 28-38. Jews at this time of Dagron, "Juifs et chretiens," conversion

238 219 Latin Sources account of appears to be the Battle of Yarmuk (636) follows, An what Heraclius releases in which locked above the the up hordes demonic gates by Caspian the Great, "and through them behind brass Alexander mercenary warriors to fight the Saracens:" poured 150,000 under were commanders, latter, approximately The two The forces had camped quite near one strong. two 200,000 were ready for an engagement another the following and on But that very night during army of Heraclius the morning. smitten by the died of God: 52,000 of his men sword was they slept. on the following day, at the mo- When where of battle, his men saw that ment large a part of joining so had fallen by divine judgement, they no longer force their advance on the dared but all retired whence they Saracens, came. Saracens proceeded, as was their habit, to lay The the that of the empire provinces had fallen to them. waste It a wonderful narrative of is mythical proportions, ending on truly ... note of pathos, a picture of Heraclius "prey to inconsolable grief a finishing days in agony, tormented with fever." The Arabs are placed his their standard of irreligious pillagers; they come forth simply role in they and ravage the land because become very numerous they have was their habit." The reference to "a deputation sent to Heraclius" "as be correspondence, on actual may but as it stands it is a popular based and II twice in an Armenian chronicle, where Khusrau theme appears Mu'awiya and to Heraclius and Constans respectively the chance offer 13 partake of the spoils of their victories. to Arculf (fl. 670s) and Early Islamic Jerusalem The rise Christianity to the status of imperial religion was accom- of by proclamation of this fact in stone. Constantine panied a physical Helena erected glittering new structures and Bethlehem, Mamre, at Golgotha the Mount of Olives and celebrate the triumph of Chris- to tendom and soon, so Eusebius tells us, people were coming from the 13 Sebeos, XXXVI (tr. Mader, 79-80, XXVI, Both letters end with the 139-40). question: "How can this Christ who could not save himself from the Jews save you from my hands?"

239 Latin Sources 220 of the to marvel at the sights and walk in the footsteps of ends earth For reasons prestige, fashion, health and the opening of their Lord. of every of tourists of antiquity-"men of these race and eyes "the faith" congestion of both sexes," in the words of Jerome-traversed a great newly holy. places They often expressed their appreciation the made the form donations, which permitted generous further pro- the of in Trade institutions. and charitable monasteries liferation of churches, souvenirs ( eulogiae) guides, lodgings expanded and flourished; in and were held debates tales of miracles and wonders exchanged, and and the might return home, armed with ampullae and a fragment pilgrim the Cross, to have "reverenced the place" and able "to gaze content of 14 clearly more scripture." holy the upon of most visitors were eastern Christians, a trickle of Though the Westerners did brave the then seemingly hardy distances and immense austere travelling to bear witness to their faith. An example conditions Arculf: is various of by race. He had experience a Gaul A holy bishop, places faraway his report and them was true and in about the in months He stayed nine satisfactory. way every for of city to go round all the holy places and Jerusalem used the experiences described below he re- All daily on visits. me, Adomnan, and I first took down his trust- to hearsed This account on tablets. reliable I have now worthy and 15 on parchment written the form of a short essay. out in Bede, Venerable Anglo-Saxon monk (d. 735), tells us that Adorn- the abbot the Iona (679-704), then presented nan, finished work to King of 14 0n Christian pilgrimage see Hunt, early Land Pilgrimage AD 312-460; Holy Maraval, Lieux saints et pelerinages d'Orient, 105-243; Wilken, The Land Made and 101-25. of early travel writing genre the problems of translating On the Holy, Witness The and the Other World, a written record see Campbell, into one's travels (compares the accounts of Egeria and Arculf). 33-45 15 indulges locis sanctis "intro.," 183 (tr. Wilkinson, 93). Adomnan De Adomnan, that "I shall leave out the things which states in some editing: on the next page he the about the disposition of city from other authors;" elsewhere he gathered may be supplements with his own reading on the Holy Land (e.g. ibid. 2.XI.3, 211, where S. Jerome). he cites

240 Latin Sources 221 of Northumbria "through whose generosity it was Aldfrith (685-705), 16 to by lesser people." handed A terminus ante quem for be on read in 683, while he was still for Jerusalem he heard journey is Arculf's involving Mu'awiya (d. 680) which had occurred "three years a story visited Aldfrith in 686 and 688Y Since there Adomnan King earlier." reason time suppose a large passage of no either between Arculf's is to Adomnan's and to Adomnan or between visit writing of the return his and his presentation of book to King Aldfrith, a date in the 670s it early most plausible for the pilgrimage, and in the Arculf's would seem for its by Adomnan. 680s recording up taken Jerusalem is almost wholly description his Although of Christian Arculf does comment upon the "numerous large with sites, the held fair there and well-built," houses" are which stone "wonderfully country year, attended by "almost every is and many na- every which Further, he volunteers the following information: tionalities." In that famous place where once stood the magnificently constructed Temple, near the eastern wall, the Saracens now house of prayer which they have built rectangular frequent a a crude manner, it from raised planks and in constructing over This remains of ruins. beams house can, as large some 18 said, accommodate at least 3000 people. it is observation suggests that Jerusalem, and the Temple Mount in This was particular, some cultic significance to the first Muslims. This is of out both a considerable number of other sources, borne Muslim and by 16 5.XV). Bede, 317 (= Historia ecclesiastica, Opera This chapter in historica, Bede and the De locis sanctis itself are our only sources on Arculf. For discussion of latter's see Rotter, Abendland und Sarazenen, 31-42; 'Imran, "Kitabat account the Arkiilf." al-rahhala 17 Jerusalem Pilgrims, 10; Donner, Pilgerfahrt ins heiliger Land, W.ilkinson, 318- 19, see 330-31 for and of the date. a discussion 18 Adomnan, De locis sanctis 1.!.14, 186. The mention of a "house of prayer" meant, (oration suggests that a mosque is domus) namely an antecedent of the is Aqi?a, and this seems to be confirmed by archaeological evidence (see Raby, "Aqi?a and the Anastasis," who also discusses this passage).

241 Latin Sources 222 19 'Umar travelled to Syria to make a treaty non-Muslim. I allegedly city's with person, and once there he commissioned inhabitants the in 20 a house prayer on the Temple Mount. of Work was also the erection of 21 and during Mu'awiya's reign, this site with particular out on carried the time of 'Abd al-Malik, who ordered the fervour in construction 22 of the Rock. the There would seem no doubt, then, that Dome of played crucial role in Muslim religious life Jerusalem a very from a early of with date and Medina for the position vied prime and Mecca 23 centre in Islam. cultic the city apparently But political importance as well. It was in held Jerusalem 658 that Mu'awiya and 'Amr ibn al-'A~, the first rulers in ibn Syria a pact allying against 'All signed Ab1 Talib, and Egypt, of 24 the east. too, There, their Mu'awiya was proclaimed caliph rival in proceeded the of allegiance, whereupon he oath to make received and 25 of the Christian holy sites a the city. tour The new ruler is said of 26 minted coins without crosses, to and it was perhaps he who have construction administrative the initiated headquarters adjacent to of southwest Temple the the south and Mount where six large buildings on tou so far been unearthed, including the caliph's own palace ( aule have 19 the entries "John Moschus" and "Anastasius of Sinai" in Chapter 3 See on "Sebeos" and Chapter 4 above, on "ps.-Shenute" in Chapter 8 below on above, in three next notes. the 20 entries mentioned in the See note for the primary evidence. For dis- the previous 65-74; Palestine, "'Omar in Jerusalem;" Gil, Flusin, of History Busse, cussion see du Temple l'arrivee des arabes." "L'esplanade a 21 restore the Jewish 178 ("he will on the walls of the Apocalypse Umayyads, Maqdisl, Temple"); 4.87 ('amarahu 'Umar ibn al-I

242 Latin Sources 223 27 roads were laid and old ones repaired so as to amiralmoumnin). New 28 and Evidently, Jerusalem was not only a Damascus. Jerusalem link initially Muslim capital of but Palestine. the centre, cultic Jerusalem" "Christian residents of stay re- Arculf's During some 29 a story concerning "a sacred cloth of the lated to It had him Lord." stolen the sepulchre immediately after Christ's resurrection been from right-believing handed and it had been a certain down for gen- by Jew by within Jew's family, then this non-believing Jews who erations, first treated it with respect. However, the believing Jews (Ju- nevertheless daei began to argue with the unbelieving Jews (cum infi- credentes) The over of the cloth. ownership two factions ( Iu- the delibus Iudaeis) "Mu'awiya, .. increduli Iudaei) appealed to . king of the daei Christiani who commanded a fire to be made and, invoking "Christ Saracens," the saviour the world," cast the cloth into the flames whence it floated of then and descended landed among the Christians. The use upwards, Testament/patristic terminology and of the widespread narra- New of tive motifs of worthy /unworthy inheritors and test by fire render this 30 to it is interesting but note Mu'awiya's presence in suspect, account and his in the settlement of non-Muslim dis- Jerusalem participation putes. (fl. and Willibald Pilgrims Other 720s) extensively travelled the Holy Land, seeking out the Arculf throughout of Old and New Testament fame, even reaching Damascus, "a places royal city," where "a king of the Saracens seized power and reigns" large where ecclesia) kind of church" ( quaedam and had been built for "a 27 Aphrodito no. 1403 (giving a terminus Papyri, quem of710 for the palace), ante which also mentions the "mosque of Jerusalem" ( masgida Hierosolymon); the build- ings are by Rosen-Ayalon, described Islamic of al-Jfaram al- Early Monuments 8-10. See also Kuchler, "Moschee und Kalifenpalaste Jerusalems Sharif, nach den Busse, "Zur Geschichte und Deutung Aphrodito-Papyri;" friihislamischen der Jfarambauten in Jerusalem." 28 Indicated by seven milestones dating to the reign of 'Abd al-Malik (see Excursus F, no. iii). 29 Adomnan, De sanctis 1.1X, 192-94. locis 30 Donner, Pilgerfahrt ins heiliger Land, 351 n. 36; Pines, "Arabic Christianity and Judaeo-Christianity," 145-47, uses this anecdote as evidence for Judaeo-Christians.

243 Latin Sources 224 31 unbelieving and Constantinople, "the metropolis of "the Saracens;" 32 empire" "the emperor of the world." the He seems where Roman sits city able about freely from city to move and from been to to have having little contact with country authorities. S. to country, Muslim 680), though later molested and killed too, Huns, spent (d. Reinelde by 33 in Jerusalem; a serene two did her contemporaries Thomas, years as 34 35 abbot and the monk Epiphanius. Farfa, later of bishop Eichstatt in Bavaria (740-87) and a relative S. Willibald, of Boniface, did not fare so well and clashed S. the Muslim au- with of his more in evidence in of narrative. The description who are thorities, pilgrimage is presented to his by Hugeberc, a nun of the monastery us which founded with his brother Wynnebald in 751. "We should re- he given to "that this account is us, not on the basis of she alise," declares own untrustworthy but ... under his stories watchful eye, as legends or he it to us by word of mouth. We decided to listen to him and take told down me his dictation. With it were two deacons who heard it on at 36 character Whether because of his 23 or the length of June." Tuesday elapsed since the journey, Willibald tells us time about the sights less 31 the De sanctis 2.XXVIII, 220. Note Adomnan, locis church of S. John the that Baptist is mentioned separately from the Muslim "church." 32 Ibid. 226; 3.II1.7, 228. 3.1.2, 33 Acta July, 4.177-78; in the mid-eighth century two unaccom- sanctorum 16 Jerusalem to and Sinai pilgrimage from go regularly on women panied Damascus the Greek Life XI, 586-87 = Arabic Life LXIV, 309). On Sabaite, the (Stephen appeal to women of pilgrimage see Brown, and Society, 272, 328. Body 34 Acta 10 Sept., 3.605. sanctorum. 35 layer this monk is composite, but one of would appear to go back The account the period after 635 ("the Patriarchum to a church without a throne; it was to is have given a throne at the time of been Saracen invasion") and before 690 ("To the the and of these buildings is ... the holy of holies ... and the hanging rock east the of Solomon its own special wall," i.e. rock still exposed). For the texts with Temple Epiphanius Donner, "Die Paliistinabeschreibung des see Monachus," discussion and 66-82. 36 Willibald, 87. The dictation must have taken place after 761 when Huge- Life, probably at Heidenheim, and it was that Wynnebald's death in 777 arrived burc motivated her to write biographies of her two brothers (23 June was a Tuesday in 780 778); us a date of ca. gives for the final composition. Wilkinson, Jerusalem. this distinguished 206-208, asserts that the core dictated by Willibald can be Pilgrims, Hugeburc. For short simple sentences from the ornate surround given it by by its Sarazenen, und Abendland Rotter, 43-65. see text the of discussion some

244 Latin Sources 225 he of the problems encountered, the anecdotes heard and visits than spectacles the the way. observed strange along had travelled out from England as a young man and he In 720 set three to where he remained for Rome, years "un- France through on rule." "Then Willi bald ... der his friends and compan- monastic asked ions him by their prayers to ... reach the ... walls of the city of help to departed on day, 28 March 723, he Easter with seven and Jerusalem," for comrades Holy Land. But on reaching "the land of the the Saracens at beside the sea called Tartus" and walking as far as I:Iim~, "the a city Saracens, who discovered that some strange travellers had pagan had arrested Not and took them prisoner. suddenly knowing arrived, them them they come from, they took country to be spies." They what had brought before a rich old gentleman who said: were times I have "Many countrymen of theirs, from those parts here, fellow seen coming people fulfil the They mean no harm. All of want to do is to world. they their Nevertheless, the governor "ordered law." to be kept pris- them oner till he discovered from the king what he should do about them." But their was not a harsh one. A merchant, though un- confinement to ransom made sure that they had food, that they bathed them, able to Saturdays, and took them and the church and mar- on Wednesdays on Sundays. "And the people of that city were interested in them ket liked look to and at them there." A Spaniard, whose brother coming had royal the captain, who and brought them from was chamberlain, then accompanied the governor to Cyprus, Saracen king whose "the name Mirmumnus," by which is was meant the title "com- presumably mander of the faithful" ( amzr al-mu 'minzn ). Once informed of their case, the replied: "Why should we punish them? They have caliph no their against us. Give them committed permit and let them crime go!"37 In course of his narrative the bald makes numerous informative Willi remarks. No harm is ever done to Cypriots, he notes, for "there was peace relations between the Saracens and Greeks were and absolute Christians so in Nazareth, where "the pay often had to excellent." Not a ransom for the church to the pagan Saracens when these wanted to 37 journey account of Willi bald's The and imprisonment occupies Willibald, Life, 92-95.

245 Latin Sources 226 38 it As seen above, the caliph became involved in affairs at pull down." level and companions, wishing permission a relatively trivial Willibald's Because first had the Saracen king. sought of plague and travel, to out he had taken refuge and they asked the governor at famine, however, give "He a letter. to divided them into pairs and gave Emesa them a would since ... in that way it pair be less difficult for them letter each 39 to Travel permits seem food." be important and regarding obtain to coastal region to the south of Tyre, "no one arriving the without there permit pass through the district can it is a security area and since a off." On to Tyre itself, they were searched "in case they sealed coming found if they had anything they would and something, were concealing 40 inflicted the death penalty had upon them." once at have Testimonia Later attention to by Western writers The Islam and its adherents waxed paid which waned with the degree to accordance the latter impinged, and in since But world. Western the upon whether or physically ideologically, in Muslims entered the Western stage first the guise of conquerors, the the tone of the literary response inevitably tended to be hostileY Writ- ing from vantage point in his England shortly the Muslim north after Gen- Spain in begins his commentary upon Bede 711-13, of occupation with xvi.12 esis exposition of the the as descendants of standard Arabs 42 birth to roam the by desert, then continues: Ishmael, condemned that was long ago. But however, so much is his hand Now, against and the hand of all against him that they press all 38 Cypriots Nazareth: ibid., 95. and 39 Syria. 100; CS, s.a. 726, Ibid., a plague in Syriac This may be mentions considered as an additional raison d'etre for Umayyad desert castles, for we often hear of sheltering in them from the plague (many instances, including the caliphs the Archaeology of Early are by Conrad, above, adduced and "Historical Evidence 269-72}. Islam," 40 smuggling Life, Willibald was Willibald, 101. balsam, which he had actually ingeniously concealed in a hollow cane. 41 0n writings see Daniel, The Arabs and Mediaeval Europe; such Crusade Kedar, Rotter, Abendland und Sarazenen. and Mission; 42 0n the transmission of traditions concerning the Arabs in the West (generally Saracens." and the see Ogle, on Comestor, Methodius based Jerome} "Petrus

246 Latin Sources 227 length of Africa under their sway, and also the breadth and of the hating and inimical to all, they Asia greater and, part 43 Europe. of some try for even closer in 729 when The plague of Saracens wrought threat came "a and slaughter devastation wretched an event which Bede upon Gaul," the of two comets, "presaging grievous dis- appearance with connects 44 East West." me Citing Psalms cxx.5: "Woe is and that I aster for and dwell in the of Kedar," he is prompted to tents sojourn in Mesech that "this represents the Saracens, the are in general all who observe enemies of church;" and the "star of Remphan" of Acts particular the in eyes means vii.43 Bede's "Lucifer, cult the Saracen people to whose 45 up because of their reverence for Venus." was given the defeat of the Muslims at Poi tiers in 733, the With threat military posed Islam receded somewhat for non-Iberian Europe, though its by of to about the fringes flit Western consciousness. S. spectre continued the great missionary and papal Boniface, to Zachariah (741-52), legate it ungodliness the been that had King Mercia of Aethelbald informed Burgundy and Provence Spain, the people of of misconduct and sexual 46 had almighty Judge" to allow the Saracen invasions. obliged that "the abbess Rome, consulted him as to visiting an "the former mis- To who to the Boniface wrote advising her world," wait at least until tress of recent Saracen menacings against the Romans had diminished; and the to Pope he confided his anxieties about "affliction by the Zachariah 47 (d. Saxons Paul the Deacon Friesians." ca. 799), monk Saracens, and of says more no the the Lombards, of Cassino and Monte of historian 48 people they Muslims "a faithless that and inimical to God." than are Two English synods of 786 forbade clerics to eat in secret during fasts fashion) it and (after the hypocrisy of the Saracens;" and is "because 43 Bede, quae supersunt omnia, 8.185 (written ca. 720). On Bede and Islam Opera Early Medieval History, 60-75. Hadrill, see 44 Bede, Opera 1.349 (= Historia ecclesiastica, 5.XXIII). historica, 45 Bede, Opera quae supersunt omnia, 8.185 (written 716), 12.36 (after 709); Sara- the cen Lucifer is mentioned by Jerome, Commentary on of Prophet Amos worship 2.V, PL 25, 1055B. 46 Boniface, Ep. 73, 343 (written 745-46). 47 (written 27, 278 (written ca. 725); Ep. 60,324 Ep. 745). 48 Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum 6.X, 168.

247 Latin Sources 228 poem Gomposed Ermold the Black ca. 826 has Charlemagne's son a by soldiers Pious speech to the following about to deliver the the Louis 801: in Barcelona besiege Muslim (the Saracens) worshipped God, pleased Had this people holy baptism, we should have made received and Christ them and kept that peace in order peace bind them with to God religion. But this people remains detestable; to through the the offer and follows we command- spurns salvation it 49 demons. ments of the Islam indication any genuine interest in of in the non-Iberian only The is Charlemagne's request to his court theologian Alcuin in 799 to West obtain him the "disputation of Felix with a Saracen" which, Alcuin for us, not nor is it found with seen, nor have I heard that "I confesses, have 50 before." until the twelfth century, the Not of the Crusades, title era 51 again to seek out writings on Europeans Islam. were the situation different, however, for very Christians of Spain was The 52 under It occupation. Muslim conquerors is true that the who lived their rule very gently: introduced counts were initially per- Christian mitted to retain their power and property in exchange for recognition Muslim and a yearly tax; an independent emirate was overlordship of built, and only in established towns were only no new Muslim in 756, the of part first Cordoba's mosque constructed. Nevertheless, was 785 assimilation proceeded apace, to Islam those who among particularly Muslim in the to rise govern- the ranks of new wished for worked or 53 date; common at a very early were Mixed Christians ment. marriages 49 by Kedar, Crusade and Mission, 30 (synods), Cited (poem, ed./tr.). 215-16/7-8 50 to Ep. 284. In 790 Alcuin Alcuin, 75, Master Colcu of Clonmacnoise in wrote Ireland and gave news of various including a small victory against the Sara- events Saracens, though sadly that the "accursed acknowledges who are also called cens, he and about whose emergence he Hagarenes" already written to him, had dominate Asia Africa the greater part all and (Ep. 31, 32). of 51 Th us Daniel begins his Islam and the West with Peter the Venerable (d. 1156) and his contemporaries. 52 by comments about Islam Their considered first Wolf, "Earliest Spanish are Christian Views." 53 Spanish In Pope Adrian condemned the marriage of 785 Christians with "infi- dels" (Codex Carolinus, 636-37).

248 Latin Sources 229 adopt names and attire, laments one writer, they circumcision, Arabic and position the new regime, zealously study Arabic seek wealth in beauty learning, are ignorant of the they of the and "while language look with disgust upon the church's rivers of paradise as church and ... Christians do not know their own law nor Latins their vile something 54 own tongue." was not long in coming. In the 820s A ab- reaction a C6rdoban and named Speraindeo composed lecturer refutation of Muslim bot a following survives: the fragment only of beliefs, which In the they (the Muslims) say, all the faithful shall next life, off paradise. There beautiful women will be carried into be us by God, far granted exquisite than the mortal to more and laid on for our delight. kind Response: no means By they obtain the state of blessed- will ness your paradise in both indulge freely in the flow if sexes desire. This is not paradise but a brothel, a of obscene most 5 place. 5 Albar Eulogius and His students both composed major polemical Paul and monks of prompted by the actions of a number Islam, against works apostates who sought martyrdom in Cordoba by publicly penitent had 56 movement his followers. The was gener- and M denouncing ul).ammad ally since Christians in the city the it disturbed the unpopular among of relations and co-existence built up over pattern decades, and Eu- the logius forced to defend "these young soldiers of our times" against was 54 Paul.Albar, luminosus §35, PL 121, 554-56; see Wasserstein, "A Latin Indiculus major on Prevalence of Arabic." This Lament polemical work against Islam is the thoroughly discussed by Colbert, Martyrs of Cordoba, 266-304. 55 Quoted Eulogius, Memoriale sanctorum LVII, PL 115, 745A-B. On Sperain- by Martyrs of Cordoba, 157-63. see deo Colbert, 56 are a number of theories as to what There such action; most recent provoked are: Cutler, "The Ninth-Century Spanish Martyrs' Movement" (apocalyptic expec- reaction (a Cordoba" of the Voluntary Martyrs of "Significance Waltz, tations); Christian Martyrs in Muslim Spain Wolf, of erosion Latin Christian to culture); (spiritual insecurity), who gives a useful summary of previous scholarship (36-4 7); Coope, discusses of Cordoba (increased Islamisation), who Martyrs Eulogius and tracts ( 45-54). Albar's polemical

249 Latin Sources 230 who' say they suffered at the hands of "men who worship those that 57 adhere and God a to law." Besides as the religion of a ruling elite, the material its advantages the of for Christians, and Islam most difficult aspect most attractive was the extreme simplicity of its creed. to in Palestine refute, Over Ramla (wr. 877), writing in Ara- contemporary of Eulogius' Stephen that: community doctrine of this "The about God is in observes bic, may the common people understand. I mean their plain which language 'there is no god but God;'" but what they mean, he contin- statement and is other than the Father, Son god the Holy Spirit ... Their "a ues, 'There is god but God,' and our statement are one in statement, no 58 is meaning." but And it in exactly this point that different words, wishes to make when he writes: "He (Mul;l.ammad) teaches Eulogius is mouth that Christ the Word of God and His his with blasphemous power but endowed with none of the and a great prophet, Spirit, indeed 59 those intended The ac- audience of both polemicists are deity." the of Ramla describes Christians whose commodationist Stephen of stance as follows: about Christ our Lord, they maintain that them If you ask is a messenger one of the messengers ( cf. Qur'an he like do way favour him in any they over them, save · v.75); not the pardon brought and in he taking of precedence. the in are not concerned to go to church ... ; in They they public the oneness of God and of avow opposite of the Trinity the incarnation, His disparage the messengers, the fathers they the teachers of the New Testament. and say: "What They compels to say Father, Son us Spirit, and to maintain and that the Messiah is God? We are content with that which is one!" ... Answer, believe the content, God Israelites were say: this you have come to and state of affairs, watch Since 57 Eulogius, Liber apologeticus martyrum §17, PL 115, 860-61. 58 Stephen of Ramla, Wujiih al-!miin, fol. 5v; the work may only have been copied decades few earlier. For further information see been composed a by and Stephen Samir, "Date de composition de la 'Somme des aspects de la foi;'" Griffith, "Stephen of idem, "Islam and the Summa Theologiae Arabica." Ramla;" 59 Eulogius, Liber apologeticus martyrum §19, PL 115, 861.

250 Latin Sources 231 yourselves! The which you applaud is too out for society too transparent your arguments. It is Ju- for smart you, for prophets that Moses and the which enjoin, daism they with 60 accord-no more, no less. after him were in Dubia Historia miscella and attributed the Deacon by Migne Paul included in his This to work, is Patrologia latina, an original text, but simply a transcription of not Vatican manuscript bearing the Chrono- of Theophanes' translation a by the brarian Anastasius ( wr. 870s), as even a very pontificalli graphia 61 comparison show. cursory will Greek Morienus the onward late early thirteenth century the there began to From twelfth/ in Europe a number appear manuscripts containing a Latin text, al- of legedly a Robert from in 1144 by made of Chester, of translation Arabic matter "the came to pass between Khalid ibn Yazid ibn Mu'awiya which 60 Stephen of Ramla, Wujuh al-lmiin, fols. 7b-8a (cited by Griffith, "The First Christian Summa in Arabic," 23). The problem had arisen at least a cen- Theologiae happened earlier; Zuqnin, 388-89: "It has Chron. in accordance with what tury cf. were saying to you, that many peoples have returned to paganism and denied we baptism, eucharist Christ, and the cross ... and are solely professing that Christ the [words] the and Spirit of God ... These is they have not understood nor com- Word is what them asks someone when Then darkness. in they because prehended walk Word and Spirit ... they blaspheme saying: 'Like Moses, Elias this Mul).ammad, and their prophets;' one who has the for instituted a faith is a prophet, they say, them like one of the prophets, a man like or you." me 61 Theophanis discussion See de Boor, the chronographia, 2.426-31. The text of itself appears in PL 95, 743-1144; I am grateful to Dr. Lawrence Conrad for drawing my attention. it to

251 Sources Latin 232 Ro- (Morienus Greek the Morienus and Macoia) filii Iezid filius Calid ( sought had prince, Umayyad an Khalid, how relates This manus)."62 moun- the in lived who ), heremita (senex recluse aged an Morienus, out of death the after years "four gone had he whence Jerusalem of tains very was Khalid that was this for reason The 645). in (i.e. Heraclius" informed been had he and maior) (opus Work Major the find to eager down handed riches spiritual the possession his in "had ascetic this that 63 had they Once Alexandrinus)." (Adfar Alexandria of Stephen from instruct to proceeds Morienus confidence, and amity other's each gained Ancients. the of knowledge alchemical the in Khalid Jal;ti~ litterateur the that find we sources, Arabic the to Turning and style eloquent of poet, and orator "an was he that Khalid of says (jayyid cultured and perspicacious (an), jiimi (Ja§t~an learning broad on books translated have to first the was he and ); al-adab kathlr 'y al-ra 64 al-Nadim Ibn bibliographer The alchemy." and medicine astronomy, 62 that probable is It 2. alchemiae, compositione de Liber Greek, the Morienus Byzantine; signify to used al-Riimi, Arabic the of translation is a (mis-) "Romanus" et magno summo deo cum nisi fortitudo est non as phrases such that also note ta 'iilii). billiih illii ~awla Ia cf. ( formulae Muslim reflect likely most 8) (ibid., alto of Robert to itself translation the and work the of preface the of attribution The "L'authenticite Lemay, by defended well been recently has rejected, once Chester, Kahn, also (see Morienus" du traduction sa a Chester de Robert de preface la de the For Chester"). de Robert a attribue prologue du manuscrits deux sur "Note see West the in occult the on works Arabic of reception early the to background 38-53. Nature, of Secrets the and Science Eamon, 63 gained Khalid That 2. 6, alchemiae, compositione de Liber Greek, the Morienus numerous by mentioned is Stephen a certain from alchemy about knowledge his trans- Elder) the (Stephen "He 244: Fihrist, al-Nad1m, Ibn e.g. sources; Arabic Arabische Ruska, see Mu'awiya;" ibn Yazid ibn Khalid for alchemy on books lated 8 be- Chapter in him on entry the (see Alexandria of Stephen 9-11. I, Alchemisten meant is Stephen a different either so day, Khalid's by dead been have would low) legend; later by claimed being is name Alexandria's of Stephen likely, more or, link the plausible chronologically make to invention an be then might Morienus seventh the in that mentions 63, 818, Chron. Short Khalid. and Stephen between the interpreted Alexandria of philospher the "Stephen (675-76) Constans of year the in error an to due probably is this but kanona)," (ton canon (astronomical) Stephen. to attribution a false or date 64 the was "He him: of says 352, Ma'iirif, Qutayba, Ibn 1.328. Bayiin, Jal;ti~, compose to used he and knowledge of fields various the in Quraysh of learned most 359- 4.1, (Ansiib Baladhurl by noted is sciences the in interest his and poetry,"

252 233 Latin Sources reproduces this almost verbatim and adds the following (d. 990) report notice: Wise was called "the Mu'awiya Man ibn ibn Yaz!d Khalid of Marwan." He was upright of his personal the family in fi and had an nafsihi) and fond- (fii¢ilan interest conduct the sciences. The Art attracted al-§an 'a) (alchemy/ for ness and he ordered a group of Greek philoso- attention so his to brought be to Egypt of in living were who a city phers he was concerned with literary Arabic, him. com- Since he them translate the books to the Art from manded about Greek and Coptic languages into Arabic. This was the the 65 translation from one language into another. first in Islam and have pronounced Morienus' book of alchemy Both Ruska Ullmann a piece of pseudepigraphy and the Khalid-Morienus be to encounter to 66 than a legend. be Ullmann no that the fable of Khalid's more argues in alchemy is the result of elaborations upon accusations of interest to levelled after his failure Khalid become caliph. In at impotence the comment of one writer that Khalid was "striving for particular, yaqdiru he not achieve" ( mii lii could 'alayhi) was later taken what 67 refer to alchemy ( ya 'nz al-kzmiyii '). to The idea is interesting, but it does account for the diversity of traditions regarding Khalid's not and pursuit alchemy in the late ninth/early tenth-century erudition of alchemy, was and paid attention to "He astrology and other sciences"), 60: a poet (2.1429: "It is said that he succeeded in the practice of alchemy"), l!?fahani Tabar! (Aghanl, 16.88: occupied himself with the study of alchemy and devoted his "He Ullmann, "ijalid numerous later writers (see and ibn Yazid und die that") life to Alchemie," 185-93, 213-14). 65 242 Fihrist, 354 (Jal;ti~'s Ibn al-Nadim, (the piece translated above). To quote), Jal;ti~'s quote Ibn al-Nadim adds the comment that failure to attain the caliphate prompted Khalid seek solace in the pursuit of knowledge. to 66 Ruska, Alchemisten I; Ullmann, "ijalid ibn Yazid und die Alchemie" Arabische 2 Islam, Natur- und Geheimniswissenschaften im Die 192-95, and EI {also idem, , s.v. "Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya"). Part of the problem is that, as Stavenhagen Latin Morienus," Text of the Original ("The 12), too much attention has points out been paid to late versions of the work, which are padded out with demonstrations of piety etc. Morienus' 67 Ullmann, 214-17. ibn Yazid und die Alchemie," "ijalid

253 Latin Sources 234 the especially which is markedly different from, sources, report of Jal;ti? than, of earlier Baladhur1 (d. 892), Ullmann's that and half a century 68 source. earliest both scholars that the Umayyads were indifferent The conviction of of led to pass over the question them what scientific learning foreign to 69 have been for Khalid there acquire. might When Sophronius to legacy Moschus stayed in Alexandria in the early seventh century and John the been scene in the city still seems to have 608-15), (ca. intellectual lively. was the philosopher There Zoi'lus Lector, "two and Theodore men remarkable great virtue," who of very simply, possessing and lived beyond their clothes and a few books; Nemesius, an ex-prefect little astrologer; and called Peter, who had gone to Alexandria from "a man as a young to be trained in philosophy;" Cosmas man Beth Qatraye innumerable books owned who Scholasticus, his days com- and spent the Jews, and of course Stephen of Alexandria, against posing treatises 70 lectured who about in At and the same time rhetoric. mathematics 68 and l~?fahani are drawing upon the earlier historian Mada'ini (d. 843), Baladhuri material. Jal].i~ be drawing upon earlier could Besides alchemy, prophetic too but knowledge attributed to Khalid by the two early authors Nu'aym ibn ijammad (d. is 578 Fitan, 9a, and Fasawi (d. 890), Ta'rikh, 1.571-72, fol. (neither included 843), Ibn al-Sinbadi says that he saw astronomer in Ullmann's survey), and the Muslim in the library of the Fatimids in Cairo in 1044 a bronze globe which bore royal inscription an it had been in the possession of Khalid (Ibn al-Qifti, testifying that al-bukamii ', 440). Ta 'rikh 69 acquainted in Cf. 36: "Anyone "Alchemy with historical pos- Ruska, Islam," no that an Umayyad prince at the time of 'Abd al-Malik would knows sibilities than the caliphs concerning himself with medicine or alchemy more have thought of ev- or ... .In no branch of learning 'Umar real interest in the Greek sciences 'Ali is ident the time of the Abbasids." before some indications to the contrary see For Meyerhof, "Transmission of Science to the Arabs;" Mackensen, "Arabic Books and Libraries," 55-57, Goodman, "The Greek Impact on Arabic Literature." 153-55; consideration 1- also be given to Grignaschi's thesis that Salim Abu Some must a number secretary Hisham 'Ala', translated from Greek for his master to (724-43), of pseudo-Aristotelian epistles (Grignaschi, "Les 'Rasa'il Aristata!Isa ila-1-lskandar' de Salim Abu-1-'Ala'," and "Le roman epistolaire classique conserve dans Ia ver- "The sion Salim Abu-1-'Ala';" commented upon by Latham, de Beginnings arabe of Arabic Prose Literature," 155-64). 70 John Moschus, Pratum spirituale, CLXXI (Theodore and Zoi:lus), CLXXII (Cosmas), (Stephen); Sophronius, LXXVII Miracles no. 28, PG 87, 3501A-508A chronicler Marcos, 294-98): Nemesius; Chron. Khuzistan, 25 (Peter, whom the (=

254 Latin Sources 235 Tychicus, Trebizond, came to study there; and Paul, later professor at revi- and Heraclea, worked on their of bishop Constantina, Thomas of 71 sions nearby monasteries. of In the mid-seventh century Bible at the in city Paul of Aegina, the who specialised flourished there a doctor and who was in the city when it was captured by the in gynaecology 72 Anastasi Sinai went there to hold debates with Mono- Arabs; us of Jacob and still worth the while of was of Edessa luminaries, physite it 73 further his studies there ca. 660. to After that the curtain go and of Alexandria we have only the testimony and a late Muslim on closes 74 Greek science continued tradition be studied and taught there. that to As alchemy itself, though mostly confined to the preservation of for is it on in Byzantium, as live attested by a tenth/early did earlier works, containing treatises manuscript on this eleventh-century exclusively 75 alchemical Of if KhaJid's course, investigations did have subject. even was responsible for the loss of Alexandria to the Persians). For Stephen see says him in Chapter 8 below. the on also entry 71 Ananias On Easter, "preface" Shirak, Conybeare, 573): Tychicus; of (tr. Short History of Syriac Literature, 14-16: Paul and Thomas. Wright, 72 Hebraeus, Mukhta~ar al-duwal, 176. Bar Hebraeus (ibid., 175), following Bar the Ibn 254-55), mentions a John (Fihrist, Grammarian who was patro- al-Nadim nised by 'Amr ibn al-'A~; this is a mistake for John Philoponus, who flourished in the first of the sixth century (see Peters, "The Origins of Islamic Platonism," half On Paul Aegina and his writings see Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopiidie, of 24). 18.2386-98. 73 Sinai, Viae dux X.1, 143-44 (= PG 89, 149A-B); Michael the Syr- of Anastasius spent 445/471 Jacob himself states that he (Jacob). time in Alexandria ian ll.XV, his in to John the Stylite no. 14, fol. 124a. Letter 74 It recorded by Mas'udi, Tanbfh, 122, and by the eleventh-century physician is Riqwan his Ibn in on the Quality of Medical Education (cited by Iskan- Useful Book both say until the time dar, "The Late Alexandrian Medical Curriculum," 249); of II when the school was 'Umar to Antioch and I:Iarran, perhaps fol- transferred lowing the philosopher Farabi {see Zimmerman, Al-Farabi's Commentary, xcii-cv, esp. ciii, points out the mythical nature of the report). See further Saffrey, who d' la survivance de !'ecole Alexandrie au VIe siecle," et Philopon chretien "Le Jean 51, 5, fin de !'ecole d' Alexandrie." Hist. Patriarchs XVII, PO "La and Meyerhof, intimate that named Benjamin 'Abd the a deacon of A~bagh ibn became relates al-'Aziz {d. 704), son of the governor of Egypt, and made available to him many Christian writings, kutub al-qiyiima, which the editor has amended to including al-kfmiyii' ("books of alchemy") with no explanation. kutub 75 Namely Ms. Marcian gr. 299; at the head of this manuscript is a list which contents redaction correlate exactly with the not and may represent an older does

255 Sources Latin 236 compositione de Liber the that mean not would this fact, in basis some Arabic the Nevertheless, them. of account true any gave alchemiae interesting some show do meeting Khalid-Morienus the of accounts 76 likely is it then, least, very the At version. Latin the with parallels tenth or ninth the in Arabic in existed work the of form a simple that century twelfth the in Latin into translated was this that and century given be can judgement further no but embellished, subsequently and examined. been have versions Arabic the until Byzantine For 1.173-79). grecs, alchimistes anciens des Collection Berthelot, (see Alchemy," Greek of Survey "A Taylor, 3.378-82; ibid., see period this in alchemy alchemistis- iiltesten zum Studien Verena, byzantine;" "L'astronomie Tihon, 121-22; 16-21. Schrifttum, chen 76 that notes 100, Istanbul," und Anatolien in Handschriften "Arabische Ritter, to Khalid of questions "the contains 4b, a-7 61 fols. 49, 17 Pa§a Ali Sehid Ms. Arabic and Latin the that see can we incipit the from Just monk." the Maryanus Morienus), by answered Khalid of (questions conversation the of format the on agree Galid, Galib, as Latin the in written variously (Ghalib, servant ofKhalid's name the Murran Dayr at while Morienus about informed being Khalid's on and etc.), Calich haunt). Umayyad an indeed was this that note Latin; the in spelt variously (again

256 CHAPTER 7 AND JEWISH, CHINESE PERSIAN SOURCES 1 Jewish Sources "Within of my people there has not yet arisen a historian whole the gate of Josephus they ceased, the writers ... memorials, they like in Israel 2 even ceased, Joseph." until So wrote Rabbi Joseph ha-Kohen I arose, I, 1 sources, because those that might shed light on our period are I say Jewish Those and as well as Hebrew. Judaeo-Arabic of the Gaonic period in Aramaic 650-1200) are surveyed by Winter and Wiinsche, Geschichte der rabbinischen (ca. esp. Literatur, History of Jewish Literature, 155-469; Assaf, Teqiifat 1-63; Waxman, ha-ge'on!m ve-sifriitiih; 6-7. For useful vols. of Jews Baron, SRHJ, discussion period see Starr, in Jewry on the Eve of the Arab Conquest;" our "Byzantine idem, Byzantine Jewry, 42- Seventh Century;" Sharf, "Byzantine Jewry in the Byzantine de and Christians in the "Jews Empire;" Cameron, "Jews Lange, 81; Seventh-Century Palestine;" Wasserstrom, Between Muslim and Jew, 17-46; de in and Early Islamic Near East." the Late Antique Lange, "Defining Jewish Identity in And more see Goitein, generally and Arabs, idem, "Jewish Society and Jews 62-211; in Islam;" under Position of Jews Swartz, Institutions "The Lands;" Lewis, Arab Jews of Islam, 3-106; Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross, esp. 52-74; Reif, The "Aspects of Jewish Literacy." For Jewish and Samaritan chronicles see Mediaeval period entry in Chapter 10 the Secondary literature on the Gaonic thereon below. is reviewed by Cohen, "The Reconstruction of Gaonic History." 2 Quoted by The Jew and his History, 1. The omission had not passed Kochan, ca. 1140) had complained that (d. this; before thus Moses ibn Ezra unnoticed the Jews "did not succeed to polish their language, to write their chronicles, and by to histories and traditions" (quoted their Yerushalmi, remember Zakhor. Jewish History and Jewish Memory, 33; this work offers some useful reJections on the Jews' relation to their history). 237

257 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 238 1578)., the of a history of the kings of France and Ottoman (d. author regards Turkey. writing by Jews, he is straightforward As historical not interest however, that there was no This does largely correct. mean, 3 Palestine the academies rabbis of The and Iraq turned in history. in history for the raw material to to construct "the scriptural wherewith cubits the Law" as a means to living in the Diaspora. And four of the prophetic scrutinised messages for an interpretation many ancient contemporary wherewith to describe the messianic future as of events means to providing hope for those living in the a Thus one Diaspora. might back in yearning to the glorious past and look forward in turn to the future, but the present "valley of tears" anticipation redemptive merely was to endured. be for a far broader definition of history writing, Even allowing the and centuries remain woefully eighth in sources for seventh deficient them- avail of the third to sixth centuries may Scholars Jewish history. thought the to elucidate the life and Talmud of the Jewish selves of 4 we and Babylon. call can 800 onwards From Palestine communities of traces the of upon which Chronicle the pedigree of a Jew- Al:_lima'a~, who Titus emperor Roman the time of the from nominally ish family, of Jews to Italy, but principally through number brought allegedly a which centuries Byzantine Macedonian dynasty the precede two of the 5 day (866-1054). the There is author's the corpus of replies own also responsa) diverse questions addressed to various diaspora commu- ( by to the geonim, the leaders and the rabbinic academies of Sura of nities 6 of together with the lists in sages that accompany Pumbedita Iraq, 3 follow customary practice and translate yeshiva as 1 One must un- academy. derstand, that these were centres of government however, legislation as well as and of scholarship. 4 As does Neusner's A History of the Jews in Babylonia which, however, stops in 650. 5 Salzman, the the edition and translation of to Chronicle of See introduction Ahimaaz. 6 best introduction is still The "Responsa of the Babylonian Geonim;" Mann, more is Freehof, The Responsa introductory and JE, s.v. "She'elot u- Literature, teshubot." The first gaon from whom we have some responsa is Rabbi Sheshna of from Sura and we have a few 670-89), Natronai ben Nehemiah of Pumbedita (ca. (719-30) and more from Yehudai Gaon of Sura (ca. 757-61), but they remain few Related or brief until the ninth century. very to, and sometimes composed of, the

258 Jewish, Persian Chinese Sources and 239 7 them chains of transmissions of learning. and After 1000 the elucidate the there of documents found in Cairo known as the vast is hoard 8 travelogues those of numerous of Tudela Geniza, Benjamin (notably martyrologies, of the twelfth century), in letters, and Petal;ia Ratisbon 9 sources But the Jewish and which might shed light on the like. the 10 are remarkably few. of our history period taken of should not, however, be sources to historical paucity This a reflect scholarly activity among Jews dearth this time. The em- of at Hadrian's on Jewish access to ban renewed by Hera- Jerusalem, peror by were once the Arab conquerors and Palestinian Jews lifted was clius, 11 to holy city and the base their academy there. free more in to live Iraq revived Arabs in the exilarchate by which Babylonian And the suspended which had been but by Khusrau II governed Jewry itself, the Bahram the support given by many Jews to rebel of on account 12 Chobin. were in no way conditions for scholarship, and So unfavourable can discern activity in a number of different fields. The we to wish of text of the Bible led to intensive study the a definitive establish Hebrew language and orthography. Legal, homiletic and eschatologi- responsa were the legal codes that began to appear in the mid-eighth centmy, the first being She 'iltot of Rabbi A~a of Shab~a (d. 752) and the HalakhOt pesuqot the Yehudai Gaon which see under their names in JE). of (for 7 the on "Jewish Texts" in See 10 below. Chapter entry 8 Geniza," Dated Document in the Hopkins, surveys the dated or "The Oldest Geniza manuscripts from the first millennium AD; dateable course, material writ- of later this may still have a bearing than the seventh and eighth centuries, but on ten does most not. 9 Jewish Travellers; Tcherikower, "Jewish Martyrology and Jewish Adler, Histo- riography;" Kobler, of Jews Letters the Ages, 1.2. through 10 In the catalogue of sources given by Starr, Jews in the Byzantine Empire 641- 1204, there none of Jewish provenance prior to 800. are 11 0n Palestinian gaonate and the academy of Jerusalem see Mann, Jews the the under Caliphs, 1.41-74. Fatimid 12 was exilarch in The times first a certain Bustanai, but the sources Muslim about him (see under Bustanai Legend in Bibliography I below) are legendary and tendentious. See Geschichte der Juden, 5.458-81 (nn. 11-13); Tyckocinski, Graetz, "Bustanay ha-Gola;" Goode, "The Exilarchate in the Eastern Caliphate;" Rosh Baron, Jews SRHJ, n. 20; Neusner, A History of the 3.270 in Babylonia, 5.124-27; Gil, "Ha-mifgiish ha-bavll;" idem, "The Exilarchate."

259 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 240 treatises, both and low-brow, were produced in considerable cal high 13 number developed in Palestine from the mid- Liturgical . poetry and of such a degree onwards popularity and century attained sixth under Eliezer ben Qilir and Pinl).as ha-Kohen Yannai, sophistication province became the centre of that letters in the sev- the Hebrew 14 centuries. and Since each poem (pfyiit) was generally enth eighth to linked the of the week or to Biblical special theme of a the lesson day, feast subject matter could vary the and, though pre- considerably 15 is rare, historical descriptions were not excluded. cise information fierce The broke out over the status of the oral tradi- debate that rabbis the century between the mid-eighth and the Karaites tion in much polemical writing. And the transfer of the Muslim cap- spawned ital Syria to Iraq brought the academies of the latter province from prominence of major centres into Jewish learning in the ninth and as Muslim world, and made their geonim the object of in- tenth-century numerable enquiries on matters of law and conduct from as far afield North and Spain; these are frequently revealing about Jew- Africa as ish communal the outside world insofar as it impinged upon life and it.l6 13 ninth 6.154: "The fifth to the Baron, centuries, far from being, as Cf. SRHJ, often alleged, an era of intellectual sterility, were is heyday of midrashic liter- the ature." These are, extremely difficult to date; see Strack and midrashlm however, Introduction to Talmud and Sternberger, 52-54, 254-393, for discussion of Midrash, dating and presentation of the main texts. 14 Schirmann, "Hebrew Liturgical Poetry and Christian Hymnology," 126-46; an easy introduction given with translations of a number of poems in Wallenstein, is Unpublished and Carmi, Hebrew Verse. Some Piyyutim, 15 an apocalyptic poem composed in response to E.g. Persian occupation the of (see Jerusalem Eliezer ben under in Bibliography I below) and a poem Qilir lamenting the death of Jews in the earthquake of 749 in Syria (references given by Tsafrir Foerster, "The Dating of the and of the Sabbatical Year,' " 'Earthquake 231-35). 16 Fawzi, An of the subject is given by overview "The Jewish Academy in Abbasid Iraq."

260 Jewish, Persian Chinese Sources 241 and 17 Sources Persian in crises fifth and early sixth century and the escalat- the Internal late Sasanian had impelled the Byzantium empire its with rival ing conflict and ideological centralisation focused towards greater administrative the at and the person of Ctesiphon emperor. When the capital the on capital by the Muslims, the front-line province of Iraq oc- was seized and ccupied ousted, organised from the centre the resistance dynasty was and could only take the form made scattered local impossible of and from the eastern thrusts Accustomed to close fringes. rebellions with and support from the Sasanian state, the Zoroastrian association and very soon became marginalised. Assimi- establishment foundered 8 and culture was rapid and thorough/ to society lation Arab Muslim nothing Persia the religious tradition of almost made its way into and of upon although influence of Iran the Muslim civilisation was Islam. So influence this that the framework of Islam within it was great, precisely 19 operated. 17 AD between ca. 300 BC and language 950 is designated by the The Persian Middle Persian. Pahlavi properly means "Parthian," but term in time to came imply heroic" and so became used in the "ancient, period to refer to Mid- Islamic dle Persian, the only ancient Iranian language then still known. Middle Persian was gradually by New Persian, which replaced phonetically and grammatically is borrowed but in Arabic script and written many words from very was similar, dialects and other (see Lazard, "The Rise of the New Persian Lan- Iranian Arabic guage"). Persian texts the early Islamic period are surveyed by Tavadia, Mittelpersis- of Sprache und Literatur; Boyce, "Middle Persian Literature;" Rypka, History of che Literature, de Menasce, "Zoroastrian Literature after the Muslim Iranian 25-60; For writings by Persians in Arabic see Conquest." Spuler, "The of Per- Evolution Historiography;" Literature "Arabic sian in Iran;" Danner, s.v. "Arabic iv. Eir, Arabic Literature in Iran." Sources for early Islamic Iran in general are reviewed by Spuler, in fruhislamischer Zeit, xv-xxxii. Iran 18 Bosworth, Tahirids and Arabic Culture." "The 19 the field of literature the principal contribution lies In mirrors for princes and in manuals statecraft (Bosworth, "Administrative Literature," of and wisdom 165-67), writings (see Eir, s.v. "Andarz," and Shaked, From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam, on Part also Bosworth, "Persian Impact see Arabic Literature." Note that the 2); mediators of the Persian tradition in Islam were chiefly secretaries at the Abbasid court, were in general who Aramean Christians rather than Iranian Zoroastrians. An overview is given by Crone and Cook, Hagarism, 108-12.

261 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 242 in Sasanian was chiefly represented by na- Historiography times notably niimag ("Book of Lords"), which, the Khwadiiy epics, tional themselves later survived excerpted in may works, though they have 20 were not Persian culture enjoyed a certain presumably continued. the later ninth and tenth centuries once Persian dynas- resurgence in 21 less and this was no been true of history writ- had established, ties however, Largely, ing. in the translation of Arabic mod- consisted this 'All Bal'amT, a Samanid Abu by such as (effected in 963 els 'fabarT and the composition of local chronicles. The latter vizier), for the are, most Islamic history. The Tiirfkh-i Sfstiin, for example, speaks of part, birth of as the most significant event for his province the Mu}:lammad far eighth the seventh and as centuries are concerned, details and, as of of governors, the campaigns Muslim Muslim rebels and the actions progress of Islam in the the In addition, the sources of these region. chiefly Muslim records and histories, otherwise local oral are works 22 history NarshakhT, who completed a tradition. of Bukhara in Thus about Samanid ruler, imparts information the grand mosque a 943 for of Bukhara on the authority of his teacher, "an old man," and of "trust- 23 worthy friends." lore continued be transmitted, and in the ninth cen- Zoroastrian to the began set down; but it represented be literature of an it to tury society and so was concerned already preserving the glo- moribund with tradition the past, not recording the of of the present. decadence rious 20 Yarshater, See National History." It is usually thought that Arabic "Iranian trans- Sasanids were based on these the either directly or via the works, writings on oflbn Geschichte and others (Niildeke, lation der Perser und Araber zur al-Muqaffa' 14-16; der xx-xxiii; idem, Das iranische Nationalepos, Zeit Shahbazi, Sasaniden, "On the Xwaday-Namag"). 21 See Frye, "Die Wiedergeburt Persiens urn die Jahrtausendwende;" Richter- "Linguistic and Early Neo-Persian Prose." Political Shu'ubiyya and even Bernberg, of attempted, but by this time most the Iranian no- restoration also religious was Islam bility had already gone over to clergy and one mostly sees only Mus- and of displays occasional making and titulature Sasanian using successor lim states of the Title Shahanshah." The see zeal; Madelung, anti-Muslim Assumption "The by of the emergence of Iranian dynasties for history writing is noted importance "Evolution of Persian Historiography," 128-29. Spuler, 22 Lambton, "An Account of the Tiir!khi Qumm ," 587. 23 Narshakhi, History of Bukhara, 49, 51.

262 Jewish, Persian Chinese Sources and 243 And question-and-answer collections, which frequently dis- except for 24 and relations with non- Zoroastrians, this issues cuss as such apostasy inward-looking, and on the life largely her- literature is concentrating felt The frustration and anguish by the own its of itage community. of Iran as a result of the loss of its suzerainty and tra- native population of ditional is intimated by apocalyptic expressions and frequent way life 25 it nowhere documented. but is uprisings, 26 Chinese Sources had hardly even heard of the Arabs The the seventh Chinese before but in 638 the T'ang then T'ai-tsung received a plea emperor century, the Persian ruler Yazdgird from for help in repelling the Arabs who III had his realm, and in 651 an embassy arrived from the king invaded the Arabs tribute and gifts. Until as late as 737 various bearing of offspring frequented of Yazdgird court T'ang the hope of obtain- the in aid to oust the Arabs, and the latter's continual advance eastwards ing missions a number of to the Chinese capital in- by accompanied was 27 the friendship. to By their mid-eighth century tended demonstrate 24 of such are given by de Examples "Problemes des mazdeens dans Menasce, !'Iran Choksy, "Zoroastrians in Muslim musulman;" see also Kreyenbroek, Iran;" "The Zoroastrian Priesthood after the Fall of the Sasanian Empire." The earliest composed in times are Islamic Dadistan ! den!g Judgments") of the ("Religious the priest Persian Zoroastrian community in the late ninth high of Manushchihr, the Rivayat of his nephew and century, Emed i Ashawahishtan from and successor the (see de Menasce, "La century de Emet i Asavahistan;'" mid-tenth 'Rivayat "Zoroastrian Literature after the Muslim Conquest," 547-53; idem, s.v. Eir, "Dad an 1 Denlg"). est 25 in also made by Spuler, Iran is friihislamischer Zeit, 25. See the This point on "Persian Texts" and on the entries of Adversity" in Chapters 8 and 12 "Age below for some aspects of respectively; the of the Muslim conquests upon impact Iraq and Iran see the articles by Morony listed in Bibliography II below. 26 For and readable overview of China at this time see Ebrey and Gregory, a recent Historical and in T'ang Religion Sung China, 1-44 ("the Religious and Society and Landscape"); standard reference work the Twitchett and Fairbank, Cambridge is China, of China 3. On early Arab-Chinese contacts see Broomhall, Islam in History esp. Mason, "The Mohammedans of 5-21; Drake, "Mohammedanism in the China;" T'ang Dynasty." Further literature can be obtained from Israeli, Islam in China: a Bibliography. 27 For relations between China and Yazdgird and his scions see Chavannes, Doc- uments sur les Tou-kiue occidentaux, 171-73; Harmatta, "The Middle Persian-

263 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 244 Arab military was established in Tukharistan, Transoxania an presence Farghana the it was here, in 751, that Arab troops region. and And river a army on the Talas Chinese and soundly with clashed finally Both forces were considerably over-extended and so the it. defeated encounter in any way decisive, but Arab- T'ang relations now not was prominent likely it was most more in the aftermath of this became and the the two Chinese accounts of following Arabs were encounter that composed. tien T'ung In 801 Yu presented his encyclopaedic administrative tract, the Tu tien, to throne. He had begun it as long ago as 768 while the T'ung patron Yang-chou the staff of his on Wei Yiian-fu, military at serving of Huai-nan. Tu Yu was a political thinker on a grand governor scale, and original draft dealt with the whole history of human insti- this emperor from times down to tutions end of the reign of earliest the Hsiian-tsung Over the years (712-56). continued to add material he on new and important developments. Large sections of the work were not written Tu Yu himself, but were taken over integrally from the by tien of Chih (d. ca. 760), a political treatise in historical Cheng Liu code from K'ai-yiian li, the official ritual and completed in the form, 28 732. of the additions is a piece on "the western barbarians" ( One Hsi jung), chapters that provide a history of China's relations with five entry peoples its western frontiers. At those very end there is an on the on Arabs, which contains the introductory paragraphs found also two the the official T'ang History (see next entry) and a passage from in Ching-hsing of Tu Huan. The latter was taken prisoner after the chi of for and incarcerated in Iraq battle some time before being Talas His to to China in 762. return account is, therefore, based on allowed Chinese Bilingual Inscription," 373-76. Gibb, The Arab Conquest in Central Asia, the century. the Muslim advance to of east in the early eighth account gives a good 28 Official paragraph is based on Twitchett, This History under the T'ang, 104- 107.

264 Jewish, Persian Chinese Sources and 245 personal experience, few the it given by Tu Yu but extracts from from 29 diary: a book or simply a travel whether it tell cannot we was reign period (650-56) of the Great the During Yung-hui Arabs Ta-shih) sent an embassy ( the court to the T'ang, to It is said that their country is west of Per- tribute. present the say that in [also] beginning there Some (Po-ssu). sia who supposedly had the help of a spirit in was a Persian edged weapons which] he killed people, sub- [with obtaining the Persians to become his follow- calling sequently all for were eleven Persians who came and, according There ers. 30 their mo-shou, rank were transformed into kings. as to gave masses gradually their allegiance, and the After this was extinguished and Byzantium ( Fu- subsequently Persia was crushed, as were also Indian cities; [the lin) were Arabs] Their soldiers numbered 420,000 and everywhere invincible. 31 this their state was 34 years old. When by the origi- time to died, his office passed had the first mo-shou, and nal king 32 the king was the third mo-shou; the now royal surname is Ta-shih. The of this country have noses that are large and long, men they are and dark with abundant facial hair and slender Indians; graceful. women are the [The Arabs] also like the that is different from that of Persia. They literature have camels, horses, donkeys, mules, and sheep. The soil raise 29 The is from Tu Yu, T'ung tien, CXCIII, as translated by Wakeman, following Barbarians, explanations; I have incorporated a few of his Western but 892-925. transliteration. terms which those was unsure I have left in of Those wishing he commentary should consult Wakeman's work. 30 Wakeman, Western 901-904 n. 420, says that this word has the Barbarians, of pronunciation senior." Since the ancient sense of mo-shou would have "most been mua-hsieu, suggests that it might he have been a transcription of originally context; mu'adhdhin ("prayer announcer"). This in no way suits the the Arabic muhiijir ("emigrant"), a term applied in the Prophet's biography possibly is meant emigrating him in from Mecca to Medina. followed who those to 31 in That by the time of the embassy, but this occurred is, 651/AH 30-31; seen. 43 below. 32 That is, 'Uthman (644-56).

265 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 246 a·ll sandy stony, unfit for cultivation and without is and grains. All have to eat is the flesh of camels five the they having and Persia After Byzantium, and elephants. crushed flour. time had rice and first They solemnly the for they king It is also said that once their spirit. worship a celestial and to loaded with provisions a ship set sail men take sent sea. When they had sailed the eight years without for across western shore, they saw the the middle of the reaching in a squarish rock on top of which ocean a tree with red was branches green leaves. Up in the tree, in clusters, grew and mannikins six seven inches long. When these saw little or all they not speak, but they men, were able to smile the did move their arms and legs. Their heads were attached and the tree. of the to If a man picked one and put branches in black. hand, it would wither and turn it [The king's] his today branch is and brought it back and it one envoys took in the Arab royal residence. Tu Huan's Ching-hsing says: Another name [for the chi 33 is Ya-chii-lo ). Kufa The Arab king is called mu- capital] ( his at is located and this place. Both men men,34 capital are handsome and tall, their clothing is bright and women clean, and their manners are elegant. When a woman and her out she must cover public, face irrespective of her in goes or social position. They perform ritual prayers lofty lowly the regard They eat meat, fast and they a day. five times of an animal butchering meritorious. They wear silver as dag- about the waist from which they suspend silver belts prohibit the drinking of wine and forbid music. They gers. people among themselves, they do not come When squabble blows. There is also a ceremonial to which accommo- hall 35 of thousands of people. tens Every seven days the dates king comes out to perform religious services; he mounts a 33 Presumably transcription of 'Aqula, that is, a which would have been the Kufa, Abbasid seat when Tu Huan arrived in Iraq. 34 'minfn. an attempt to render amfr al-mu Presumably 35 That is, the congregational mosque at Kufa.

266 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 247 pulpit and the law to the multitudes. He high preaches life is difficult, the path of righteous- "Human very says: not adultery is wrong. To rob or steal, easy, is and ness to deceive people with words, to make the slightest way in endangering others, to cheat the poor or oneself secure by lowly-there is sin greater than one of these. oppress the no [of battle against the enemies Islam] are killed All who in Kill paradise. will achieve you will the enemies and receive measure." beyond happiness land has been transformed; the people follow The entire of tenets like a river its channel, the law is ap- Islam] [the and the dead are interred only with with leniency plied only the or of a great city inside only in- frugality. Whether walls what the lack nothing of people the earth a village side gate, country] is the produces. of the universe where [Their hub goods abundant and inexpensive, where rich bro- myriad are and camels, fill the shops while money horses, pearls cades, alleys. fill the streets and and They cut sugar mules donkey cane build cottages resembling to carriages. When- Chinese ever is a holiday the nobility are presented with more there of glass flasks and bowls of brass than can be vessels and white The white flour are not different rice counted. and peach fruits include the Their and also of those from China. Their rape turnips, as big as a peck, dates. thousand-year are their taste is very delicious, while their other and round like countries. of other are The grapes are vegetables those highly large eggs. The most hen's esteemed of their as as oils are two: one called jasmine and the other called fragrant The most esteemed of their fragrant herbs are [also] myrrh. ... Chinese have made the first looms for weav- artisans two gold and are the first and silversmiths and silk ing fabrics 36 They also have camels and horse-drawn vehi- painters ... Of their horses tradition says that union born of those cles. of dragons on the coast mares the Persian Gulf between and the belly small and the feet have ankles long; the good and 36 Pelliot, "Des artisans chinois See capitale abbaside en 762." ala

267 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 248 37 do in a day. 1000 Their camels are small and fast, ones li hump, and good ones can do 1000 li in a the have a single tall ostriches four feet There and more with also are day. those of camels; a man can ride on its neck feet resembling li and its egg is as big as three pints. five six or a distance of also has chi tree which is fruit like summer dates There the food can to make oil for used and to cure malaria. that be climate is warm and the land The without ice and snow. is The all suffer from malaria and dysentery; in the people of a year out of ten die. Today [the Arabs] have space five or countries, all of forty absorbed fifty to sub- them reduced so [the out their troops parcelling as to jugation, Arabs] secure territory all the way to their Western ocean. It the is said that Zarang is over 700 li southwest of Amul. also Chu surname is are from this coun- Persians Those whose try. and is fifteen li square Their they have used iron city to make the gates of their city. In the city there are salt and two Buddhist establishments. Its territory also ponds 140 li to west and 180 li north to south. Vil- measures east and another there are trees so close come one after lages they cast interlocking shadows circling them that together there is quicksand everywhere. To the south completely; is river there which flows into their territory and is a large into hundred canals which irrigate the entire several divided The land is fertile and its people region. The walls [of clean. the are tall and thick buildings] the bazaar is level; the and wood is carved and, further, the floors are painted. There are also cotton fabrics and lambskin coats, the value fine of at which is estimated of several hundred pieces the best white The fruits they have include red peaches, silver. of white and yellow crabapples, and melons, the big plums, to enough is hsiin-chih of which but one called being ones yiieh-kua a meal ten men, make for which are over four and onions, long radishes, turnips, include long. feet Vegetables round onions, cabbage, Asian wild rice, creeping beans, in- 37 a mile. li is just over A a kilometer, about a third of half

268 Jewish, Chinese Sources Persian and 249 sweet fennel, bottle gourds and grapes digo, tan-ta, shallots, abundant. also oxen, wild There are are especially which chickens. rock and ducks horses, to take the It month as [the beginning is their custom fifth Every year they of] each other gifts of painted the year. give is a festival and a swing festival. The Arab jars. There bath from the resides here and marches here governor of eastern all to the Persian Gulf Arabs and Persians dwell the way together. As their customs, they worship Heaven mixed to not eat meat of animals dead of natural causes and do the with overnight. smear their hair They fragrant or meat kept oil. further said that Syria (Shan kuo) is on the western It is the of and has a circumference of several thou- border Arabs They pile houses with tile roofs and li. up stones sand build cheap. make and grain are very Rice There is a to walls. river flowing eastward which enters Kufa. Merchants large constantly going coming, buying and selling grain. are and are The stature and their clothing is volumi- large people in the a Confucian of gown scholar. nous, resembling somewhat over governorships with military 10,000 sol- has five Syria horses. On the north it borders the Khazar Turks. and diers of Khazars are other Turks whose feet resemble North the flesh. and who like to eat human of those oxen The Official T'ang History History writing suffered as a result of the break up of the T'ang empire century. the and early tenth ninth The Later T'ang (923-36) late in a though of stability, but achieved in 926 a commissioner was measure seek by emperor Ming-tsung to the records, an official history appointed the not be written as this would have invalidated the claim of could Later to be a continuation of T'ang T'ang dynasty proper. With the the in of the Chin dynasty in 936 this objection was removed, and rise

269 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 250 the emperor ordered the compilation of a full-scale dynastic 941 Kao-tsu the T'ang. work was completed and presented to the new of The history in by the chief minister and Shao-ti of the National director emperor 945 ("Old the Chiu T'ang shu T'ang History"), This is Liu History, Hsii. some which contains and is made up of basic annals (bare 200 chapters reigns, and events), monographs on various of appointments records biographies. A century later the imperial decree subjects out and went a revised the result of which was version, Hsin T'ang shu ("New for the History"), compiled chiefly by T'ang Hsiu and presented to Ou-yang 38 in 1060. the throne 39 section chapter is devoted to the Arabs. of This has One one common the Tu Yu's account in in T'ung tien, but is also much with is supplement with other material. There it no event mentioned to able than the reign of Harlin later (786-809), so the whole chapter al-Rashid may seen its first draft at that time, but later editorial activity is have certain place. have taken almost Furthermore, the two versions of to new, the the old and the History, though containing much the T'ang same information, present it in different order with numerous subtle and additions. The section in the new changes omissions in wording, the is the corresponding one in since old version has cited here, version yet been not it must be translated, in mind that a detailed but borne be the two as well as with the T'ung tien would between comparison before a verdict on their sources on the Arabs could be given: necessary Arab was originally part of Persia. The men The country high noses, are black and bearded. have women are The they and when they go out times veil the face. Five fair, very silver they worship God. They wear silver girdles with daily They do not drink wine nor knives [from them]. suspended place of worship will accommodate several Their music. use of people. Every seventh day the high sits on king hundreds "Those speaks those below and to who are killed by saying: the enemy will be born in heaven above; those who slay the 38 The and methods of redaction are described by sources Official His- Twitchett, tory under the T'ang, 191-236. 39 There are also a few scattered references to the Arabs in the rest of the work, for see Chavannes, Documents which "Ta-che." les Tou-kiue occidentaux, s.v. sur

270 Jewish, 251 Chinese Sources Persian and receive enemy they are usually happiness." will Therefore land is and stony and not fit Their sandy fighters. valiant so and eat flesh. They cut sugar hunt they for cultivation, give carriages, and they cottages to resembling build cane 40 every year. grapes There are large the nobles presents to size eggs. They have excellent horses, born from hen's the of can travel li in one day. which 1000 and dragons of the Ta-yeh reign period of the Sui dy- middle the In was a Persian shepherding there the hills nasty (605-17) on A of spoke to him saying: "On the western Medina. beast the there are three caves hill one of which there are in side of and a black with an inscription in white swords sharp stone saying possesses will become whoever The king." that it and everything as stated. The inscription went man found stone said that he should rebel, so the gathered follow- he on the stream Hen at They robbed merchants together Ko. ers a stronghold parts, the western built and the man and in himself He removed the black stone there and made king. it as precious. The people went to punish and sup- regarded but were all badly defeated. From this time they press him, still stronger destroyed Persia and Byzan- he became and the to time gaining access for abundant tium, thereby first millet wheat, and invaded India and other of stocks and had even as many as 400,000 soldiers. The countries. He Samarkand of Tashkent were tributary to territories and To lands area of 10,000 li. an the east His embraced him. as far as they Turgesh; to the southwest they reached the 41 bordered by the sea. were 40 Behbehani, "Arab-Chinese Military Encounters," 94, makes a connection be- and the of this sentence: " ... parts present them to the nobles every two tween sugar-cane in case the "carriage-shaped huts" made of which are probably year," some sort of sweet. 41 The Hsin T'ang shu continues with an account of a race out in the sea called shu. Po-pa-li, found in the Chiu T'ang is not The latter includes the account which tien T'ung the of a tree with mannikins in its branches found in discovery of the (cited above), and this shu. absent from the Hsin T'ang is

271 Jewish, and Chinese Sources Persian 252 the second of the Yung-hui reign period (651) the In year 42 Kan-mi-mo-mo-ni, sent an envoy to the Arab king, first tribute, of said that the kings with the Chinese court who and had rule for 34 years the that country Arab possessed 43 second king. he was the beginning of the K'ai- the In (713-42) an envoy was again sent, with a period yiian reign girdle. a magnificent At the audience and horses present of envoy without doing obeisance. The civil offi- the stood Grand about to impeach Secretary but the him, were cials said Chang-shuo was a difference of custom, and to that it observe not own rites was to to be counted a one's desire so [the emperor] Hsiian-tsung forgave him. When crime, envoy came to take leave, he said that in his country the only they God and do not do obeisance when seeing worship king. did civil officials reproved him and then he the The year fourteenth [of the K'ai-yiian reign the obeisance. In period 726] another envoy was sent, named Sulayman, = with presents of local products, who did obeisance and was and girdle. given a red robe is said there was among the Arabs a tribe called It that Quraysh) hereditary chieftains, Ku-lieh (presumably with com- as the white-coated Arabs. They known were who the Marwan (P'en-ni-mo-huan) and Bam1 clans, prised two Banu Hashim ( P 'en-ni-hsi-shen). There the a clever, was named Mul).ammad (Mo-ho-mo ), and the peo- man valiant for their ruler. He extended his possessions him chose ple li in area and conquered four- town Hsia-la. The the 3000 ruler was Marwan teenth who killed his brother (Mo-huan), Yazid (!-chi) and seized the throne. He was very cruel and his subjects consequently discontented. A person from were in (Hu-lo-shan), called Abu Muslim (Ping Mu-lu Khurasan 42 likely an attempt to transliterate Most al-mu'minzn ("commander of the amlr faithful"); thus Mason, "The Mohammedans of China," 66. 43 The date suggests 'Uthman; for the idea that he was the second king and that and Abu a different function see Crone had Hinds, God's Caliph, 111-13. This Bakr oddity and the fact noted that 34 is not 651 is AH by Mason, "The Mohammedans 66. of China,"

272 Jewish, Persian Chinese Sources 253 and to Po-si-lin), He announced overthrow plotted Marwan. that whoever on his side should put on the to people was of army several thou- collected soon black clothes. He an Marwan. Abii 1-'Abbas (A-po-la-pa), of and men sand slew Hashim, was chosen king, and henceforward they the clan of the as Arabs. After his death his were known black-coated (A-p'u ascended the throne. In Ja'far kung-fo) brother Abu reign period (756) the king sent the em- early Chih-te an China. emperor] Tai-tsung retook [The the to with bassy 44 caliph's] army both help [of China]. of Mahd1 [the capitals succeeded Ja'far, and he was followed by his (Mi-ti) Abu Hariin ( During the Chen-yuan brother H o-lun). younger (785-805) black-coated Arabs began a war the period reign the Tibetans were obliged every year to Tibet, and with army against the Arabs. On this account the Chi- send an peace. In the year fourteen of the more frontier nese enjoyed period the Arabs despatched three reign Chen-yuan (798) 45 Chinese court. ambassadors to the yiian-kuei 'e-fu Ts achieved stabilisation and Having the early Sung emper- reunification, ors sought to exercise their patronage over the scholarly elite and so 44 This to a rebellion led by An Lu-shan, which took the two capitals Luo- refers and Ch'ang-an Yang the Hsiian-tsung to flee. With the help obliged and emperor capitals them Arabs, his son Su-tsung (756-62) regained the among of mercenaries, his successor Tai-tsung (762-79) finally quashed the and (see Mason, "The revolt Mohammedans China," 67). of 45 0u-yang Hsin T'ang shu CCXXIb, 6262-64 (this text continues with a Hsiu, Chiu but Liu Hsii, T'ang shu CXCVIII, 5315- ethno-geographical excursus, long 16, stops here). The translation of the first three paragraphs is from Mason, "The of 66-69, supplemented by Bretschneider, The Knowledge China," Mohammedans by I cite Ancient Chinese of the Arabs, 6-10, which the for the translation Possessed occasional last paragraph. I have also made of recourse to the translation of this the section by Behbehani, "Arab-Chinese Military Encounters," 93-98, which includes is that his translation from the Hsin T'ang the excursus (note ethno-geographical shu, not, as he claims, from the Chiu T'ang shu). I am very grateful to Dr. Naomi points Standen advice on a number of for to do with this section.

273 Jewish, Persian and Chinese Sources 254 a series of official compilations, the great literary sponsored massive known the the "Four Great Books of later Sung Dynasty" enterprises as these, ta The fourth of shu). the Ts'e-fu yiian-kuei, (Sung-ch'ao ssu an afterthought. Commissioned by Chen-tsung in 1005 and was com- pleted 1013, it is an enormous historical encyclopaedia extending to in thousand of and covering the whole sweep chapters history to the a the end Five Dynasties in 960. Amongst of reams of information the is a useful list of embassies to the T'ang court. Many were sent by the Arabs in period 715-51, usually to present gifts or to attend a New the asking many for came from Central Asian rulers and Year ceremony, 46 the Arabs. help against 46 The work is described by Twitchett, Official History under the T'ang, 117- 18. For see notices to the its relevant Chavannes, "Notes additionnelles sur Arabs in Arabs the s. v. "Ta-che;" Gibb, "Chinese Records of occidentaux," les Tou-hiue Central Asia;" Behbehani, 55. Military Encounters," 75-77 n. "Arab-Chinese



276 CHAPTER 8 1 AND APOCALYPSES VISIONS WRITINGS THE specifically, rather than incidentally, with to FIRST deal come apocalypses. the form of challenge These constitute the Muslim in enterprise, an attempt to render meaningful and a cognitive consolatory and traumatic situation, notably cultural and political op- endurable a but also the suffering inherent in everyday power, by pression a foreign therefore remain popular long after the original crisis they existence; passed. Apocalypses may, in addition, serve has a paraenetic function, to a plea not to weaken in the face of present-day trials, the faithful hold impending for to deliverance. but out visions take texts of prophecies or the of the future, form Such are often and to some past figure renowned for piety and/ or attributed suffer portrayed as actually is "what men are to beholding learning, who lends the times," a device which last both authority and immediacy in to the prediction. Their principal theme is the age-old struggle between and the servants of Darkness, between the kingdom the agents of Light of and realm of Satan, the drama the which is conveyed by of God 1 an illustration of the scope and variety of this genre see Volume 14 For the of journal and Hellholm, Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Semeia Near bibliography second edition has a supplementary East at 795-825). A (the good general introduction is provided by Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, 1- 32, and the entry on "Apocalypticism" in Chapter 1 above for a discussion of the see eighth-century of in the seventh and apocalyptic Middle East. There will prevalence be no attempt made to separate texts into genuine and dubia as in other chapters, later since the examples here, even if some concern a all time, contain elements of apocalypses composed in our period. 257

277 Apocalypses Visions and 258 extravagant use stock images and metaphors, most frequently an of animals, relating celestial beings, much of this having numbers to and scripture mythology. ancient Greek and Near Eastern in its origins and over the of the forces of Good is those of Evil, conclusion The victory onset of the Messianic and Within these bounds, however, the era. variation form and content is possible. much of of of Millennium is heralded by a number arrival signs and The the still the which, though presented as of to come, are from events, first writer's own time ( vaticinia the eventu ). Thus he gains the reader's ex confidence the end really is near and that the ensuing prophecy is that Dating an depends upon whether one can recog- genuine. apocalypse nise references distinguish the point contemporary which their at and leaves and eschatological history commences. This task is mention off by use of obscure imagery and ambiguous hampered the in- allusions, trusion stock vaticinia such as plague and invasion and tyrannical of and that the subtle play rule, takes place between historical reality by upon religious the latter impinging fiction, and shaping the former. and Expectations about what should be happening on the eve of the end, known from various works of past, have repercussions authoritative the apocalyticist's of what is happening. Moreover, texts an account upon reworked, their prophecies brought up were date, their frequently to and adapted to changed motifs But though their character situations. in reconstructing events is limited, particularly as usefulness needs one to the historical context in order to be able to site and interpret know apocalypses indicators extremely effective and sensitive them, of a are 2 frustrations. and people's hopes, fears served a response As Arabs apocalypses to two aims. Ranged as the they were with the sons of Darkness, the Arabs were kept at a distance, presented as object of vilification rather than a subject for study, an were would be opposed by all who and consider themselves on the to emphasis side angels. Secondly, by their the on the imminence of the of day when Good will triumph, apocalypses made clear the advisability of steadfastness the risk implicit in and out, lurid descriptions selling 2 See Alexander, "Medieval Apocalypses as Historical Sources," whose character- the isation apocalypses as chronicles written in of future tense seems to me rather optimistic.

278 Apocalypses and Visions 259 often of the horrible fate in store for those who defect to being given the godless. 3 Syriac Texts a shared eschatological that was a sim- Eastern had heritage Christians blend of a few but ingredients. Most important was powerful core ple the Old and New Testa- a small selection of ideas and prophecies from Daniel's ments, world kingdoms and Christ's description especially four xxiv Coming, the events preceding his Second Matthew as well of in a limited that the earth had the and calculable term corre- notion as to the six days of Creation, in being a thousand years a day sponding the sight. of these same basic themes and constituents Yet God's out groups of the East fashioned visions Christian the future of various of time nature which themselves varied over and as a remarkably diverse the present followed unforeseen leading to situations unpredicted. paths Syriac The of the seventh century are very much con- apocalypses history, particular conception of one that is a with cerned presenting Daniel. and the Old Testament books of Judges by largely inspired both elaborate a highly world view: Daniel posits schematised These a succession of four world empires culminating in the arrival the of and then Son of Man; Judges draws up a picture of the Antichrist the Israel by alternately overrun of a barbarian people, when children being and provoke by their iniquity, anger rescued by a deliverer, they God's they secure His pity by sev- entreaties to Him. By the their when century enth were understood as Christians children of Israel the the the pattern of four kingdoms Babyloni- largely stabilised as had and Medes/Persians, Greeks and Romans, ans, last a Christian kingdom the 4 would last until the Second Coming of Christ. The that Arabs chal- lenged this outlook, claiming to be God's most traditional themselves and, people their military successes, making a mockery of favoured by pretensions Byzantium's invincibility. to The to write the Arabs need the position of Christians for history, apocalyptic into reserving while 3 The texts discussed here appear in the survey of Brock, "Syriac Sources for Seventh-Century History," 33-36. 4 Imperii' Boer, "Rome, the See de and the Early Christian Interpre- 'Translatio tation of Daniel II and VII," together with the emendment of Casey, "The Fourth Kingdom in lndicopleustes and the Syrian Tradition."

279 Apocalypses Visions and 260 called forth creativity and ingenuity, the most imagina- primacy, much of product the figure of the Last Emperor, an idealised which was tive Great, image of Alexander the the Constantine and ruler Christian in faith the champion Arabs, the and oust come would who Jovian, to 5 the in Millennium. usher Ps.-Ephraem Syriac apocalypse to appear in Islamic times is a very The first short lord sermon of the holy "a Ephraem on the end composition entitled Magog the judgement and exaction, and Gog and on completion, and on the This attribution to the famous fourth-century false messiah." indicated the Syrian is suspect, as is by Ephraem hymnist writer and of a section on the Arabs, which begins: inclusion the shall rise up from people A desert, the offspring of Ha- the handmaid Sarah, who hold of the covenant ( qyiimii) to gar, Abraham, and husband of Sarah of Hagar. They are the to come in awakened name of the Ram ( dekrii), the the messenger ( izgadii) of the Son of Perdition. And there will our (Matthew sky as says the Lord in his Gospel be a sign in ... (shabbiiye) will spread over the The plunderers xxiv.30) tops, the and on mountain in and they will earth, valleys (much ... young and old and children women, enslave men, and enslavement en- looting emotive description of killing, ... the open roads in They mountains and paths in the sues) of will plunder to the ends valleys. creation and take They possession of the cities. Lands will be ravaged and corpses abound upon earth. All peoples will be laid low before the plunderers. the just when the peoples had endured And on long earth and were the that now would come hoping will they (the plunderers) will exact tribute and all peace, 5 see the for this 0n inspiration Reinink, "Die syrischen Wurzeln character and Endkaiser," Legende romischen mittelalterlichen der von idem, "Pseudo- Methodius und die Legende vom romischen Endkaiser;" also of relevance is Kazhdan, "'Constantine imaginaire.'"

280 Apocalypses and Visions 261 fear increase upon the earth and them. Injustice indeed will will thick in creation Wickedness clouds. obscure grow the 6 as smoke. and rise up to Heaven fast prompt "the end of days" which for ensue, signalled by a This is of the northern hordes imprisoned by Alexander, the the unleashing the of the coming of the Antichrist, of re-establishment Roman empire, time and of the end of Elias, itself. Bousset regarded and Enoch finally concerning the Arabs as an interpolation into an otherwise the part earlier-text, chiefly because it seemed to him even fourth-century-or 7 totally the rest of the work. unrelated But links could be found: to the described between the Romans and the Assyrians prior to fighting Arab incursions intend the Byzantine-Persian wars of the the might the seventh "the clamour of and persecuted" could be early century, allusion to the Chalcedonian persecution of the Monophysites in the an which meant Arabs are 630s to requite. It is, therefore, difficult to the certain with we have here to do be the introduction of a new whether old into materials or with a reworking of situation materials to suit old 8 a new situation. As regards the invading Arabs there is little interest in their charac- ter or They come not for reasons of their own, but in response motives. the clamour the persecuted." And they are cast in their familiar of "to Biblical descendants of role of via slave woman Hagar, Abraham the servility and backwardness emphasised by the fact that they still their to namely covenant of Abraham, the circumcision ( cf. Genesis hold offspring the Christians as of the free xvii.9-15, from which 23-26), The of liberated (Galatians v.l-6). the designation been have woman Son as for the messenger of Arabs lackeys of Perdition has no Bibli- the by is assumed but that the Antichrist would have a herald parallel, cal 9 positive and The only writers. statement about contemporary earlier 6 Sermon on the End of Times, 61-62 (= Ps.-Ephraem, 15-17). Suermann, 7 by "Beitrage Geschichte der Eschatologie," 116; Bousset, zur Suer- followed Geschichtstheologische Reaktion, 111-12. mann, 8 Reinink, "Pseudo-Ephraems 'Rede iiber das Ende,"' argues for the latter case given Some discussion is also by McGinn, earlier literature. all and relevant cites Visions of the End, 60. 9 The term had first been applied to Arians, and in our period to Jews and icono- Sahas, In 68-69). Islam, to Mu4ammad (see on John of Damascus as as well clasts

281 Apocalypses Visions and 262 Arabs, though to have been intended as such by the author, the unlikely mention of construction of roads and passes, suggestive of the is their mere greater than raiding. organisation of the passage the the are portrayed simply as plun- rest Arabs For their acts are described in particularly vivid and and detailed derers terms: slay the from her husband and away him like take They wife throw the babe from her They and drive mother a sheep. slavery; the child calls out into the ground and the her from hears, yet what is mother to do? And so it is trampled she under feet of the horses, camels and infantry ... They the the separate the mother like the soul from children from they the she watches as and divide her loved within body, masters, two her lap, two of them to go to off from ones their another ... Her children cry out in lament, to herself hot with tears. She turns to her loved ones, milk pour- eyes forth from her breast: "Go in peace, ing my and darlings, 10 may God accompany you." The concentration on killing and enslavement and the absence of refer- ences to of oppressive government beyond acts introduction of the tax- soon led favour a date of composition to after the have scholars ation 11 conquests, ca. 640. first bout that the Arabs took large of However, of was remembered vividly captives and indeed continued numbers by, affect the lives of, to into the eighth centuryP Moreover, non-Muslims the statement, cited above, that "just when the peoples had author's long that the earth and were hoping endured now would come peace, on the the monk of Mar Saba, applied Antiochus, term (prodromos tau antichris- 620s tou) to Athanasius, Jacobite patriarch of Antioch (Pandecta, PG 89, 1844B-C, Homily no. 130). 10 62 the End of Times, on (= Suermann, 17-19). Ps.-Ephraem, Sermon 11 Noldeke, Sackur, Kmosko and Suermann; Thus are given by Reinink, references who the that Ende,"' 456, 455-62) argues (ibid., 'Rede das iiber "Pseudo-Ephraems text must have been written after 640 (conquest of north Syria and Mesopotamia) and before (no reference to the 683 Arab civil war). second 12 See the entries on "Anastasius of Sinai" and "John bar Penkaye" in Chapters following 3 and respectively, and the 5 above two entries in this chapter.

282 Apocalypses and 263 Visions (the invaders) exact tribute," suggests that the conquests had they will come seemed end and were followed by a respite, perhaps in- to to an war. second Arab civil Might then the the or tending Mu'awiya's reign in taxes 'Abd al-Malik's fiscal innovations to 692 and of imposition refer of roads and the relate to this caliph's well-known activ- opening paths 13 that This is field? tempting hypothesis, since ps.-Ephraem a ities in be a response as then to Islam's assertiveness like the could explained apocalypses composed in the late seventh/early eighth various other but it is true that this text is far less detailed in its polemic century, than hypothetical contemporaries. its Ps.-Methodius The Mu'awiya is remembered as a time of peace and prosperity reign of not Christians alike, but the calm was Muslims long to outlive by and 14 The second Arab civil war (683-92) and a devastating plague him. and ( 686-87) ushered in a number of years of turmoil, which famine in Nesto- fears and hopes turn the end of the world. The evoked of of John bar Penkaye, a witness that these events, says chronicler rian he "is aware that the end of the ages has arrived for us ... Here are is and only one thing plagues; missing for us: the famines, earthquakes 15 of advent And in the same year Jacob of Edessa felt the Deceiver." the translate Greek into Syriac from Testament of our to compelled by introduced canons of ecclesiastical a compilation Jesus Lord Christ, 16 "the end of times." a description of 13 See F, no. iii, below. I owe this last suggestion to Dr. Lawrence Excursus Conrad. 14 "Justice bar 146/175 (tr. Brock, John Penkaye, flourished in his time and 61): there was great peace in the regions under his control;" Lewond, IV (tr. Arzouma- nian, 54): was a lasting peace during his reign." Ps.-Samuel "There Qalamun of 378/394), ps.-Pisentius of Qift (Letter, 302/446) and Bal;tira (Syriac), (Apocalypse, and 238, speak 217/217 an initial period of Christian-Muslim peace. For the Mus- of lims it was a time when "wealth will abound among you" (Nu'aym ibn I:Iammad, Fitan, fol. 8a). 15 John bar Penkaye, (tr. Brock, 72). 165/192-93 16 The work claims to be "translated from the Greek language to Syriac by the humble in the year Jacob 998 of identified Greeks." That this Jacob should be the

283 Apocalypses Visions and 264 was against background that our second Syriac apocalypse, It this Methodius, bishop Olympus (d. 312), was composed, to attributed of Monophysite North a Melkite or by author in Mesopotamia likely most year 690, and near the expiry of the 70 years of rule around the very allots to the ArabsY It is a treatise, we are told in the preface, it which "about of the kings and the end of time ... about the gen- the succession down the they were handed how in succession erations and kingdoms, until today." Sure enough, we are taken Adam a trek through on from of history on to the millennia millennium, namely the seventh, six "last which the in of the Persians will be uprooted, and in which kingdom the of Ishmael will come out from the desert of Yathrib." The lat- sons have been by God "to be a chastisement in which there ter summoned no for a punishment be the unparallelled dissoluteness into will mercy," which Christian community had fallen. In performing their task, the Arabs commit the most heinous atrocities against the Christians: the and slaughter," "exacting tribute even from the dead who "captivity sick in "they will not pity the ground;" nor have compassion the lie for weak," "they will ridicule the wise, deride the legislators and the mock knowledgeable;" "wild animals and the will die, the trees cattle of the forest will be cut, the most beautiful plants of the mountains with Jacob, of Edessa, is suggested by the latter's proficiency in Greek, keen bishop in ecclesiastical and time in office (684-88). See Drijvers, "The interest canons our corpus who argues that the legal of is simply a translation, Testament Lord," himself; that part was added by Jacob apocalyptic the indications in the but the are too vague to permit confirmation of this. text 17 Ps.-Methodius, X.6, XIII.2, XIII.4 (according to Ms. Vatican syr. Apocalypse, weeks Bal;lira 211/236, also has "ten 211/213, 58). (Syriac), years," but the of recension of the Syriac ps.-Methodius, Mardin Greek translation and Bal;lira the 49 years (see also weeks of 261/131, i.e. (Arabic), 264/134, have "seven years," Excursus E, n. 19, below). This has been used as evidence for an earlier date of by (see Alexander, The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradi- some scholars composition but the substitution is easily explained as the preference for a more 24-25), tion, that the symmetry with the seventh millennium. Note number charismatic and would years 71 that their rule or expire after 70 circulated Muslims among idea (Bashear, "Muslim Apocalypses and the Hour," 88; Ibn Hisham, 377-78; Maqdisi, to Bad', this was also known and the Mandeans (Lidzbarski, Ginzii, 414, 2.156), End, the of Visions of ps.-Methodius is given by McGinn, discussion A 416). brief 70-76, and a thorough one by Reinink in the introduction to his translation of the text (see under ps.-Methodius in Bibliography I below).

284 Apocalypses and Visions 265 8 be cities will be laid waste;" "they will make ravaged/ will opulent sons, into themselves and their for they garments clothing the sacred cattle in the shrines of the martyrs and will the burial tether their in the The magnitude of the horrors saints." explained by the is of places "these barbarian rulers fact not men, but sons of destruction that are 19 their faces toward destruction." they God's purpose in allow- set and the his chosen ones is to sift wheat from the to to happen all ing this the "Not who are from Israel are Israel" says those author, ·chaff. all Romans ix.6, and indeed, citing great many of those who are sons "a the the the true faith of deny Christians, the Holy Cross church will of lifegiving Without compulsion, torments or blows, the Mysteries. and par the and put themselves on a unbelievers with Christ deny they will of will from "they assembly separate the Christians of (kapiire)," the own accord." It is the worst of the Christians who will be believed their "the trustworthy, the clerics, the wise and high and hold whereas rank, 20 will be held in contempt." good the comes the tenth and last week. The Christians will suffer even Then tyrants will greater oppression, whilst "those hardship, and persecution and they will be boasting of their enjoying food and drink and rest, be victories ... will dress up like bridegrooms and adorn themselves They brides, and saying: 'The Christians have no saviour.'" as blaspheme "the against of the Greeks will come out suddenly, them in But king to Arabs will be made the endure one hundredfold anger," great and what inflicted upon the Christians. "There will they joy on the whole be the churches will be renewed, the earth; will dwell in great peace; men rebuilt, free the priests set cities from tax." This "final peace" is and by disrupted onslaught from an the peoples and the emergence northern the the Antichrist. As soon as the latter is revealed, the king of of Greeks go up and stand on Golgotha, and the Holy Cross will be will in erected place where it had been put when it bore Christ. And that top this will put his crown on Emperor of the Holy Cross and Last 18 Kedar, "The Arab Conquests and Agriculture," 7-8, adduces these last two of vaticinia argument for the detrimental effects his the Arab invasion on agri- in culture. They do sound specific, but general lack of respect for God's creation may be intended. 19 The Arab onslaught is described in ps.-Methodius, Apocalypse, XI. 20 Apostasy is the subject of ibid., XII.

285 Apocalypses Visions and 266 QUt his to heaven, and he will hand over the kingdom to stretch hands 21 Father." God the chief of makes clear the apocalypse concerns This the portion last of he wishes to defend the traditional conception its author. Patently in which the Roman empire is destined to last until the end of history 22 world to return the kingship to its divine owner. of Four the and are Daniel's to reiterating (VII-X) schema of four devoted chapters final and Christian Rome is the stressing one: "For what is that empires power or the kingdom or the nation under heaven the is mighty and that strong to overcome the great power of the Holy Cross, in which enough kingdom the Greeks, which is that of the Romans, has taken of the to preserve view, the author had this prove that Muslim refuge?" To in do to temporary phenomenon, and this he attempts a was merely rule number of different ways. He deliberately likens the fifth-millennium a 23 vi-viii wars of Judges (the ) Ishmaelite to the Midianite predations outbreak, so as to emphasise contemporary just as at that time that the conquered all nations and Arabs were expelled after 60 years, yet overcome too now, at the end of ten weeks of years, "they will be so by kingdom of the Romans and be subjected to it, because it will the not of kingdoms and will the be overcome by any prevailed over have all 24 that possesses the invincible weapon truly conquers all. " it them, for the author never speaks of the "kingdom" ( malkiitii) of Furthermore, Ishmaelites, chastisement only of "the the of the sons of Ishmael;" but are have no of their own, but d'etre merely a tool of God's they raison The evidence was mounting for a revision of the Danielic format, ire. 21 XIII.11-13 XIII.2-6 of the tenth Ibid., (afflictions (king of the Greeks), week), XIII.14-17 (final peace), XIII.18-21 (northern peoples), XIV (Antichrist and king of the Greeks). 22 This made by Martinez, "The Apocalyptic is in Syriac," 341 ("the point Genre by and of Reinink, history"), traditional the in a crisis to response understanding 149-87. of History," a "Ps.-Methodius: Concept 23 together Midianites are mentioned and in Genesis xxxvii.25-28 and Ishmaelites Judges viii.22-28; an identification between the two was made by Flavius Josephus the Commentary Ezekiel Prophet on Jerome, then (e.g. by writers Christian and PL 25, 233C). 8.XXV, 24 The fifth-millennium Ishmaelite incursion is treated in ps.-Methodius, Apoc- V; see its typological use here for Reinink, "Ismael, der Wildesel in der alypse, Wiiste."

286 Apocalypses and Visions 267 to Muslims as one of the kingdoms. Unable to countenance include the to and of such a radical reordering of the conceive, unwilling however, the a strong opted for view, restatement of the prevailing world writer with the innovative idea of a saviour- theory, traditional embellished emperor who would any moment evict the Arabs and Christian like God's on earth. welcome rule and to was Islam's successes feelings assertive- The spur apocalyptic 25 religious as well as the political sphere. the Since they had ness in the world, the Muslims conquered very persuasively argue that could they now God's chosen people and that "there is no saviour for were 26 Christians." taunt immediately precedes the intercession of the This tirade Last from the long and in ps.-Methodius against the Emperor, a nerve. striking we may infer that the taunt was Christ renegades of author neatly defuses the predicament by presenting the apostasy The out a ferreting God's divine plan, of of the pusillanimous and part all as turn the what reason will God "For away his sight from the irresolute: help of the faithful so that they will have to endure these calamities? It is so they might be tested and that the faithful might be separated that 27 from tares and the chaff the the choice wheat." the from unfaithful, addition, apostasy is made out to be futile since the Arabs are to In extirpated also day now, and be downright dangerous, for "all the any anger will the king of the Greeks fierce run a full course with those of 28 have [Christ]." who denied Edessene The and John the Little Ps.-Methodius Springing from the same background and exhibiting the same concerns are two apocalypses, one existing only as a fragment, the Edessene of of the Little-forming part other-that a larger work entitled John 25 Reinink, a Concept of History," "Ps.-Methodius: points to the coinci- 178-87, monetary of 'Abd al-Malik's reassertion of Arab rule, institution of tax and dence reforms completion of the Dome of the and all in AH 72/691-92, as the most Rock, likely goad to the author's pen. 26 Apocalypse, XIII.6. Ps.-Methodius, 27 Ibid., XIII .4. 28 /bid., XIII.15.

287 Apocalypses Visions and 268 Gospel of Twelve Apostles. Of the former there remains less the the folio than pre-eschatological time, and we are given a dealing one with the Arab ten years and a half of of rule. It is a time last merely glimpse will increase," when "the living will pass by the "their oppression when say: 'Blessed are you who are not alive dead this time,"' when and at rainfalls decrease, the waters of the springs come to an end "the will fruits of the trees and all the bounty the the ground fail from and of the impiety sons of Ishmael." But at the end of those years, "at the of end of the years, then the king of the Greeks will come out" and 694 the drama begins. If one assumes that the author is counting from final birth of and according to the Edessan era, then 694 years the Christ 29 us 691-92. divergence Despite take on numerous details the to would it dependent upon ps.-Methodius and heavily would seem fragment is 30 been composed very shortly after it. to have second The comprises three short revelations introduced by text by resume Gospel story: the first, the Simeon Kepha, laments of a wretched state of the church the of the faith, particularly because and Lord" who "divide our those (i.e. non-Monophysites), but predicts of a time when "they shall return and become one true flock and one James, The by the apostle second, narrates the career of holy church." chiefly its into a Christian city by Constan- Jerusalem, transformation the shall of one from his seed who and govern the earth tine, coming the peace." final revelation, by John The Little, is the most "in great of the three and attempts a revision of the Danielic drama, elaborate 31 four empires now given as Rome, Persia, Media and Arabia. world the peoples Constantine, who subdues all the man by the mar- Under "a 29 the Edessan chronology Christ was In in AG 309 (Thomas the Presbyter, born Chronicle, following the mid-sixth-century Chronicle 97, Edessa; Jacob of Edessa, of Letter to John the Stylite no. 7, 585-87/591-96); adding 694 = AG 1003 = 691-92. 30 The is discussed by Reinink, "Der edessenische Pseudo-Methodius" (36-38 text dating); frag- editions and translations see under ps.-Methodius (Edessan for for in I below. ment) Bibliography 31 drawn the revelation, from John are Little's the ensuing quotes, is found which Har- Gospel of the Twelve Apostles, 15 [yh]-21 [ka]/34-39 (I use the translation of in ris, is largely faithful). The work is which by Drijvers ("The Gospel of the discussed Mesopotamia," Apostles" and "Christians, Jews and Muslims in Northern Twelve 70-74), who suggests a date of composition at the end of 'Abd al-Malik's reign (d. 705).

288 Apocalypses and Visions 269 vellous appeared to him in Heaven," Rome had flourished, sign that the but "insolent, evil, idol-worshipping, godless" kings thereafter are To fall fornication and adultery." Romans chastise them, "the and into Persia, who "shall take away government from the earth," God sends in but turn are delivered over to Media, a kingdom which, who their 32 to sins," "shall perish and cease of be." their And then evil "because suddenly: shall send forth a mighty wind, the southern one, and God shall there forth from it a people of deformed aspect come their appearance manners like those of women. and and shall a warrior up from among them there and And rise they whom a prophet, and call shall be brought one they his hands ... And the into shall prosper, and by the South hooves the horses of its armies it shall trample down and of Persia and devastate Rome. subdue charged in the As are ps.-Methodius, with taking many captives Arabs and much spoil and exacting heavy tribute, and there is contempt ex- Christians that collaborate with this "people of the pressed for those of the land South:" who All take with them shall prosper alongside them refuge and enslave to them men renowned in race; and they shall shall be among them hypocrites there men who know and not and regard not men except prodigals, fornicators God men and vengeful. and wicked as Also "in ps.-Methodius in described how, it the end oftheir times," is "all the more will they afflict those who confess our Lord Christ, for they shall to the very end the name of the Lord." hate the civil there then breaks out Arabs war, towards the end Among a hero the "man of the North"-clearly of in the image of Con- which stantine, who was described earlier in the piece as one from among "the kings the North"-shall join in the fray: of 32 Media seems only to be included to make up the number of world empires to four.

289 Apocalypses Visions and 270 these things Lord shall be angered against them ... After the shall they up one against another and they be and lifted become two parties and each party shall make and shall war between be and there shall king himself to seek call When report, man of the North shall hear this ... them the peoples he to himself all the summon of the earth ... shall he will go forth ... and the Lord shall cause the southern and to to the place from whence it came. return wind the There John the Little ends, choosing not to elaborate relation of peace the final or the Antichrist, themes as such any eschatological with plagued be that the Arabs shall thereafter note simply content to disasters and never wage wars again. natural Latin as of this apocalypse, which existed at least The early as version thirteenth century, opens as follows: the begins the There of the monk Mariaon concerning the book revelations made to Sergi us Ba"Q.ira (Barris) on Mount Sinai and his into the wilderness of Qedar that he might entry predictions to sons of Ishmael and convert them make the 33 faith. the to Isho'yahb; Arabic: Marhab) Mariaon the narrator, who had (Syriac: is the monk Sergius, nicknamed Ba"Q.ira by the met in the desert Arabs, Yathrib had heard from him and story. This continues, after the his of angel vision and its interpretation by an Sinai of the Lord, with an on order from the latter to Sergius that he appear before the emperors their and inform them of and future defeat at the Khusrau Maurice of the Arabs. This done, Sergius travelled to hands "wilderness of the sons Ishmael:" the of 33 the 139. For Ba]:Jira on (Latin), Latin version see Bignami-Odier information and Levi della Vida, "Version latine de !'apocalypse de Serge-Bahira." Ba~!rii means "select" "proven" in Syriac, "chosen" or "expert" in Hebrew and Jewish Aramaic; or epithet Sebastian Brock tells me that it is not generally encountered as a name or Dr. outside of this legend.

290 271 Apocalypses Visions and them barbaric rude; some of them were And I found and So I trees, and demons. stones, worshipping some others God the brought them to worship faith. taught them and to them concerning their fu- to when Moreover, I prophesied its duration for nine and a half weeks, they ture reign and 34 me there and dug for me that well. that for built cell Arabic S2) and two Syriac recensions (Sl, one that have come The (A) down add this same account, but they convey to it an excursus on to us initiation of Sergius' Mul:tammad into monotheism writing for and him 35 and of the Sinai vision, a repetition with slight of a scripture, though Latin version (L) has none The this and one must con- of modifications. the Ba}:lira apocalypse originally that as an independent existed clude only later being combined with the composition, Ba}:lira-Mu}:lammad the apocalypse is recounted twice in the Syriac and encounter. Since S2.i-ii, recensions, seven versions to consider (Sl.i-ii, have Arabic we the same outline and very very A.i-ii, L). All, however, adhere to much basic same wording. The the schema is as follows: often 1. A white beast (A.i has "white lion") with twelve horns, which is the kingdom the sons of Ishmael, comes on the south wind and of in the settles West. 36 37 black with seven horns, of which is the kingdom A the beast 2. the Hashim of Mu}:lammad, comes on son north wind and of sons in Babylon, wreaking much havoc. settles A bull with five horns, which is the kingdom of Mahdi son of 3. comes settles the south wind and Fatima, in Assyria; during on observance is of great peace and strict there of the laws its rule Mu}:lammad. 34 Bal;tira (Latin), 147. 35 0n and the work as a whole see the entry thereon in Chapter 11 below. this 36 Gottheil Bal;tira [Arabic], 255/126, translates daba as in (i.e. dhi 'ba) she-wolf instead of beast. 37 Sl.i has "seven horns of iron, one of gold and two (each) of silver and copper;" Bal;tira (Latin), allows us 141, two correct to to horns: this of iron, one of "seven gold, two (each) of silver and copper." S2.ii says Hashim has eight sons, but lists kings. but A.ii mentions seven seven; only A.i has "three horns,"

291 Apocalypses Visions and 272 38 A nemra) clad in the clothing of blood ( dma) ," "p'anther which 4. ( sons of (Sufinl, Safan, Sufyan)-the red the Sarfin represents sons the of Ishmael, from the comes and kingdom, destroys West back to Yathrib. driving them 39 goat, which is A seed of Yoqtan who are the inhabitants of 5. the 40 of North from and goes to the Land comes Promise Qatar, the 41 l.ii, S2.ii, A.ii). (S A lion, which is the Mahdl son of' A 'isha, comes from the South/ 6. and desert all. destroys 42 A in green man comes from the East; this is the last 7. dressed end at the of the kingdom who/which "will king/kingdom, come 43 sons Ishmael and uproot them;" the during his reign there of of be peace, churches will monasteries will and be and Chris- rebuilt, renegades tian punished. comes a resplendent chariot, which is the kingdom 8. the of Then the world for one and a half weeks, where- rule and Romans it will the Last Days will unfurl. upon The interpretation of this text is difficult due to the presence of extra- the Arabs that they will rule neous first informs elements. Bal;ira Thus ten weeks years (A has sev~n, L nine and a half), recalling the of for 38 and (Sl.i), misreads emrii ("lamb") Ba4ira dhi'bii ("she- 206/209 (Syriac), wolf'). 39 (Arabic), 87 (A.ii), is corrupt, but comparison with ibid., 255 (A.i), Ba4ira shows that should be read tays and maghrby as ma'z!. dyn/dy 40 A.ii "West," presumably confusing Syriac grb and Arabic ghrb. reads 41 perhaps Ba4ira has ad terram regni; (Latin), at some stage in the trans- 144, 256/127 (Arabic), Ba4ira miilkiinii. for malkiitii of a misreading there mission was bayt al-maqdis ("to the Temple"). ilii has (A.i), 42 always translates yiiriiqii as yellow; it can be Gottheil but the Arabic either, ( and Latin ( viridis) akh¢ar) that green is meant. indicate 43 Ba4ira (Syriac), 236-37/229 and 248 (Sl.ii and S2.ii); Ba4ira (Latin), 145. Sl.i of and him as "the last kingdom/king describe the sons oflshmael," which makes A.i no sense since he destroys them and brings about the renewal of Christianity. Green is king. colour of Christ, so the should be regarded as a Christian he

292 Apocalypses and Visions 273 44 prediction whereas the second apocalyptic section of ps.-Methodius; the opens statement: with will 1055 son of Philip the Arabs Alexander the of year In be a great After this rise will and kill their king. there was the that year fulfilled week. In for disturbance one God to the Ishmaelites, word "twelve great men will of that beget, behold, twelve kings will come forth from his he and 45 cf. xvii.20, xxv.l6). Genesis ( loins" here is to the The of Walid II in April 744 (AG 1055) and allusion killing the to years of strife that ensued before the establishment of the seven Abbasids. is possible that these are vestiges of earlier apocalyptic It 690 and ca. 750 respectively, but the main ca. referring speculations, to At the clearly concerns a later period. of the end of the body work on the kingdom of Mahdi son of Fatima it entry asserted by S2.i, A.i is 46 Sl.ii, that it the rule of the Arabs will come to an end." L "with and S2.ii A.ii note that the number and kings (signified by horns) totals of 24 at this point and state that this is the number of rulers that will 47 arise from before the of their sovereignty. Arabs Indeed, the demise suggested that this figure was Sergius' own invention: "In is it that that was the word of the prophet .. twelve great men will year. fulfilled 48 ... , others." Sargis added twelve but beget he Bal;ira principally intends, then, to document the The apocalypse three kingdoms of the Arabs and first 24 kings. The white beast their obviously represents the Umayyads, who favoured white and settled certain; the west. Exactly which twelve rulers are meant is not in there fourteen Umayyad caliphs in all, but those of short reign were be and and maybe Mul;ammad, Abu Bakr excluded 'Umar were would ------------ (Syriac), 211/213 (Sl.i), 211/36 (S2.i); Ba}:!ira 44Ba}:!ira 261/131, (Arabic), Ba}:!ira (Latin), 147. 264/134 (Ai); 45 Ba}:!ira (Syriac), 229/243 (S2.ii), 229/223 (Sl.ii); Ba}:!ira (Arabic), 81/153 (has AG 1050). 46 (Arabic), 206/233, cf. 234/227 (Sl.ii); Ba}:!ira (Syriac), 255/127; Ba}:!ira Ba}:!ira (Latin), 142. 47 Ba}:!ira (Syriac), 234/227 (Sl.ii), 234/246 (S2.ii; same wording as Sl.ii and A.ii, 86/156. but 25 kings); Ba}:!ira (Arabic), has 48 Ba}:!ira (Syriac), 229/223 (Sl.ii).

293 Apocalypses Visions and 274 even included,' Umayyads. The black beast is also easy though not namely the who wore black, had their capital in to identify, Abbasids and Hashim. themselves sons of (Babylon) The seven Iraq called lower follows: dynasty are described as pertaining "Hashim will to this kings in are with two names, two with one name, two one beget seven kings, 49 one three signs and one with six signs to his Law, name." with the (750-54), with names" is probably Saffal)_ two who is known "one The 50 sources Mul;ammad and as Abu l-'Abbas. non-Muslim The to as with one name" could be Man~ur (754-75) and Ma'mun (813- "two 51 33), both Allah. known The "two in the Law" are Had! 'Abd as 52 Musa, and Greek sources as Syriac to and Harlin (785-86), known so Moses and Aaron. It is unclear how the three and six (786-809), sure calculated, but it seems be that Mahdi (775-85) and to signs are min this 809-11) must be the last two, since A then gives us the first ( seven Abbasid caliphs. that the of the third Fatima, reign of Mahdi son of kingdom, In there will be unparalleled peace and close observance of the laws of Both name and the description make this seem an the Mu}:tammad. ideal rather Muslim dynasty, in which case one might ac- than a real 53 dating this text to the reign Abel's Ma'mun. of There is much of cept kingdoms this Whereas the other solution. only receive recommend to brief the evils worked by the sons treatment, Hashim and the natural of signs disasters that will occur in their time are depicted at length, and though before were the trials these the end. There are also plau- as sible allusions the fourth Arab to war, which took place during civil Ma'mun's rule: 49 Bal:).ira 85/155 (A.ii); BaJ:!ira (Syriac), 232-33/226 (Sl.ii), 232-33/245 (Arabic), BaJ:!ira 142. (S2.ii); (Latin), 5 example, Theophanes, 428 ("MuJ:!ammad, also known as Abu !-'Abbas"). °For as else who is known as 'Abd Allah and Or Abu Ja'far ( Chron. 1234, Man~ur, 1.332). 51 E.g. Theophanes, 428-30 and 484, though this is complicated by the fact that (for 'Abd also an epithet used of caliphs was examples see Excursus F, Allah nos. 7, 9, 16, 19, below). Another possibility is ~affaJ:! and Amln, both known as (e.g. Theophanes, 428 Mul:).ammad and 484). 52 E.g. ibid., 457. 53 Abel, "Apocalypse de BaJ:!ira."

294 Apocalypses and Visions 275 these will have ruled and died, know When (seven kings) of the of Hashim will be ended. Then that the kingdom sons will They as if from a sleep. Ishmael will the sons of awake, himself: another will say of everyone "I one with fight and They will have leave from am [to do this] the king." God will them against each other so that their end and he incite 54 will from destruction by themselves. and their and be war be a likely breeding ground for apocalyptic specu- Civil would of Ma'mun himself is the to have expected the end said and lations, 5 5 about the Mahdl son of Fatima could have been world. The prophecy designation heir an Alid as his Ma'mun's or by revolts by prompted of Abu name such as that led by Alids, 1-Saraya on behalf of the of in 56 Tabataba. The only difficulty is that the ibn Mul).ammad Ibrahim ibn third is supposed to comprise five kings; these could either be kingdom as Beneficent, names-Servant, their Listener, Worshipper- fictitious, later they might suggest,57 to a or continuation of the original belong apocalypse. The panther in red garb, the kingdom of the sons of Sarfin, is taken the Khurramlya, who held Azerbaijan for a number by Abel signify to years of leadership of a certain Babak. But though these under the time the Abbasid side for a long a (816-37) and caused a thorn were in rebels local were they the Muslims, among consternation degree fair of to march attempt Iraq. The clue to the on and did not make any identity is provided by the Judaeo-Persian Daniel apocalypse panther's also which 24 kings to the attributes whereafter will come "a Arabs, break will and the Romans who will wear red clothes among from king 54 Bal?-ira (Sl.ii), 233/245-46 (S2.ii); Ba4ira (Arabic), 85- 233/226 (Syriac), Ba4ira (Latin), 142. (A.ii); 86/156 55 "New Documents Madelung, al-Ma'mun," 345-46; see also Ebied concerning and "An Unrecorded Arabic Version Young, a Sibylline Prophecy," on a Christian of apocalyptic text possibly dating to this time. 56 to the last Arab king is stated that be named Mul?-ammad: Bal?-ira (Syr- Note Bal?-ira (Latin), (Sl.ii), 234/246 (S2.ii); Ba4ira (Arabic), 86/156 (A.ii); iac), 234/227 143. 57 Though they are only named in Bal?-ira (Syriac), 234/227 (Sl.ii), and only four are given.

295 Apocalypses Visions and 276 58 empire Ishmaelites." of That a Greco- Roman king is meant is the the the task panther performs, namely driving the Arabs confirmed by the Last which also undertaken by the Yathrib, Emperor in ps.- to is back Methodius. to the interpretation of key Ba}:tira apocalypse is realising The the has The extended eschatological section. it goat is the king that a very who features in ps.-Methodius; the all-devouring lion, who of Ethiopia, the Mahd! son of 'A 'isha, seems an man figure; the green Antichrist is evidently a champion, for he comes from the East, dresses is Christian in Christian truth and Christianity flourish and his time; the colours, in is openly stated to be the Last Emperor. This is repetitive and chariot some either these figures belong to the earlier vestigial apocalypses of of 690 or ca. 750 signalled above, ca. they represent later reworking. and If, as likely, seems primary text the composed during the latter was part of Ma'mun's reign, then the reworked form that we have could not antedate mid-ninth century and would very probably be much the later. Ps.-Ezra scribe had asked God to inform him "concerning the the Ezra last of the Ishmaelites." The response was a bewildering succession days animal images. First comes a "serpent of the of arising in desert" the with ten horns on its head and nine small, cruel ones on East its from eagle from the South," a viper "an the East, and then are tail, Euphrates "the four kings who are imprisoned by the great unleashed 59 This would seem to conclude this series, and a new scenario river." commences: The was affiicting the western region with many evils, bull and of the ravens he gnashed his teeth at for king he was the lion cub. There were three horns on his head; with the 58 Ps.-Daniel Apocalypse, 412/416; see the entry (Judaeo-Persian), this text in on this chapter. 59 cf. Ps.-Ezra, 200-201/205 (= Chabot, 244-45/334-35); Apocalypse, Daniel vii.1-8, and 4 Ezra (eagle vision).

296 Apocalypses 277 and Visions fights, right left he destroys, and with the middle with he the ... lays will conceive evil designs against The waste he bull great The of Constantinople ... the lion the seven hills, city after will go out and these violently become will cub angry rout them ... And a leopard will and will emerge ravens from him a numerous people ... and he will the with North, aid both the lion cub and the will go down into of to come out The bull will go the to meet them country Persia. of army; the lion cub will enter with and break a great between horns. will ravage, pillage and waste the land by fire, its He ravens and before him and go down into their will the flee lion a great will go up with The army to the country ... cub and and subject it to tribute, will there will of Land Promise and unparalleled want in the be He will build severe land. encompassing of Phoenicia and raze Damascus for the walls revolt. its And go up to Jerusalem in great ceremony, will he the there from return and go up to he city of his and will 60 kingdom. three and a half weeks there will come out from the After a warlike man a numerous people and his rule South with over of Promise. He will make great the extend Land will great for in the land effect three years peace and benefits heaven months. four winds of the will be seven and Then motion, peoples will rise up one against another and set in until destroy earth will be hidden by the themselves the to upon And I, Ezra, fell face. the ground, blood spilled its 61 all filled tears. me of with to the of Thereupon Lord returns angel console Ezra with a de- the destroyed. of the last days in which the Ishmaelites will be scription 60 the part similar to the Petrine apocalypse {see very entry thereon in This is {cf. ps.-Daniel [Judaeo- lion this also destroys Damascus chapter), where the cub and 416 [= Darmesteter, 412/416]) Apocalypse, goes up to Jerusalem. Persian], in that the entry of the Roman king (lion cub) into Palestine is described Note of Jacobite authorship. perhaps an indication terms, negative 61 Apocalypse, 201-202/206-207 (=Chabot, 245-48/336-39); one would Ps.-Ezra, the man the South to intend from Arabs, but the description of expect the warlike his reign is uncharacteristically positive.

297 Apocalypses Visions and 278 its unitarity, commentators have had difficulty Assuming previous 62 text. too liberal use of John's Revelation and Daniel has with this A it of to contain elements but two distinct apoc- distorted it, appears into later has tried to weld redactor a whole. The which alypses a too terse first be sure of its meaning, though Bousset suggested is to represented sequence of Islamic dynasties: Umayyads (serpent), it the 63 Fatimids (eagle), Abbasids (viper) kings). and The sec- Turks (four ond section is more interesting; despite corruption by elements from first part and elsewhere, it the seem to have originally portrayed would the between Khusrau II (bull) and Heraclius (lion cub) allied struggle 64 the Turks The redactor probably included it since its with (leopard). suited of the East and West own events of his between account armies most likely the contest between the Fatimids and Seljuk or Mam- time, the late eleventh and late twelfth centuries respectively. luk Turks in recurrent Revelation, of Egypt and the use of John's The which mention times, not otherwise in Syriac apocalypses until medieval feature does lend weight to this suggestion. Copto-Arabic Texts All the texts in this section were written by Monophysite Christians of Egypt, and belong to Coptic literature; but though very likely based so ps.·· Coptic now only exist in Arabic (ps.-Shenute, originals, on some ps.-Peter) the ps.-Pisentius, others exist in both Arabic and Samuel, 65 (ps.-Athanasius, ps.-Danie1). Coptic and 62 BO 3.1, 282, assigned it to the time of the fall of Constantinople; Assemani, "L'apocalypse Chabot, 345, opted for the first century of Islam; Iselin, d'Esdras," Christian that it is a late reworking of an early Studien," "Apocalyptische argues Jewish apocalypse. 63 the Antichrist, 47-48, who Bousset, Der lion cub represents the Crusaders; says an to back hark may not fit in with this, but it does Damascus the of destruction the entry "Judaeo-Persian on (see or redaction prophecy be a genuine the earlier this chapter). in Daniel" 64 Bousset, Der Antichrist, 48-49; cf. the entry on the "Petrine Apocalypse" See Persia The seventh-century clash between Byzantium and and Her- this chapter. in to a number of apocalyp- ignominy's jaws gave rise aclius' snatching of victory from Entstehung New Rome, 205; Reinink, "Die der syrischen see Mango, tic writings; Alexanderlegende," esp. 275-76. 65 For a survey of and brief comment on such texts see van Lent, "Les apocalypses coptes de l'epoque arabe."

298 279 Apocalypses and Visions Syriac apocalypses frequently interested in reviewing Whereas are history, their counterparts are chiefly con- and systematising Coptic them exhortation the faithful, cajoling direct to remain with of cerned the church and its teachings. They are, therefore, chiefly to be true to in the form of homilies or inserted into the text of pre- found either Events-past, future-are and present adduced not homilies. existing to schema to history, but elaborate reinforce the case for care any of caution in one's observance of the Christian faith. and Ps.-Shenute A ascribed to Shenute, a fifth-century ascetic of Upper Egypt, vision 66 the a prophecy on the world's end. takes It has been worked of form the saint's death and delivered by his commemorating a homily into teachings the of Athribis. The latter first expounds bishop disciple Visa, of his then gives instances of "the marvels and signs which God master, manifested hands for his (Shenute's) had the glorification of the Holy at of and the benefit, gain and profit and all who hear them for Trinity act according to them." To this original sermon of Visa subsequent their own additions, one such being the Vision, made copyists have begins: which my holy father came out with a gloomy face; so I One day come him: my father, what has "0 upon you that to said frown so?" He said to me: "Let us cry for you ourselves and all men; it would be better for man if he had not for born the been world, for our beloved Lord Christ has into me today of the hardships and miseries [which informed man shall suffer]," and he said: "Tell your children of them, and write for them so that they may all be vigilant them be guard, and be on their and and so that they will guided 67 to and surrender their souls negligent the devil." be not 66 For later visions attributed to Shenute see Grohmann, "Die im iithiopishen, koptischen erhaltenen Visionen Apa Schenute's;" Troupeau, "De und arabischen quelques apocalypses," 79-83; van Lent, "An Unedited Copto-Arabic Apocalypse s. On Shenute himself see CE, v. "Shenute." Shenute." of 67 Ps.-Shenute, Vision, 338-39.

299 Apocalypses Visions and 280 discloses to what Christ had revealed to him of the Shenute·then Visa future: Persians go down to Egypt and much killing will ... will The shall seize the wealth of the Egyp- They them. accompany sell their children for gold, so harsh is the perse- tians and oppression Persians. the and Many masters will of cution slaves become masters. Woe many Egypt on and slaves to the Persians, for they will of the church vessels take account wine from them before drink altar without fear or and the They will rape the women before their husbands. anxiety. There be great distress and anguish, and of those that shall a third die of grief and misery. survive will a while Egypt Persians will depart from after and Then the enter shall Deceiver, who will the upon the king there arise the Romans and will be of by him with head- entrusted both the military commanders and the bishops. He of ship shall enter and undertake many tasks; he shall take Egypt of Egypt and its provinces, and build ditches possession and forts, and order that the walls of the towns in the deserts and be [re-]built. He shall destroy the wastelands and the then he shall combat the pastor, the East West, Alexandria res- with the Christians in archbishop entrusted in ident expel Egypt. They will land him and he will the of sad at he arrives, your and dispirited, until southwards flee And he comes here, I shall return him and when monastery. him on his seat once place more. After and shall the sons of that arise the sons of Ishmael 68 Esau, who hound the Christians, and the rest of them will be concerned prevail over and rule all the world and to to the Jerusalem. that is in [re-]build When that hap- Temple times that the end of near. approaches and is pens, know The Jews will expect the Deceiver and will be ahead of the 68 Both refer to the Arabs, terms suggesting subordinate status; cf. ps.- each remainder Letter, 308/319: "The king of the Greeks will arise with the Pisentius, Esau." his army and go up of Egypt to fight the sons of to

300 281 Apocalypses Visions and when he When you see the [abom- [other] comes. peoples ination of prophet Daniel spoke which of] desolation the who place, they are those that] standing holy [know in the I received upon the cross the who pains which and deny 69 fearing nothing at my about church, all. move freely follows a description of the There that will occur in the then atrocities of Antichrist, his exposure and eventual demise at the hands time the and of and the onset Enoch the second resurrection. of Elias, unrest deals a period of great Vision and anguish for the The with of Egypt. The Persian occupation (619-28) Copts as indicated was, above, by much loss of life, desecration, and destruction of attended 7 ° rule (631-42) as both governor and Melkite pa- monasteries. Cyrus' Egypt as perhaps conceived of of a contingent measure to triarch was and the the war-torn country of its reconciliation oversee refortification with Byzantine church. By the Copts, however, it was remembered the as period only of gross cruelty and tyranny, which resulted in the a Benjamin, of head, "the pastor" spiritual and the defection flight their many to the Chalcedonians "some through torture, some by gifts and of 71 by persuasion and deceit." some The Christians are allowed honours, Arabs. the incursions of but are next afflicted by the respite, no almost mention is of any aspect of their occupation, not even heavy No made the most of the apocalypses of complaint early taxation, the ubiquitous 72 to the statement that they "will However, concerned be era. Islamic that and all the world" prevail indicate rule Arab rule is al- over may appearance The rebuilding of the Temple and the entrenched. ready holy the desolation ... in the of] place" both relate to "[abomination of (Matthew, about the signs of the end 15) xxiv.2, predictions Christ's is so not intend any concrete incident, and it need possible that but 69 Ps.-Shenute, Vision, 340-41. 70 Hist. Patriarchs XIV, PO 1, 484-86; Butler, Arab Conquest of Egypt, 81-89. 71 Hist. XIV, PO 1, 491. Patriarchs 72 This suggest a date before, or certainly not long after, the arrival in late might up 644 ibn Sa'd, "the first who set 'AbdAllah the tax registry at Mi~r and ordered of that all the country's revenues should be collected there" (ibid. XIV, PO 1, 501). 642 onwards (see December papyri are known from and Demand receipts on notices Excursus F, no. 1, below). If the mention of the return of Benjamin to his seat is a us vaticinium eventu, then this gives ex a terminus post quem of 644.

301 Apocalypses Visions and 282 author was to write by news about Arab construction on the provoked have of Jewish temple, a task which would seem to former the site the 73 ca. 638. initiated been Ps.-Athanasius Coptic apocalypse again occurs within a homily, this one Our second by of Athanasius given Alexandria (d. 373) on the allegedly patriarch 74 the of the archangel Michael. At feast the outset we are of occasion theme sermon has as its that Leviticus xxi.9: "If a priest's the told fornicates she shall be burnt alive, for she brought shame daughter on her in his priesthood," and Exodus xix.22: father priests who "The destroy the Lord some of themselves should lest God approach purify chief the to concern of the work is to emphasise And them." indeed their responsi- need to fulfil their duties and heed church officials the both God and their flock. This message occupies bilities with to regard first is sections of the homily, and it the driven home forcefully in six the the sections where the speaker relates five trials of the end of next time, which happen, he insists, "on account of the sins of the priests the twelfth and God." In and before monks will corrupt their way who concluding part a final plea to eschew evil, "so that we shall there is kingdom the heaven forever by inherit of and advocacy of the prayers great archangel whose feast we celebrate today." the The signs the end do have a recognisably historical basis to them of like Shenute, Vision of and, begin with the Persian assault: the these things the good God will become angry, because After they had altered His true faith. He will divide the unity of the kingdom the Romans and of their empire in return for of natures ... He having their two Might into His great divided 73 See entry on "John the in Chapter 3 above. Moschus" 74 The text, existing in Coptic and numerous Arabic versions, is discussed briefly by Orlandi, testo copto sulla dominazione "Un in and araba Witte, "Der Egitto," Text von M602 der koptische Pierpont Morgan Library," and fully by Martinez, are Eastern Apocalyptic, 248-74. Arabic versions Christian listed by Graf, GCAL, 1.277-79.

302 283 Apocalypses and Visions the power the kings of Persia for a little while to will give they earth in their days ... After this, will the afflict and will kingdom the Persians and of stir the will God remove earth a mighty people, numerous as the lo- up upon the is the beast which the prophet Daniel This fourth custs. That rule over many countries will they ... nation and saw tax will it. It is a brutal nation with no mercy in pay a to ... (numerous iniquities detailed) heart Many Chris- ... its and from all tribes will tians, Greeks, Syrians Barbarians, become join faith, wanting to their free from them and in go they the bring upon that earth. They will the sufferings will in dwell countries and become the masters of them, many will inherit them. Their and shall live in the they leader called ... They will gather all the gold, sil- city Damascus and the beautiful stones, lead iron, precious ver, bronze, The of that nation is Saracen, one which name garments. from the Ishmaelites, the son of Hagar, maidservant of is 75 Abraham. Persian and occupations are thus depicted in very general The Arab the to on apostasy of Christians bar the Arab "faith" and terms, notices Damascus, location Arab government at of a fact which yields on the terminus ante quem for the work of transferred when Marwan 7 44, a then capital Four specific charges are J:Iarran. made against the the to Arabs: that nation will destroy the First, on which there is gold the of the cross of the image our God in order to Lord make all the countries under its rule mint their own gold on the the beast written of it, the number of name with name 666. Afterwards they will count the men is whose write their names in their and and set upon documents, them taxes ... Afterwards high will measure the whole they earth with the fields and the gardens, and they will count will the At their end ... they ... take the strangers in cattle 75 Ps.-Athanasius, Apocalypse, IX.l-8 (tr. Martinez, 523-29); where the Coptic is defective, I have supplemented from the Arabic version.

303 Visions and Apocalypses 284 them, find they wherever and villages, the and cities the into them throw will they and return their for call will they and cities their leave will time that at many for prison, the of violence the of because abroad go and villages their 76 nation. that of oppression chil- ten-year-old of telling eschatological, waxes author the Thereafter pestilence, and death of animals, dumb with themselves defiling dren historical of perhaps reflection hearts-a evil and churches empty of end" the of pains labour "the with up bound closely too but incidents, discernible. be to nature. concrete a more of however, are, complaints four above The 77 Mu}.lammad, is, that beast, the of name the with coins of minting The when 77/696, AH in al-Malik 'Abd of reforms monetary the to refers gold the on images replace to began faith of profession lim Mus the 78 of that until date this after known is census No currency. silver and for monks taxed who A~bagh, of actions the but 724, in Allah 'Ubayd all gathered who al-Malik, 'Abd ibn 'AbdAllah of and time, first the 79 survey land A intended. be may under, and years twenty of youths governor as stint Zayd's ibn Usama of outset the at out carried was the all of a description requested "he for note, merited which (715-17), 80 fugitives of problem the And Arabic." in it inscribed and districts Usama and (709-14) SharTk ibn Qurra of office in terms the bedevilled runaways the gather "to man a appoint to had Qurra that extent the to and them punish them, bind and back them take place, every from 81 action: tougher even took Usama place." their to them return 76 577-78). 529-31, Martinez, (tr. IX.9-10 Ibid., 77 number the 666, is (MAMETIOC) spelling Coptic the in letters the of value The domi- sulla copto testo "Un Orlandi, xiii.l8; Revelation to according beast the of John cf. but (744-50), Marwan caliph the suggests 229, Egitto," in araba nazione 201). Charles, (tr. CXXI.lO ofNikiu, 78 not may changes the 244-47; al-Malik," 'Abd of Reforms "Monetary Grierson, Egypt. in immediately implemented been have 79 ('AbdAllah). 56 (A~bagh), 51 5, PO XVII, Patriarchs Hist. 80 abun- "great a dearth," "great a were this accompanying 67; 5, PO XVII, Ibid. plague. the of a recurrence and dance" 81 by attested is runaways with preoccupation Qurra's 64. 5, PO XVII, Ibid. 1384. 1381-82, 1343-44, 1333, nos. Papyri, Aphrodito

304 285 Apocalypses and Visions that no should shelter a stranger in the one He ordered inns the people were afraid of or and churches, wharves, their the who were in strangers houses. drove and him out the monks not to make monks of those who And he directed 82 Then counted he the monks and branded to them. came of on his left hand with an one ring that he iron them each name imprinting each one the on of his known, might be monastery without a cross and with the date of and church rule Islam. Thus there was in the year 96 of the Hijra the of the anxiety anguish among the faithful. monks among and unbranded was found, they brought him before an If monk who would order one of his limbs to be cut the governor off.83 This the first occurrence of a. Hijri date in the History of the Patri- is earlier to being according archs, the era of Diocletian. This reckonings is that was significant, and indeed, it suggests also the date given for it the end of Arab rule in the Vision of Enoch the Just, described below. the coincidence of a. land survey with tough new These plus two points, measures, anti-fugitive 96/715 a very likely date for the com- make AH of position the it is certainly to be placed within a ps.-Athanasius, and years few very either side of that year. Like Vision of Shenute, the ps.-Athanasius the forward to looks no redeemer, no sa.lvific emperor, but concerns itself with call- earthly the of to virtue and observance faithful the precepts of Christian- ing to conclude with the exhortation Both the faithful to "be on ity. your guard," "lest God bring you in this generation," continues ps.- 84 as this. " Athanasius, "sufferings such of and Pisentius of Qift Samuel Qalamun inmate of the monastery of Qalamun in the district Samuel, Fay- of yum, Pisentius, bishop of the town and Qift near Thebes, were both of 82 The editor gives akhsa ("castrate"); I read a~sa ("count"). 83 Hist. XVII, PO 5, 68; the Patriarchs was analagous to Medieval Eu- situation rope, where peasants would become monks to escape serf obligations. 84 Ps.-Athanasius, Apocalypse, XII.2; cf. ps.-Shenute, Vision, 346.

305 Apocalypses Visions and 286 ap_d regarded for their piety, and both died churchmen highly monks 85 the the Arab conquest of Egypt. at This made them time about of prophecies the their name of to regarding for ascription ideal candidates Muslim rule, and both are the accredited with consequences of indeed sermons that will occur iniquities those times. narrating the in about the future course of Arab hegemony When Egypt asked in his monks, Samuel consents to impart to them "some de- by brother that the your souls" in the hope of "every man with profit for tails a vigilant keep the from imitating will practices of the heart himself monks, so his soul." Besides the and present were his dis- Arabs, save and one bishop Gregory, everything writes who Apollo, ciple down, 86 Samuel. seeking a cure from come had The first part Qays, of who 85 Samuel Cauwenbergh, Moines d'Egypte, 39-50, van CE, s.v. 0n see 88-122; Qalamiin, saint." His Life exists in "Samii'il (Alcock, Life of Samuel), of Sahidic (Crum, Manuscripts in the British Coptic 381-82 [no. 917)) and Bohairic Museum, (Pereira, Vida do abba Samuel). The Sahidic Life was composed, says Ethiopic author, its four generations remove from its subject (Alcock, Life of Samuel, at version, 27 continued to grow; a second Sahidic and existing only in 1/74, /105), (Amelineau, fragments 770-89; Alcock, Life of Samuel, 67-73), is, in Monuments, estimation the Alcock (ibid., viii and 73), "about 30 pages longer." of d'Egypte, Pisentius van Cauwenbergh, Moines see 29-39, 159-66; CE, s.v. On "Pisentius, saint." His Life exists in Sahidic (Budge, Coptic Apocrypha, 75- 127/258-330), Bohairic Un evegue de I

306 Apocalypses and Visions 287 of is homiletic, recording the mires of wrongdoing into the apocalypse Christians will during the period of Arab dominion, the which slip audience so themselves to be the negligent. After this and urging not comes section, recounting the pains of the world's the eschatological author is generally concerned to halt Christian assimila- The end. objects but in particular he practices, to the adop- of Muslim tion was neglect of Coptic. That this happening at the and Arabic tion of of of is indicated by the amount writing space devoted to it time his by the detail and passion with which and is described. Priests and it monks preach in Arabic, parents will give Arabic names to their will and teach Arabic, "thus making them forget the lan- children them their disuse books will fall into ancestors;" as people turn to of guage of the few biographies foreign saints that survive will and literature language; in those Upper their understand will unread, no as lie one be who and speak Coptic will know abused and mocked Egypt still 87 fellow Christians who speak in pa- their The evidence of Arabic. by century ninth that into the remained Coptic Greek and clear pyri makes the daily language of the administration and Arabic names with Coptic 88 patronymics unseen. are The first Coptic theologian to write almost the mid-tenth Arabic al-Muqaffa', who flourished in was ibn in Severus work tenth not, therefore, likely to antedate the This cen- century. is tury.89 185 bishop Butler, Arab Conquest of Egypt, Qays n. 2). See also Coptic of (thus Synaxary, Kihak;" idem, Monuments, 518; "8 Samuel de Qalam.oun, Amelineau, 32. 87 views and predictions, see ps.-Samuel of these Apocalypse, 379- For Qalamun, 384/398. 81/394-96, 88 The Caliphal Taxation Simonsen, 124; Morimoto, "Land Tenure in System, Egypt the Early Islamic Period," 127. during Muqaddasi (wr. ca. 980), A~san Cf. al-taqiis!m, 203 (the non-Muslims in Egypt speak in Coptic). See also MacCoull, "The Fate Coptic" and "The Strange Death of Coptic Culture," where the tenth of appears century Graf's suggestion of the late eighth century seems, there- crucial. too fore, early 1.281-82). (GCAL, 89 term use by The of the constant al-hijra to designate the Arabs ps.-Samuel may reflect the fact that for a hundred years or so most Copts only knew the whom Arabs stationed troops to muhiijiriin, they rendered provisions (rizq) as "8 Synaxary, Compare Coptic Synaxary, "8 Kihak" (= Ethiopic taxes. and Takhshash"), where it is said that Samuel prophesied "concerning the umma who are the muhiijiriin."

307 Apocalypses and Visions 288 Prol:?ably roughly contemporary is the letter allegedly dictated by Pisentius on his deathbed to his secretary John and addressed to the 90 people of his diocese. "I shall inform you," he says at the outset, "on how to save your souls and on what will edify, fortify and strengthen your hearts." And he proceeds to delineate right belief and right prac- tice and to urge adherence to them. The oppression of the Arabs is then briefly catalogued before the author moves on to eschatology. Three events stand out as being historical: "a nation will be roused from the West and fight the king of Babylon in Egypt for a short time," "another king will arise, having the same name as their prophet," "then the Turk will stir from the East and make war for a short time. Afterwards they will make peace and eat and drink at the same table, and the Turk will 91 hold sway from Acre to Yemen." This sounds respectively like the Fatimid attacks from Tunisia upon Egypt in 913-15 and 919-21, the reign of A]:lmad ibn Kayghalagh (933-35), and the rise to power of the Ikhshidids, beginning with Mu]:lammad ibn Tughj (935-46), who held Syria and Egypt. These writings attributed to Samuel and Pisentius are closely re- lated. Both were originally composed in Coptic and belong to that tradition, both being primarily homilies which then culminate in an 92 apocalypse. Both also draw on ps.-Methodius, chiefly eschatological themes such as the role of the Last Emperor and the king of Abyssinia, but also tyranny motifs such as a man waking to find three tax collec- tors at his door and the Muslims tethering their animals in Christian 93 holy places. The borrowings are, however, creatively adapted to an 90 The Life does cite a letter of Pisentius, in which he rebuked his flock for their moral laxity (Budge, Coptic Apocrypha, 94-96/284-87; Amelineau, Un eveque de [{eft, 118-20); presumably the apocalypse grew out of this. 91 Ps.-Pisentius of Qift, Letter, 307-308/318-19. 92 MacCoull, "The Apocalypse of Pseudo-Pesyntheus," argues that the original Coptic version should be dated to the 760s at the time of the first Coptic re- volts against Abbasid rule. It is true that grievances such as the inclusion of Mui:J.ammad's name on the coinage and the hunting down of fugitives (ps.-Pisentius, Letter, 307 /318) would suit better the eighth century, but these could simply have been drawn from earlier works like the borrowings from ps.-Methodius noted in the next sentence. 93 Demonstrated by Martinez, "The King of Rum and the King of Ethiopia in Medieval Apocalyptic Texts from Egypt."

308 Apocalypses and Visions 289 Egyptian context, particularly in Pisentius' letter, where the king of the Greeks makes Babylon in Egypt his capital and comes to reject Chalcedon, embracing with the king of Abyssinia the orthodox faith. The two texts indicate the survival of a Coptic Christian identity at 94 least into the ninth and tenth centuries. Coptic Daniel, XIV Vision This work was composed originally in Coptic, then translated into Ara- bic. Presumably the original was later lost, for the Coptic version that we have announces itself as a translation from Arabic and asserts that 95 "it is not extant in Coptic." It first narrates Daniel's vision of the four beasts (vii.l-28), the last possessing nineteen horns instead of the usual ten. An angel of the Lord then appears in order to give an interpre- tation. The four beasts are explained as the empires of the Persians, the Romans, the Hellenes (Byzantines) and the Ishmaelites, and the nineteen horns as nineteen Ishmaelite kings. The tenth through to the ninteenth of these are described and they have been identified with the Umayyads by Becker and with the Fatimids by Mader, each dating the 96 Vision to the time of the fall of their preferred dynasty. Meinardus suggested that the text represented a Fatimid reworking of an Umayyad apocalypse and this has been followed by Suermann, who attempts a 97 reconstruction of the original. 94 Kasser, "Reflexions sur l'histoire de Ia litterature copte," 384, says that though the decline began as early as the mid-eighth century, a majority remained attached to their Coptic identity until the end of the eleventh century. See also Bishai, "The Transition from Coptic to Arabic," though this is rather vague. 95 Becker, "Das Reich der Ismaeliten im koptischen Danielbuch," 9-10. That the original was in Coptic is suggested by the use of the Greco-Coptic counting system in assigning numerical values to names. 96 Becker, "Das Reich der Ismaeliten im koptischen Danielbuch," 29-34; Mader, "Les apocalypses apocryphes de Daniel," 163-76. 97 Meinardus, "Commentary on the XIVth Vision of Daniel," 397; Suermann, "L'apocalypse copte de Daniel." Meinardus, "New Evidence on the XIVth Vision of Daniel," decides firmly in favour of the Fatimids, but his new evidence-namely that the biographer of the Alexandrian patriarchs Mark III (1166-89) and John VI (1189-1216) cites the apocalypse of Daniel and applies it to the Fatimids-gives us no more than a terminus ante quem.

309 Apocalypses Visions and 290 is good however, to be sceptical about exact histor- There reason, of The kings themselves are depicted in this interpretations text. ical and be that it is impossible to cursory sure who, if terms obscure so for intended. the twelfth ruler, Of example, there is anyone historical, of the llOth is of his reign, and at the end of his time mention year shall a king who shall trouble all the kingdom of the sons of "there be 98 some There may be reuse of earlier materi- years." 147 Ishmael for but most strikes one als, late. There is much talk of the Egyptians as and as though they were governed separately, which would Syrians us take to the time of the Tulunids in the late ninth century. least at recorded, Nubian of Egypt are invasions which are un- distinct Four to have taken place before the ninth century, when the Christian likely kingdom Nubia had gained in political and military strength. One of with interpola- dismiss such references as Fatimid Suermann, could, appear the Umayyad original, but they do not into in any way tions 99 out of place. The next eleven paragraphs (§§65-75), which precede the interven- tion of Last Emperor, narrate the encounter between Sarapidos the the Pitourgos. former, an allusion to the Greco-Egyptian god and The be Fatimids; and so probably the must the identity of Egypt, Sarapis, a is unclear. They are however, "nomad nation" who the Pitourgos, all Syria and its boundaries" and are "dominate the nation of the "of Romans;" "shall gather together for their wars, wishing to take they 100 kingdom the hand of Sarapidos." the If the original really was from to in one would not wish Coptic, place its composition much written later than the eleventh century, when Arabic was becoming established this the of Egypt. In language case one might suppose principal as Pitourgos made intend the Seljuks, who the advances against the to in the late eleventh century. Fatimids 98 (Coptic), XIV Vision, §§29-30. Ps.-Daniel 99 Ibid., §§30-32, 36-38, 41, 43, 50; Suermann, "L'apocalypse copte de Daniel," 340. 100 of ("Commentary the XIVth Meinardus on Daniel," 442-45, and "New Vision Evidence on the XIVth Vision of Daniel," 302-305) identifies the Pitourgos with that $alii}:t Din (d. 1193), but goes on to state al- he was not "of the nation of the Romans."

310 Apocalypses and Visions 291 The Peter/Book of the Rolls Apocalypse of letter dated Jacob of Vitry, bishop of Acre, informs Pope In a 1219 Honorius the ancient book written in very Saracen language," of III "a which had shown to him and which bore the superscript: the Syrians of "Revelations Peter by his disciple CleilLent bound in one the apostle work, known This volume." usually Apocalypse of Peter or the as the 101 recensions exists in three principal Rolls, in Arabic: of Hook the A resume of Biblical history from Creation to the birth of 1. the Virgin intending to show "that without doubt she is of the Mary, of Judah son of Jacob and his tribe." This is largely the lineage 102 Cave of Treasures equipped with an introduction. Syriac the A book in approximately 90 chapters which divides into two sec- 2. the history given in the first re- with tions. The begins first and with "the mysteries which our God cension, continues and Jesus the Christ committed to his Saviour the Trinity, disciples:" the the fall of Satan, Creation, angels, Paradise and the fu- the ture course of Christianity, which includes a list of heresies from Simon Magus Apollinarius and Peter's vision concerning fu- to kings, peoples calamities. In the second section Peter ture and length which laws, duties and regulations at Clement details the A to officers of the church. transmit copyist states in the must introduction that he found this book in the possession of the the 103 Nicosia in Cyprus. bishop of 101 Nau, a bibliography are given by and "Clementins (Apocryphes) II," More detail Graf, GCAL, 1.283-92. This work and be must from the Greek Petrine distinguished known apocalypse Eusebius, as to is demonstrated by Bratke, "Handschriftliche Uberlieferung der arabisch-aethiopischen Petrus-Apokalypse," 475-76, 493 (in the absence of editions any the Arabic of the second and third recensions, manuscripts of provides a very helpful survey). article this 102 by Bezold, Schatzhohle, viii-ix Demonstrated work includes the Syriac (the and texts placed side by side); the Arabic witness to this recension is Ms. oldest Sinai arab 508, probably of the late ninth century, published by Gibson, Apocrypha date see ibid., x). Arabica, (for 1-58 103 Nicoll, Catalogi, 49-54, summarises the 89 chapters of the version of this work recension contained Ms. Bod. Or. 294. This in exists also in an Ethiopic translation

311 Apocalypses and Visions 292 3. A, book in eight parts which largely reproduces the first section of the second recension, but vastly expands Peter's vision into a full apocalypse (Parts 5-7). Part 8 contains the history of the Apostles and of their evangelisation, and a number of command- ments concerning church discipline and practice given by Peter to Clement. The outline of the apocalyptic section remains the same in the sec- ond and third recensions: the king of the South will come and reign in peace, but for his arrogance he will be killed by the king of the East, who goes on to fight the king of the West, despoil Egypt and dominate all the world. Then God will be merciful and despatch the lion cub, who will arise "as if from sleep." His armies will capture all regions and he will rule from east to west. He will go to Jerusalem and rebuild what has been destroyed, and all the faithful will rejoice. Damascus will be destroyed, then he will return to the capital of his kingdom and reign for many years in accomplishment of God's com- mand. All these ingredients are also to be found in ps.- Ezra, and the description of the king of the Greeks bears close resemblance to that in ps.-Methodius. Clearly we have here another reworking of the Her- aclius/Last Emperor romance. Within this framework, however, is an attack upon Heraclius, who "will not be firm in orthodoxy," in whose days "there will appear another dispensation which is not correct and is like the way of the devil," and on account of whom God will send his 104 wrath upon His people. And, again as in ps.-Ezra, a second apoc- alypse would seem to have been worked in, which follows closely the 105 pattern of Daniel vii.l-8. Four beasts are described: a lion/eagle, 06 a wolf/serpent/ a tiger and a lion cub; and these are explained as (see Bibliography I below). The concept is similar to the Testament of Our Lord Jesus Christ (also known as the Octateuch of Clement), which is a treatise on church ordinances and practices with an apocalyptic introduction. 104 Ps.-Peter (Ethiopic tr.), Apocalypse, 2.IX.23-24; the Last Emperor arises at 2.IX.l8 and 2.1X.26. 105 Ps.-Peter, Apocalypse, 300/232, has "lion;" ps.-Peter (Ethiopic tr.), Apocalypse, 2.IX.28, has "eagle." They perhaps wish to convey Daniel vii.4: "The first ·was like a lion and had eagle's wings." 106 Same references as previous note; possibly instead of "wolf" ( dhi 'b) one should read "bear" ( dubba) in accordance with Daniel vii.5.

312 Apocalypses and Visions 293 7 Babylon, and Rome. Then the rule of al-'Abus/al-Diyon,1° Greece kingdom second for elaboration: there shall issue from is the selected who nine with justice, who are succeeded by kings little it twelve rule of these "will perish in the centre two the earth," four Of kings. latter, 108 kingdom" who and of the last three, their are from the "will guard bed, be murdered in his one the second will reign same will family, a half (in the Ethiopic five and a half) years and the third and one for wars" and will travel prepare and be acknowledged by "will to Syria. followed by Bousset, took Dillman, two apocalyptic pieces as the one whole argued that referred to the time of the Abbasid and they a revolution, when of the East between West was tak- battle forces and The twelve kings intended Mu}:tammad and the caliphs to place. ing next two were 'Umar II the Yazid II, Hisham reaffirmed Sulayman, and regime, and the last three were Walid II, Yazid III and Marwan II. the The cub represented Constantine V (741-75), and the attention lion to the plight of Egypt makes clear that given text was composed in the 109 All time in the 750s. that some scholars agree that Arabic country 110 the original language, yet writings we have no Christian Arabic was The attack on Heraclius as "not firm in or- an early date. from such the passages concerning his fight against the apocalyptic thodoxy" and 111 that materials are being used. the But indicate at- Persians earlier 107 Peter," previous note; Mingana, "Apocalypse of Same 213, 232 n. 2, reference as that al-Diyon in the Ethiopic translation is a mistake suggests "the wolf," but we for are here the name of a people, not another animal symbol. Before Islam expecting second the was usually understood as the Medes/Persians, so a Muslim kingdom meant that dynasty the East is probably ruled here, such as the Abbasids (which in suits al- 'A bus) or the Seljuks. 108 Thus Apocalypse, 301/233; ps.-Peter (Ethiopic tr.), Apocalypse, ps.-Peter, will simply kingdom of one of them "The be strong," which Dill- 2.1X.28, has: "Das athiopische Buch Clementinischer Schriften," 194, 202, man, to refer takes supposed in not to notice that there are kings to be nine Hisham, seeming to total. 109 Dillman, "Das iithiopische Buch Clementinischer Schriften," 201-205; Bousset, Der Antichrist, 45-47. 110 Dillarnn, iithiopische Buch Clementinischer Schriften," 205-207; Nau, "Das 218 ; Graf, GCAL, 1.283. "Clementins II," (Apocryphes) 111 Wasserstrom, "The 'Isawiyya Revisited," 69-70, proposes that the comment: with "When see the children of Ishmael you the children of Persia, and when you

313 Apocalypses Visions and 294 paid to plight of Egypt suggests that the author was from tention the and country was ruled independently, which would make that that it setting upon Seljuk attack likely the Fatimids in the sec- the the most 2 the eleventh century.U of half ond 113 Texts Greek The of the early seventh century provided the raw events cataclysmic numerous for centuries thereafter. The six- for apocalypses material of Heraclius against Persia, mirroring the year days of campaign six ancient the humbling of Rome's was enemy and in Creation, resulted by the emperor's journey God Jerusalem to give thanks to to crowned restore the to its rightful place. Only seven years later all and Cross victories these had by the terrifying scourge of the Arabs reversed been receive the Jerusalem had now to of "the abomination of and patriarch standing in the holy place." The more could do no Byzantines desolation number hope, Arabs suffered a the of setbacks-especially their as than their upon Constantinople (674-78, 716-18) and assaults unsuccessful 114 (683-92)-that the "southern beast" subside would soon war civil and the Arabs be returned whence they came. see the Jews learning the art of warfare" (ps.-Peter, Apocalypse, 339/272), refers to the revolt the Jewish pretender Abu 'Isa al-I~fahanl, which occurred about the of of time revolution. the Abbasid 112 earliest arab 76, a copy of is Paris of 1177 (Bratke, The manuscript a manuscript der arabisch-aethiopischen Petrus-Apokalypse," "Handschrifliche Uberlieferung until any decision would have to wait firm some of the numerous But 463-66). published been only has at present there studied; Arabic have manuscripts been by Ethiopic the rambling Garshuni version edited and Mingana, the translation of Peter." "Apocalypse 113 Greek apocalyptic texts Byzantine surveyed by Mango, Empire of New are Rome, Kariotoglou, He peri 201-17; Islam hellenike chresmologike grammateia, tou 32-56; Brandes, "Die apokalyptische Literatur ," 305-22. Studies of the subject are Byzantinische Reichseschatologie; Alexander, The Byzan- provided by Podskalsky, Apocalyptic its Magdalino, "The History of the Future and tine Uses." Tradition; I shall Sibylline discuss Book 14 of the not Oracles, which has been seen by here "The Scott, see (esp. Egypt of invasion Arab and Persian to refer to some the 459-60), since I Oracles," Collins, "Sibylline Oracle Sibylline Last Alexandria;" of consider it too vague and corrupt to permit any interpretation at all. 114 of (notiou theros) is used by Cosmas This expression Jerusalem, Hymns, canon 1, ode 6, heirmos.

314 Apocalypses and 295 Visions translation of into Greek in the late seventh or The ps.-Methodius century greatly the elucidation of such calami- facilitated eighth early and of such hopes. The idea of a Christian ruler articulation the ties its Roman empire and defeat the present ene- who reconstitute would particularly well received, coming at a time Minor Asia when was mies was early onslaught in the Muslim eighth century, subject to a sustained in a prolonged siege of the capital itself. culminated motif The which gain in popularity and influence, in to West as well as continued the 115 and Abbreviated, interpolated the refashioned East. of ps.- versions Methodius in Greek as Visions of Daniel, which differed from appeared Syriac prototype by their concern for Constantinople, the their chiefly by one, depiction of not just city, but a series of es- their "seven-hilled" and contemporary rulers, often modelled on past emperors, chatological also by the incorporation of the figure of the and cub, who assists his lion parent the fight against the Arabs in accordance with the prophecy in 116 this whelp will jointly pursue that ass." "lion The idea for and the character have come from ps.-Methodius, may the sons of the where king of the Greeks aid him in subjugating the Arabs, and then received more concrete from the crushing defeat inflicted by Leo III inspiration armies lion) Constantine on the Muslim son at Akroinon in his and (the 7 40. It may have subsequently been hoped that this victory Phrygia in of followed by a more thorough rout up the enemy, and such be would 7 to feature in contemporary anticipations came apocalypses.U and later Greek Ps.-Methodius, Translation Greek redaction of ps.- The is a largely faithful rendering Methodius first 118 Syriac original with only minor of omissions and changes. the errors, 115 Emperor;" "The of the Last Alexander, Legend idem, The Byzantine Roman Apocalyptic Tradition, 151-84. 116 Some are given by ibid., 152 n. 4. Note that in the apocalypses references to own and Peter the lion cub appears on its attributed (see entries above). Ezra 117 Die A Visions of Daniel are collected in Schmoldt, number Schrift vom of jungen Daniel und Daniels letzte Vision, and are studied by Bousset, "Beitrage zur 261-90, and Alexander, The Byzantine Apocalyptic Geschichte der Eschatologie," Tradition, 170-74 (where he discusses the lion cub). 61-122, 118 The primacy of the Syriac was proposed by Kmosko, "Das Ratsel des Pseu- "Ismael, Wiiste," demonstrated by Reinink, and der Wildesel in der domethodius,"

315 Apocalypses Visions and 296 is, however, major addition coming just before the appear- There one the Last Emperor: of ance chariots of go with countless will and sons Ishmael the Then horses. out in the first month of the ninth They will come will seize the cities of the indiction overwhelming and East, them. will be divided They three bodies of troops: into all of will division one the direction of Ephesus, another in march and the third toward Malagina. Woe to toward Pergamon lands of Phrygia, Pamphilia and Bithynia! When it you cold, becomes will seize you ... The whole cavalry Ishmael Ishmael will and the first among them will set of arrive, tent will you, Byzantion. He his start fight- up against Xylokerkos he smash the gate of and and enter as will ing as Bous far Then God Lord ... will remove the cow- the the the and cast it into Romans hearts of the Ish- ardice of maelites the of and the Ishmaelites into the hearts of courage Romans. Turning round, the Romans will chase them the away from their property, striking without mercy. Then what is will be fulfilled: "How could one man chase written a thousand pursue ten thousand" (Deuteronomy and two also an sailors will be brought to Then end their xxxii.30). king annihilated. Then suddenly the and of the will be 119 come out against them ... Greeks will very A account is found in Daniel's First Vision discussed in similar next on and the part the exchange of cowardice and courage entry, is identical. quotation from Deuteronomy The applied in the First is the to the Last Emperor and his two sons, who together rout Vision Ishmaelites. the above, however, it makes no sense, since the Last In is only the subsequent to Emperor defeat of the Arabs. This mentioned passage was certainly, therefore, almost inserted a later date, which at all in not it is not found in the Latin version and why explain would The close the interpolation and the parallels between redactions. Greek 342-44. The first Greek redaction is discussed by Alexander, The Byzantine Apoc- alyptic Tradition, 52-60 (but he does not mention the interpolation). 119 Ps.-Methodius (Greek tr.), Apocalypse, XIII.7-ll.

316 Apocalypses and Visions 297 make First their authors were motivated by the same clear Vision that thrust Constantinope in the years 709-17. Arab towards concerns, the First Vision is still nervous However, the outcome, whereas the about presumably a short while after written event it- interpolation, the the wishes to record it and so to update self, ps.-Methodius simply the prophecy. ps.-Methodius speaks of the Last Emperor as "awakened The Syriac off (the 'a man who has shaken like his wine,' as them Arabs) against had been considered by them as dead." This image is reminis- who one sleeping Alexander legend, but the more directly inspired by is of cent lxxviii.65 Psalm Lord was awakened like a sleeper and like ("Then the a who off his wine"), which comes after man period of a long shakes at for and indicates that God has Israelites last arisen to hardship the 120 enemies. Greek The smite version slightly expands the Syriac their 121 utterly considered as dead and men useless." "one These whom to "as dead" and "utterly useless," recur in numerous later Vi- epithets, 122 of and become stock attributes Daniel the Last Emperor . of sions They contrast and so emphasise, the fact that he comes sharply with, revitalisation anger" no less a feat than the achieves great "with and Christian empire. the of 123 Daniel, First Greek Vision opens with text of an attack upon Constantinople This a description "three sons of Hagar:" by and these a host of Romans {from two All will slaughter years and younger} . They will gather together three old 120 "Die Syriac of Psalms is being used (see Reinink, version syrische Wurzeln The 199-200). See also Wort- Endkaiser," der mittelalterlichen Legende vom romischen ley, "The of the Andrew Salos Apocalypse," 57. Warrior-Emperor 121 Ps.-Methodius, XIII.ll (Syriac and Greek). Apocalypse, 122 some references see Alexander, The Byzantine Apocalyptic For 167 Tradition, n. (though his misreading of 62 Syriac invalidates his explanations). the 123 Taken from the title given to the text by the Venice Ms. (Bibliotheca Marciana): prophet." "The vision of Daniel: the vision and apocalypse of Daniel the first For a treatment of this apocalypse see Berger, Die griechische Daniel-Diegese. thorough

317 Apocalypses Visions and 298 the sea the number of that people will be a and toward myriads in that place many will deny our ... myriad {And and holy gifts, will follow the the and Christ Jesus Lord the cease from apostates. churches, the Every will sacrifice God will be mocked and the liturgy will be as of priests And will cry out in a loud voice, boasting laymen.} Ishmael the the God of is Romans? There is no "Where saying: and 124 defeated we have them completely." them, for one helping just as the Byzantines are despairing of But plight, "the Lord will their the Romans," who "will the in a great war with engage a king of raise up and the of Hagar." He will be victorious and during his 33- nation sons 125 rulers be great peace." "there Two wicked reign will succeed year will a king from him, North and "a foul and alien woman," the whom under injustice will prevail. Constantinople will be destroyed, and impiety and the Great" remaining, "the kingdom Constantine "only one of pillar to be up from it and given a leader Rome." Next will come taken will king Judaea named Dan and then the Antichrist, both accepted as from the who proceed to afflict Jews, Christians. Three men go forth, the by repudiating the finally "the great day of the Lord draws Antichrist, and there when near will and recompense." be judgement historical event Only one by recorded author, namely the is the siege of Constantinople begun in 716. The exact routes Arab taken the generals are given, Arab unfortunately we cannot verify though by It a bridge related how they "will make is in the sea with boats" these. 126 the Byzantine nobles flee to the mountains and islands. how and Thereafter there is a shift to eschatological time with God despatching to the Christians. This liberator is inspired by the relieve a champion figure imaginary of Emperor of the whence his ps.-Methodius, Last earth "dead and useless" and his establishing peace being thought on with help of his sons. But it the also modelled on the historical figure is 124 Ps.-Daniel (Greek), First Vision, III.l-5; the section in curly brackets is only found the Oxford manuscript. in 125 Ibid., v-vr. 126 Ibid., IV.5-7. Mango, "Life of St. Andrew the Fool," 312, may be wrong to dismiss as fictional; this Chron. Zuqnin, 158, states that Leo "severed the bridge of ships, destroying the latter."

318 Apocalypses and Visions 299 of who was crowned in the autumn of 716 and who was, as is Leo III, the First from "the inner country of the Persian described in Vision, with nations" bearer of a name beginning the "K" (his and Syrian and 127 Konon) . author The baptismal was thus writing at the name was of Leo's in the winter of 716-17, when the Arabs were outset reign, 128 walls Constantinople itself. the of outside of Enoch the Just The Vision it survives in Armenian, but since only deals solely with This text it is most Byzantium a translation from Greek. It begins with likely a cherubim to Enoch on Mount Lebanon, and disclosing appearing to him had heard from the Lord of Hosts: what he eagle, there was an haughty and behold, sea above And the and above he had eight wings and three heads ... flying it, lo, the head of a dragon And with nine eyes and appeared, his were like feet claws a lion, and his running like the of of a leopard. And he overtook the that between the eagle wind the waves, and opened and mouth to swallow him; his were the eagle cried unto the most High, but his prayers and Then the eagle turned his violence. not on account of heard face and to the ends of the North, but there he his fled the peoples and all devoured And rest. the dragon found no them as with fire, but in his belly remained nothing; burnt the dominion of the earth sixteen times six, he and held eagle, is years. And at the that of that time the 96 end wind, power the south mighty returned with on by driven of the same place to resist the dragon. And the head to 127 (Greek), Vision, V.5-7. The Oxford manuscript has "H," Ps.-Daniel First intending a Heraclius figure. Mango, "Life of St. perhaps the Fool," 312, Andrew letter numerical value of the the and suggests Leo's predecessor, Theodosius takes does but useless," and "dead description to the suited more he whom III, deems stock usage of these epithets. the consider not 128 Thus Mango, "Life of St. Andrew the Fool," 310-13, convincingly refuting ca. the Daniel-Diegese, who places it griechische 802, seeing in Die mention Berger, of transfer of rule to Rome a reference to Charlemagne.

319 Apocalypses Visions and 300 dragon the an ash-heap; and the eagle stood on a lay upon he caught the dragon on the and white horses, with chariot ash-heap and beat him violently; the the dragon top of and head more strength and his former was scattered no had his the nations ... And six men throughout each on a all sat three them were ill favoured to look upon and of throne; and were white and fine black, look on, and the sixth two to and afflicted, oppressed was and was mourning for his wives was and all of them distrusted the dragon that children, and ash-heap, and they the "A fire shall come said: lying upon 129 of and shall consume the earth." out that dragon the "the whereupon the cherubim returns to elucidate ends Here vision, of it Greeks" eagle is "the king all." the Romans and the The of meaning dragon's The head the kingdoms of the earth." consume all which "shall its nine eyes mean that of Ishmael," prince "the of the people is first 130 shall arise nine kings and "after shall conquer the earth." him they They take away, but not destroy, shall power of the Romans, "they the shall not be able, because this kingdom is the guardian of the seat of the Great That "the eagle cried unto the Most High" and was King." of that forsook him on account God his iniquity ... ; heard not signifies the shall and flee to the ends of he North, and there shall he and escape an alliance with the prince of the North, and the name of that make king 131 Bergia." is 96 the eagle "shall march against the prince After years the South with great strength, at the head of nation northern the of and of the remnant of the and all he shall strike him with great peoples, , which The white horses are "the troops of the Romans ... slaughter." scatter greatness of the people the the South throughout all the of shall 132 of nations." remnant the 129 the Just, Vision, 309-11. Enoch 130 Bagratuni the Armenian prince Ashot Note tried to dissuade the Arme- that "You words: the with 770s the Arabs the against rebelling from nobles nian in dragon unable resist are power of the multi-headed to the ... " (Lewond, XXXIV [Arzoumanian, 132]). 131 II There good precedent for this: Heraclius allied with the Turks, Justinian is with Bulgars (Theophanes, 317, 374). the 132 Enoch the Just, Vision, 311-16.

320 Apocalypses and Visions 301 As six men enthroned, "the three being ill favoured to look for the black, this the time of the people of the South; three and upon shows that makes three times 30, which tribes, 90 years, and six chiefs of is shall their in which the tribulations dominion be in- years more of the two men sitting, white and well favoured, the first, Of creased." "shall on sea and land, Arabs make peace, and he smiting the after twelve 33 more." The second "is Tiber and he shall rule live shall years their peace shall be "In and abundance." "Concerning the years." days and man mourning for his wives was children, he represents sixth who end of the time of the life of the world," for now succeed two bad the kings, and the Rebel, ruling three years and 1265 days respec- Hertzik Rome "a shall arise in king and all the remnant pious tively. Finally, faithful The gather together unto him." the Rebel shall be de- of shall stroyed, shall "and all the nations blown, arise to present the trumpet 133 the Lord." themselves before 34 Vision's allusions The rather vague,l are but its imme- historical of inspiration to be the siege seem Constantinople and its diate would 35 96 years allowed for Arab rule aftermath. us to 717-18,1 The take the in which the Arabs were year away from the capital in ig- driven II, If we discount the disputed reigns of 'Al1 and Mu'awiya nominy. the king of the Arabs is Sulayman (715-17), whose death marks ninth failure of siege. Moreover, it is said how, "when the Romans the their the upon people, they shall smite them first destroy the shall southern drown the shall and a storm to rise and Lord them," which sea cause 133 Ibid., 316-23. 134 for instance, is intended in the following passage: "When Who, king of the the he people of the South the shall carry them away captive, and North strike shall born in the carry them the ungodly shall young in age, prince, captive with away mother town whose name is Oumd, and his Bishana, with him. He shall go to of Byzantium and there shall dwell 30 years, and learn among the Greeks the science of philosophy. And shall distinguish himself in he more all the others, and he it than be honoured by the kings. He shall become a general and shall shall acts of perform valour war, and shall receive honour from in king" (ibid., 320). One is reminded the of the career of Beser (see Griffith, "Bashir/Beser," 294-98), who appears first as intimate with both Muslim and Byzantine a Christian captive Syria, becomes in iconoclasm kings, supposed instigator of the and serves as a general, is but his too period ca. 720-42, is activity, late for our text. of 135 I.e. counting 96 solar years from AH 1/ AG 933/621-22.

321 Apocalypses Visions and 302 136 that the Muslim fleet on of occasion. fate Ju- the exactly describes their bilation to have given some Byzantines hope victory at appears hand. final the Arabs was at of Like ps.-Methodius, the that defeat of Enoch stoutly defends the Roman empire's the as the Vision status empire, will endure until the end of time, when it will hand which last for to "It shall be diminished God. the reproving of custodianship over exterminate but "the people of Ishmael. .. shall not be able to sins," its And in the end "there shall remain no more strength in the them." as before." dragon was Enoch presumably here simply because of his visionary selected there is no borrowing from the Books of Enoch. The credentials, for vision is familiar from Fourth Ezra, and Daniel xi is the ultimate eagle source for "king of the North" and his battle with the "prince of the South." resemblances five emperors bear the to those found in var- The is but the sequence altered and their attributes ious of Daniel, Visions differently distributed. For example, like the Warrior Emperor, Tiber but unlike him he irritates no recon- reigns peace, for in great 33 years being The by his predecessor. that problem may be performed quest, distinct that tried to harmonise two author themes, the six men the has and the five eschatological emperors. Thus there is a certain enthroned of the of the Warrior Emperor and roles the first white and overlap in man, who both rout the Arabs. well-favoured Alexandria of Stephen Besides a of commentaries on Greek writings, especially Aris- number 138 137 Stephen (d. sciences 630), ca. teacher of philosophy and the totle, 136 Muslim 318. and the destruction of the storm fleet is recorded by Ibid., The CS, Syriac 716-18. s.a. 137 and which Blumenthal, "John 0n see Stephanus of Alexandria." Philoponus 138 Having just mentioned the peace agreement of 628 between Shiroi and Her- at that time was philosophers the 465, aclius, says: "Famous among Agapius, Stephen, sage of Egypt and Alexandria." For information about Stephen see in Wolska-Conus, particular De Stephana Alexandrino; Usener, "Stephanos d'Athenes Stephanos d'Alexandrie." et

322 Apocalypses and Visions 303 39 at also at Constantinople/ Alexandria is credited with possibly and of five treatises: the authorship scientific art, work the title: "On the alchemical and sacred with 1. An great 140 making of gold." the on commentary on the Simple Tables of Ptolemy. But only one 2. A this "Stephen attributes the great philosopher of manuscript to the work to Hera- are or assign Alexandria;" others acephalous maybe only on the basis of comment following the though clius, "There which in the on chapter: comes are from the dating first first of Philip until the present seventh year of the indiction- year which by the grace of God, the ninth year of our reign-942 is, 141 (i.e. years" 618-19). of Stephen on the statement Alexandria the conjunctions "By of 3. stars of Saturn and Jupiter," as concerns both Arabs and the of No date is given, but the Byzantines. peoples are presented two 142 had a long history of interaction. as having 139 From designation of Stephen as oikoumenikos didaskalos in some the Simocatta (History, "intro.") and from the comment of Theophylact manuscripts that Heraclius renewed the study of philosophy, Usener (De Stephana Alexandrino, 3-5) concludes the emperor established a new chair of philosophy in Con- that to occupy. Lumpe, "Stephanos von Alexan- which stantinople, Stephen he invited epithet und points out that the Heraklios," oikoumenikos was also Kaiser drien to provincial professors and that Theophylact may have been exaggerating applied (ibid., 158-59) does, however, in blandishment. Lumpe interests of rhetoric and the ninth part of an alchemical in the offer alternative for Usener's claim: evidence the attributed Stephen it is stated that at latter had treated the subject to work the express wish of Heraclius. 140 Papathanassou, of Alexandria," gives discussion and references, and "Stephanus {128 of scholars arguing for/against the attribution lists the work to Stephen. n.4) 141 Thus "La didascalie de Jacob," Nau, (appendix); Usener, De Stephana 742-44 Alexandrino, 36, suggests that it was written by Stephen under the close supervi- under sion For the manuscripts containing this work see Heraclius. Stephen of of Alexandria in the index of Tihon, Le 'Petit Commentaire' de Theon d 'Alexandrie, (ibid., who Usener's attribution of it to Stephen accepts 190-92). 142 Ed. Pingree, "Historical Horoscopes," 501-502.

323 Apocalypses and Visions 304 Stephen "By on the art of mathematics," an apol- the 4. philosopher 143 astronomy. ogy for the philosopher of Alexandria, a definitive treatise "By Stephen 5. his for the its pretext having recent appear- Timothy, as student the godless legislation of M u}:lammad ( atheon nomothesian of ance 144 and other things to come." This foretelling many tou Moamed) to as- distinct parts: a theoretical introduction contains work two tronomy a Christian vein and the horoscope proper. presented in are by the account of linked Epiphanius, an Arab mer- They one who has just returned from "Arabia Felix" and hastens to chant, place Stephen's in order to inform him of the "new" of teaching events place in that country: and "strange" taking desert of Ethrib there had the a certain appeared In the so-called tribe from Quraysh (I\ orasianov), man of the genealogy of Ishmael, whose name was Mu}:lam- of and said he was a prophet. He appeared who mad the month of Pharmuti, which is called April by in the Romans, the 932nd year (from of beginning of the and a strange brought a new expression Philip). He has teaching, promising those who accept him victories to and delights in para- wars, domination enemies in over dise.145 then out his astrolabe in order Stephen cast a horoscope to brings self-proclaimed out future of this the prophet and his and find the is and rule able length of Arab learns From this followers. he 143 Saracen (ibid., 182, mentions "the 2.181-86 years" and states Cumont, CCAG, the that took over the art from the Romans). There is a brief descrip- Hagarenes tion of the work by Beck, Vorsehung und Vorherbestimmung in der theologischen Literatur der 68-69, who assumes that there was a real Stephen the Byzantiner, writing seen. the mid-eighth century (but philosopher 146 below). in 144 the This "the canon which Stephen is astrologer cast from the stars presumably concerning the exodus of the Saracens" cited by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De says administrando Short Chron. 818, 63, XVI. that Stephen the Philoso- imperio, pher "interpreted the canon" in the seventh year of the rule of Constantine IV (676), of so there was more than one version perhaps this work. 145 Stephen of Alexandria, Horoscope, 21.

324 Apocalypses and Visions 305 to of 21 of their kings, from Mu}:_lammad to Mahd1 produce a list a description (775-85), nature of their person and of with the possible astronomical the first part on is theory is reign. It that later of to which a Stephen author appended authentic an writing the course and demise of Arab rule, but a prediction about more 146 work is a late composition. the probably whole Salos Andreas Apocalypse The of Andrew the Fool is a long rambling work, set in The Life Con- 457-74), reign of Leo I ( the which narrates the deeds stantinople during and his Epipha- turned holy fool, protege slave Andrew, of a Scythian future patriarch the capital (520-35). The author pretends to nius, of reliance contemporary subject, but anachronisms and his upon a of be 147 him as writing at a considerably later date. texts The betray later was popular, not least because very a number of interest- biography of is clouds snow the white, get their rain, why whence on ing digressions, Heaven composition soul, the nature of the and Hell, and an the of of "the beginning of the birth-pangs and account the end of the about world the rest." and to apocalyptic is This difficult section date, for no vaticinia rather ex eventu are given. Andrew first stresses that Constantinople shall 146 Cumont, 2.181, suggested that the author was the same Stephen the CCAG, who composed treatise on the art of mathematics ca. 800; this philosopher the there Philosopher, a distinct Stephen the presumes rather than that the theory was Sahas, works to Stephen of Alexandria. attributed "The Seventh Century two were Byzantine-Muslim Relations," 15, signals another oracle attributed in Stephen to Sylloge, 57-67. The title indeed states the piece to found in Stephanitzes, to be "an and of Stephen of Alexandria" be "about the emperor Heraclius," but oracle and it demotic Greek, focuses on Constantinople in speaks of the Turks "who is have enslaved the new Israel." Each line of text is treated a lengthy exegesis by to but has reworked an older text, as it stands the of who perhaps Pantazes Larissa oracle be assigned to a much later must than the seventh century. period 147 him "Life St. Andrew the Fool," Mango, of in the late seventh century places {see also idem, New Rome, 208-11); Ryden, "The Date of the Life of Andreas 129 Salas," the mid-tenth century (at for n. 6 he lists previous opinions). argues For a subtle elucidation of the assumption by Andrew and others of the role of Fool La fable mystique, 48-70. for God see de Certeau,

325 Apocalypses Visions and 306 be never immediately proceeds to discuss the succession captured, then towards turn his face "will the first The emperors. eschatological of the sons of Hagar. ... The whole of Illyricum will be east and humble her Roman and Egypt will pay empire tribute. He the to restored 148 the fair-haired peoples and subdue his .. tame His 32- enemies." will. of "joy and gladness" will be replaced by that of two bad year reign an Antichrist, of the one the other an apostate. emperors, incarnation followed are These good rulers, one by Ethiopia who will reign two from one after who, second the year's from Arabia years, for peace in twelve Jerusalem and surrender the insignia of power will go government, to end: A confusion ensues before the of three evil young God. period to destroy themselves in civil men a wicked woman from Pontus who war, power, Constantinople bar the column all the forum deluged holding in government moved to Rome and Thessalonica and Syllaion, the and arrival the "72 filthy nations" and finally the Antichrist. of First are parallels with Daniel's few Vision studied above, There a the foul woman, Constantinople sinking into particularly sea bar the 49 one and the transfer of pillar/ to Rome. Mango cites this power to advance his case for a late seventh-century dating of the Life of the Last Emperor's sojourn Andreas themes as Salos. However, such Great's and of Alexander the unleashing "filthy na- Jerusalem the in Vision, Daniel's First but not in betray Salos Andreas present tions," in terminus of This influence a ps.-Methodius. post quem of the dictates 710, when the first Greek redaction was made. The absence of about any anxiety an Arab military threat would necessitate extending about limit to at least 7 40, when Leo III and his son Constantine V rout this war and civil among the Muslims brings Asia Minor Muslim in forces 15 emperors, Byzantium. an ° Furthermore, the succession of for respite 148 Wortley, XXV, PC 111, 856A. Life "The Warrior-Emperor of Andreas Salos, Andrew Salos Apocalypse," argues that this figure is modelled the Basil I (867- on 86). 149 its History of the Future Magdalino, "The Uses," 6-7, notes that this and by made and Malalas John of Chronicle the in a prophecy from originates recorded that the in 541, when bubonic plague a woman the East, Constantinople of struck capital was about to sink into the sea. 150 in Syriac 740 (esp. Theophanes, 411); s.a. 745 Constantine invaded Syria CS, and took Germanicea, "taking advantage of the internecine war among the Arabs" (ibid., 422).

326 Apocalypses and Visions 307 is only weakly elaborated essential apocalypse, element Andrew's in First in Ryden has demonstrated, these repre- Vision. Daniel's As history Constan- the first Byzantine emperors: legendary the of sent with the Julian and Jovian, Constantius an Alexander Great, II, tine 151 inserted in fourth place. the The closest parallels Great look-alike to a schema in later Visions of Daniel, belonging to the ninth and such are 152 ex lack of vaticinia centuries. eventu will always make the tenth The the apocalypse to date, but difficult emphasis on Con- Andreas Salos and allowance of former one line for the reconquest of only stantinople suggest a territories has and grown accus- Byzantium accepted that its narrower horizons. The earliest date one might tomed is to admit 740s, it is probably much and the later. 153 Texts Hebrew the first century AD the Jews had become a By of the Book," "people and oral elucidation thereof, which they be- scriptures holding a set of to to expression divine revelation. Being an embody and medium of lieved an turned to for answer on all questions these God's were will, writings of life and for the understanding of events, both present and future. authors the books of the prophets for clues to scrutinised Apocalyptic destiny of and the machinations of the gentiles, creatively the Israel interpretations predictions. Such are found and old recasting promises throughout Talmud, the repository of Jewish learning and scattered the compiled in the third to fifth centuries, and continued to be pro- lore particular, there was a demand to know when the duced thereafter. In 154 would and how one might recognise his approach. Messiah appear of this the Book To Daniel engendered an enormous amount end of 151 Ryden, "Zum Aufbau der Andreas Salos-Apokalypse." 152 Comparison of Andreas Salos and other apocalypses is made by Ryden, "The Andreas Salos 226-60; see also Alexander, The Byzantine Apocalyptic Apocalypse," 123-30, 155-64. Tradition, 153 little is written on the course of Jewish apocalyptic after Relatively in- the in but see the surveys Literature, JE, s. v. "Apocalyptic period, tertestamental neo-Hebraic," and Silver, History of Messianic Speculation, 36-57; also useful are ge'ulla. SRHJ, and Even-Shmuel, Midreshe 5.XXV, Russel, Method and Baron, Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, is the classic introduction to the subject. 154 of the activity of estimating the time Though the end was frowned upon by rabbis.

327 Apocalypses Visions and 308 regarding speculation the empires and rulers of the day. actions the of Would and powers last until the Roman of the Mes- time the Persian Assyrians, destroyers the first Temple, the of were defeated If the siah? Persians, must then the latter vanquish the destroyers of the the by would before the Messiah Romans, come? Rather, the Temple, Second scholar, the Persians would be defeated by those who countered another then the and the Messiah would Temple, come after demolished had 155 the whole world by the Romans for domination months. of nine In early seventh century, as the Persians achieved astonishing the the as the latter staged a miraculous Byzantines, successes against comeback as Arabs brought both to and knees, previous spec- their the apocalyptic about be fulfilled and to feelings could not ulations seemed proliferate. The increasing intolerance of but Christians from Byzantine the century towards the Jews in their lands further encour- mid-sixth imminent many see in the to Arab armies a sign of their invading aged deliverance. Thus in the following writings we discover the apocalyptic hopes and expectations, disillusionment and anguish experienced by at least a portion the Jewish community of this period. of Secrets of Simon ben Yo~ai The Rabbi second-century credited Simon ben Yol).ai is renowned with The rabbi number related apocalyptic works. The Tefillii ("Prayer") pertains of a Crusader times in its present form, but draws indirectly upon the to ("Secrets") Nistarot Mid rash 'aseret meliikhtm- ( "Midrash of the and Kings"), with ascribed to Rabbi Simon, which deal Ten the career also Islam of the fall of the Umayyad until and the rise of the dynasty 156 respectively. In Abbasids their turn, these two, and the Secrets in particular, make of an earlier apocalypse, seemingly contemporary use 157 the conquests. Arab with 155 Sabbath 15lb, Yoma lOa, 'Avoda Zara 2b. Talmud, 156 This demonstrated by Graetz, Geschichte was Juden, 5.489-97 (n. 16); der sceptical, was mit polemischer Tendenz," 635-46, "Apocalypsen Steinschneider, "Hat his have been met by but objections Welid den Jordan ablenken Braslavski, wollen," and Lewis, "An Apocalyptic Vision of Islamic History," 327-29. 157 175-77; Even-Shmuel, Midreshe ge 'ullii, 167-69, Thus Crone and Cook, Ha- garism, 4.

328 Apocalypses and Visions 309 At of the scene we are introduced to Simon, who has the opening thirteen in a cave from the emperor, the king years} been "hidden {for 158 had destruction on Israel}." has He decreed been {who Edom, of and a number of days, and he calls upon God to praying for fasting prayer for enlightenment: answer his the end of the once and the mysteries were re- At secrets expound: him, sat and began to he "And he to and vealed Kenite" (Numbers xxiv.21 ). saw the saw kingdom he of Ishmael that was coming, he Since the what to it not enough "Was the wicked kingdom began say: Edom has done of us, but [we deserve] the kingdom of to sar ( Metatron, the foremost angel Ishmael once At too?" him answered "Do not fear, son of and ha-penfm), said: the only brings the kingdom of Ishmael for man, Almighty in deliver you from this wicked one (Edom). He order to up over them (Ishmaelites) a prophet according to raises and and He will conquer they land for them, the will His and come it to greatness, restore a great dread will and will Simon them and the sons of Esau." Rabbi between come him and said: "How [is it known] that they are answered salvation?" He (Metatron) said our him: "Did not the to prophet Isaiah say that 'he saw a chariot with a pair of 159 the Why did he put etc.' chariot of asses be- ? horsemen 158 Simon Secrets, 78; the words in curly brackets are only in Midrash of ben Yo}:iai, Kings, destruction, The word for Ten shemad, can also mean conversion, the 465. so forced a reference to Heraclius' decree ordering be baptism of Jews (the this may word is used by Eliezer ben same Apocalyptic Poem, 415, cited in the entry Qilir, on from the Wicked Kingdom" in Chapter 12 below). "Deliverance 159 The is to Isaiah xxi. 7, which is usually translated: "And he saw a reference with chariot a asses of a chariot ( pair of horsemen, and a chariot of camels." rekhev) However, this could also be read: pair of horsemen, one riding ( rokhev) on an ass, "a opts riding a camel," and it seems that one is meant here. The Aramaic Bible on this for latter reading (Stenning, Targum of the 66-67, using rkzb) and Crone Isaiah, and Cook (Hagarism, 153 n. 13) therefore suggest that the author of the apocalypse was working from Aramaic. This is the but some commentators on the possible, Hebrew text do also favour this reading. Note that this verse came to be used by Muslim as well, writers the rider on a camel being understood as Mu}:iammad (see the entry on "Timothy I" in Chapter 11 below).

329 Apocalypses Visions and 310 the chariot camels when he should rather have said of fore chariot [then] a chariot of asses,' because of camels 'a and war], Arabs) goes forth [to he the i.e. when he (Ishmael, will on when the kingdom and arise by upon a camel, rides he rides his hands ass? that an he said the upon [Given he this], of asses, since chariot (the Messiah) reverse of the an ass, shows that they upon Ishmaelites, repre- (the rides the chariot of camels) by a salvation for Israel, sented are like salvation of the rider on an the (i.e. the Messiah)." ass Another Rabbi Simon used to say that he heard exegesis: Ishmael [say], he had heard that the kingdom Rabbi when was land "They will measure the Ishmael of approaching: divide as ropes, said, 'And he shall it the land for a with is make into cemeteries they will a And (Daniel price' xi.39). of place and when one flocks; them dies, they pasturing for bury him in whatever place they plough and later find will is grave sow thereon. Thus the and said: 'The children of it Israel shall eat their bread defiled (Ezekiel iv.l3),' because 160 the should not be encroached upon." unclean field "And he the Kenite:" and what parable did Again: saw one when take up, except that wicked he saw the (Balaam) were sons (the Kenite's) sons who his to arise and the of Israel, he began to rejoice and subject "Strong ( etiin) said: is your place. I see that the sons of man do not eat dwelling according of the commandments save Etan the Ezrah- to ite."l61 clear In passage it is the that the Arabs (Kenites, Ishmaelites) above messianic the in the author to play a significant role by expected were namely The outlines their mission, section to eliminate the drama. first (Ed om, sons of Esau) and to restore to land of Israel the Byzantines owners. former and to its however, section, The second glory its former 160 This quotation from Rabbi Ishmael is given in a longer form in Rabbi Eliezer, Chapters, (cited below). XXX 161 Simon ben Yol,lai, Secrets, 78-79; Etan the Ezrahite appears in the Bible as a commonly Abraham. as writings but was rabbinic identified in of East, the sage

330 Apocalypses and Visions 311 goes further, comparing the Arabs' mission to that of the Messiah. The exegesis of Isaiah aims to demonstrate that the Arabs are not simply heralds or forerunners of the Messiah, but are themselves liberators, perhaps having in mind Isaiah lx.6: "The caravans of camels shall cover (protect and redeem) you." The increased hostility of the Byzantine empire towards its Jewish communities during the late sixth and early seventh century, which cul- minated in Heraclius' decree ordering their compulsory baptism, make it unsurprising that a number of Jews should hail the Arab conquerors as deliverers. What our author is trying to do is to justify and find confirmation for such a conclusion from scripture, and to place the af- fair in the grander context of God's plan for Israel. The use made of Isaiah is fairly explicit. Rather abstruse in the text as we have it is the recourse to Numbers xxiv.21: "And he (Balaam) saw the Kenite and took up his parable and said: 'Strong is your dwelling place and you put your nest in a rock."' The Kenites are sons of Jethro, Salamians, 162 identified in Byzantine inscriptions and literature as an Arab tribe. Balaam is the Biblical "prophet of the gentiles" sent to Moab and the Midianites, and so an appropriate figure to prophesy about the Arabs. His first words advance a favourable verdict upon the future of their dominion: "Strong is your dwelling place." And the second part seems bound up with the favourable description of 'Umar I in the Secrets: The second king who arises from Ishmael will be a lover of Israel. He restores their breaches and the breaches of the Temple. He hews Mount Moriah, makes it level and builds a mosque ( hishta~awiiyii) there on the Temple rock, as it is 163 said: "Your nest is set in the rock." After this, however, Balaam's prophecy takes on a polemical aspect, for we see him rejoicing at the coming of the Kenite's sons "who were to arise and subject Israel." It would seem, then, that the Secrets contains a number of messianic interpretations of the Arab conquerors, dating to and prompted by 162 Gil, "The Origin of the Jews of Yathrib," 217-18. 163 Simon ben Yo}:iai, Secrets, 79. Hishta~awiiyii literally means a place of prostra- tion; cf. Talmud (Jerusalem), Avoda Zara 4.43d.

331 Apocalypses Visions and 312 164 activity the Temple Mount. But it is equally on 'Umar's, building the original has been reworked .. The anti-Arab that version evident of and Rabbi Ishmael's account of the evils Balaam's prophecy twist perpetrated by the Arabs in the land contrast oddly with the to be on Isaiah. the entry on 'Umar has become confused with exegesis And of for ruler, probably Mu'awiya, biography he is said to the another whereas with great honour," and 'Umar was murdered. peace "die in refashioning of the Secrets has The many details, but not obscured the felt by certain sectors of the Jewish population at the anticipation wicked kingdom" at the hands of the "the of liberation from prospect Arabs. invading Pesiqta rabbati composition known as The Pesiqta rabbati is a collection of rabbinic the the the Biblical lessons prescribed for reading on expounding discourses 165 and special Sabbaths of the Jewish year. festivals, Language fasts the that authorities cited indicate and it was composed in rabbinic Palestine, and that 777 years have a notice since the destruction elapsed of the Temple reveals that the work was copied or revised in 845, though clearly drawing earlier Talmudic on and having a material undergone 166 of and redaction. development process long discourses intended to be read on the 'seven Among those Sabbaths Consolation follow of which of Fast Ninth of August, there the the form (XXXIV-XXXVII) which by their style and a content four are 164 compositions, not have been independent need as is as- These interpretations serted Crone and Cook, Hagarism, 35-37; they by to take into account the style fail of exposition whereby a Biblical quotation midrashic be adduced, then various will digressions indulged in before the quotation is considered. again 165 Pesikta further references see Braude, and rabbati, 1-26; Strack For discussion Sternberger, lntmduction to Talmud and and 322-29. Each midrashic Midrash, discourse a pisqa (usual plural is called peslqiitii), is which literally means "section" or "division;" rabbati simply means "large" and was probably applied this work to Pesiqta distinguish from a similar to entitled it or Pesiqta d-rab I< ahana compilation (the two works are compared Neusner, From Tradition to Imitation). by 166 Braude, Pesikta rabbati, 3, 20-26; Kern-Ulmer, "'Arlkha ve-qanonlz~iya be- Peslqta rabbatl."

332 Apocalypses and Visions 313 distinctive unity. the coming the Messiah and present They treat of who his suffer to bring about the redemption of one people, him as will Zion" also of the "Mourners for mention who are mocked there and is but Messiah on account of whose ceaseless prayers the fellow Jews, by events Further, some description of the is that will there will appear. accompany the Messiah's arrival: the in which the Messiah year himself, all the reveals In of the nations of the earth will be kings strife with one at king of Persia will make war against a king The another. go and of Arabia will king to Edom to take this Arabia, of the Edomites. Thereupon the king of Persia from counsel again lay the whole world waste. All the nations of the will will agitated world and frightened, they will fall upon be faces the they will be seized with pangs like their pangs and 167 a woman of labour. in Bamberger the of On passage basis argues that chapters XXXIV- this XXXVII must have been written in the years 632-37, for only then were the of Persia, Byzantium and Arabia simultaneously in empires 168 The seems, however, to be general eschatological saying existence. rather a response to a specific historical situation. than speculation of the The of Arabia could easily be modelled on a Lakhmid figure king even Ghassanid ruler, which would allow or date anywhere from the a fourth the sixth century, but some time in the first half of the seventh to 169 remains a possibility. century Chapters Rabbi Eliezer The of important example Another rabbinic pseudepigrapha are the Pirqe of ("Chapters") attributed to the famed first-century scholar Eliezer ben 167 Pesiqta XXXVI (tr. Braude, 681-82); attributed to a Rabbi Isaac. rabbati, 168 Bamberger, Messianic Document of the Seventh Century." "A 169 before "Iran and the Arabs See Islam." Braude's objection (Pesikta Bosworth, is 24) that Persia did not contend with Arabia in the seventh century rabbati, before the Shortly incorrect. encounters of major 630s there was the battle of the Dhu Qar (see Elr, s.v. "Dii Qar"), and Chron. Siirt LXXXVII, PO 13, 539-40, them at this time. says there was constant strife between

333 Apocalypses Visions and 314 The work a narrative midrash reviewing the most note- Hyrcanus. is events worthy of Creation to Exodus. It is clearly the from Pentateuch is and repetition and contradiction, there a lack of much composite, for 170 material. of the the arrangement One section, in consecutive order tried ten father Abraham was trials," with "our how which describes times. of redaction in Muslim or In the evidence composition betrays the seventh trial, which concerns God's course to Abra- of revelations the "Take me a heifer three verse: old, a she-goat three years ham, years pigeon" ram three years old, (Genesis and a young a turtledove a old, is explained follows: xv.9) as of three refers to the kingdom old" Edom, years heifer "A which the heifer of a sheep. "A is three years like she-goat ... the kingdom of Greece to "A ram three years old" refers "A is the kingdom of Media turtle- Persia ... and this old," Ishmael. this the sons of to ... "And a young refers dove," compared are who the Israelites, to to this pigeon," refers are my the is said: "0 in dove, you as a young it pigeon, 171 clefts of the rock." These four kingdoms are to endure "one day," a thousand years "ac- More to of the Holy One." day specifically, "all the day the cording that is, except for 28 years, assum- for hour," two of an except thirds been to 24 hours. This has represent taken by many ing a millennium as an indication of the time of writing: Friedlander counts from scholars persecution of Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes in 168 BC, arriving at the in the rebuilding of the Temple 352 BC, which with Silver 832; begins thirds him 648. The last age, the two to of an hour, is meant to brings be one of disturbance, which would in the first case be the fourth Arab 172 the second the Arab invasions. civil war in (809-33), ninth that pertains to Sarah's insistence Abraham's he "cast trial xxi.10). this and her son" (Genesis out During this chap- bondswoman 17 °Friedlander, Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer, xv-xviii. On this work see JE, s.v. "Pirke Talmud de-Rabbi and Sternberger, Introduction to Strack and Midrash, Eli'ezer;" 356-58. 171 Rabbi Eliezer, Chapters, XXVIII (tr. Friedlander, 198). 172 6; Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer, 200 n. Friedlander, Silver, History of Messianic Spec- 39-40. ulation,

334 Apocalypses and Visions 315 ter meet the prophet Balaam, who warns that the similarity we again alive names bodes ill for those Ishmael in the Israel the and between live latter, the is said: "Alas who shall as when God estab- days of it 173 lishes exact The him" ills are then stated on the (Numbers xxiv.23). 174 Rabbi authority of Ishmael: to do are of Ishmael going children in the things the Fifteen Israel] in the latter days, land they will measure [of namely, land ropes, and make with cemetery into a dunghill the the the flock rests, and they from measure them and will where 175 upon of the mountains. the Falsehood will them tops truth be hidden; law will be removed multiply and will and sins will multiply in scarlet [with] Israel Israel from 176 as wool; crimson [accounted] plant and reed pen papyrus wither, and imperial coinage will will withdrawn. They be will the desolate cities and clear the roads; they will build gardens the orchards, fence in the broken walls of plant and and the a building in Temple Temple. Two brothers erect their arise them, princes in will body. And in their over days the Scion, the son of David, will arise, as it is said: of the those kings, the God of Heaven will set up a days "In 177 be destroyed (Daniel ii.44)." which shall kingdom never then with a more vague prediction: "Three Ishmael continues Rabbi trouble will wars sons of Ishmael in the future wage on the earth of the the latter days ... one in the in of Arabia ... another at sea ... and forest 173 rendering Eliezer, (tr. Friedlander, 221); the usual XXX is Rabbi Chapters, God does this." "when 174 is that first part of this paragraph the quoted, also on the authority of Note above). {cited Yo}:!ai the Secrets of Simon ben in Ishmael, Rabbi 175 Eventu 58 and Two Vaticinia ex Ness. in Hebrew," asserts that Mayerson, "P. the land with ropes" "measuring a land survey, the like of the geometria signifies ton Sarakenon recorded in Nessana Papyri, no. 58. 176 Cf. Isaiah i.18: "Though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow; though they red like crimson, they shall be as wool." be 177 Rabbi Chapters, XXX (tr. Eliezer, 221-22); Friedlander's trans- Friedlander, lation has been modified in the light of the comments of Krauss, Studien zur Arab byzantinisch-y"iidischen 145, and Kedar, "The Geschichte, Conquests and Agri- culture," 3-4.

335 Apocalypses Visions and 316 in a city which is in Rome." Again, scholars are divided one great date is signalled here. A clue is the mention of two what being over Ma'miln identified as Amln and been by Graetz, have brothers, who and Ziyad ibn Abl Sufyan by Silver, and as Saffa.]:l and Mu'awiya as 178 by One could make a good case for the reign of Man~ur Lewis. which with exactly al-Malik, that of his brother 'Abd 'Abd coincides of Egypt. Both initiated many building projects and al-'Azlz, governor al-Malik of course constructed the Dome of the 'Abd located on Rock, the Mount itself. Inscriptions on a number of milestones attest Temple attention to building, and he indeed withdrew the Byzantine his road which with no cross, must surely type circulating coinage, a Muslim the the Coming back to Jews. millennium for which have impressed four kingdoms will last, it is possible the the Greek calendar is that being as a gauge, which would then take us to the end of the used safer century, seventh falling in 688-89. But it is perhaps AG to 1000 that no specific timescale was intended. assume Other small details, such as the names of Ishmael's wives being 179 'A'isha and confirm the idea that the episode of the trials of Fatima, was Abraham Muslim times. It is unclear when the final composed in of redaction of Rabbi Eliezer was Chapters but the trials the made, 700. ca. added likely were very Jewish Apocalypse on the Umayyads text survives only as a fragment, comprising a brief list of the This caliphs, which Arab the latter part is missing. Since it begins with of thence death 'Uthman and passes of to Mu'awiya without mention- the dynasty Umayyad the subject may have been a review of its 'All, ing (744-50), reign of Marwan II the though it may mean concluding with more than that it originated in no or Syria, where 'All had not Palestine It Judaeo-Persian the legitimate ruler. resembles regarded a as been 178 Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, 5.223 n. 1; Silver, History of Messianic Specula- 331. 40-41; "An Apocalyptic Vision oflslamic History," Lewis, The first two tion, seem too late and too early respectively; Lewis' suggestion is plausible, though the simultaneously. that the brothers rule passage implies 179 Rabbi Eliezer, Chapters, XXX.

336 Apocalypses and 317 Visions cryptic enumeration of kings narrated in apocalypse in a Daniel being on tense, that work it most likely ended like an apoca- and future the 180 note. lyptic Arab civil war is alluded to as a time when "the The first sun obscured one end of the sky to the other and a great from became ibn upon Then will rule Mu'awiya men." AbT Sufyan who, fell terror God's instigation," "will "at the walls of the Temple. He will restore his prevail over the islands and the sea," a reference to of live long well of Arwad. The author is and informed, for he capture Cyprus includes Mu'awiya II, who governed only forty days or so. The even conflict during second civil war is somewhat confused, but 'Abd al- the "whose is recognised as the man easily four sons will be kings" Malik and who "will rebuild the Temple of the eternal God of Israel." There then follow a great oppressor and builder, and Sulayman, war- Walld, breaks and wealth, before the text of off in the middle amasser rior its description of 'Umar II as "an honest king, loving justice and of 181 ... hating " of Messiah Signs the Geniza fragment enumerates the following signs that must occur A appear: the son of David will Messiah before .. (missing) 1. . 2. Purification of Israel; Three remaining three days and nights; rainbows 3. 4. Rain blvod for three clays and nights; of to three clays and nights wipe away the blood; Dew 5. for 6. Solar eclipse over all the peoples except Israel; 180 See this chapter below, though in Jewish Apocalypse on the Umayyads the supplies the names of most of the kings. 181 Jewish Apocalypse on the Umayyads, 178.

337 Visions and Apocalypses 318 Ishmaelites the and Jerusalem at arrive will Edom of king The 7. defeat and Man~ur under army a large raise will They flee. will of king the withdraws, Man~ur When Bostra. at Edomites the saying: sanctuary, the at crown his over hand and go will Edom took." ancestors my what you to return I Universe, the of "Lord time. that at oppressed cruelly be will Israel And kills arises, Joseph, of son Messiah the Housiel, ben Nehemiah 8. lat- the by deposited crown the dons and Edom of king the ter. Ro- the of land the from out come will Satan, of born Armilus, 9. himself establish coast, the all and Alexandria destroy mans, Ne- have and Ishmaelites, and Romans the beguile Emmaus, in caves in hiding distress, in be will Israelites The killed. hemiah 182 Ammon. and Moab of desert the to fleeing and to arrive will David, of son Messiah the Ammiel, ben Mena};tem 10. re- thus Armilus, vanquish to and countries all of charge take Israel. deeming Per- the with Ishmaelites the identifying 7 and Sign of basis the On to work this dates Marmorstein II, Khusrau with "Man~ur" and sians 183 the for precedent of lack the aside Leaving 638." and 628 "between bear must one second, the of implausibility the and assumption first need and eschatology in exercise an is composition this that mind in for unlikely, seems date pre-Islamic A history. in anchor any have not scripture. and a law having 9 as Sign in depicted are Ishmaelites the late the to it assign to have would one a date, give to compelled If Muslims the did Crusades the of time the in only for century, eleventh Jerusalem. from Romans before flee 182 seventh-century early certain in appears first Israel, of enemy last the Armilus, Doc- the and Qilir, ben Eliezer of a poem Zerubbabel, of Book the including texts, in Themes Typological "Three Berger, and "Armilus," s.v. JE, (see Jacobi trina 155-62). Messianism," Jewish Early 183 177-80. Messie," du signes "Les Marmorstein,

338 Apocalypses and Visions 319 On That Day much the spirit as the above text is a Jewish apocalyptic very In same a Geniza "On which opens: in that day poem, preserved fragment, to Messiah David will come of a downtrodden people, the son when forth." be seen in the world and will be A brought will these signs "the follows marvels, a battle between natural king of the then of list the king of the East" at West the former holds firm, the and which of "from the land of a king whose "armies will emergence Yoqtan" the Land," Gog and Magog, Israel "freed of all their no and sins" seize kings no house of prayer," the the of Edom "will be "kept more far from people rebel Antioch will "the and make peace," "Ma'uziya of more," Galilee be consoled," "Acre and and will be shown mercy," Samaria will 184 Ishmael "Gaza fight in the valley of Acre," and will and "Edomites her be stoned," "Ascalon and will will be terror- daughters Ashdod and finally the Messiah will be revealed and Israel "will be stricken," consoled." its so this an eschatological venture, but also a poem, is Not only with historical reality doubly tenuous. Nevertheless, opinions is link first the date have not been unforthcoming. Marcus found that its on its present name, corresponded with that the piece which line, gives a ascribed the poem seventh-century poet Eliezer ben Qilir, to of early 185 There must surely, however, have and proposed common authorship. this and so argument seems this with beginning, poems numerous been setting Lewis, too, favours an particularly seventh-century weak. early on grounds that "the battle of the king of the West and the king the the war refers to the last great East between Byzantium and Per- of the then comes the invasion of Palestine by .. Arabs and the defeat sia, and eviction of the Byzantines." Ginzberg felt that it pertained to the time of Crusades, and the preponderance of names of Palestinian the 184 text): YoJ:tai, Prayer, 122 (a Crusader-period ben "The sons of Ish- Cf. Simon mael war in the Edomites make the plain of Acre." with 185 a Jewish Lewis, "On That Day: Cited Apocalyptic Poem," 198, who ad- by vances his own arguments for date. This time of writing is also a seventh-century by Yahalom, proposed toqpan she] ye~lr6t "'AI 128, who provides a new sifriit," edition (ibid., 130-33) based on six Geniza pieces, the fullest version found among for poems Eliezer ben Qilir of Tish' at be- A v.

339 Apocalypses Visions and 320 186 cities this. certainly That Israel would no longer be coastal suggests from "kept far ref- prayer" sound like a however, of house does, the erence relaxation of Hadrian's ban on Jewish access the to Muslims' renewed by Heraclius, and so is to point in favour of a Jerusalem a date. if the author were really a witness to the seventh-century But one of conquest, as Lewis claims, Arab would have expected events the detail, vividness and verisimilitude in greater narration. Instead we his have that plays with eschatological motifs, conjuring up a vision a work the march armies and the proliferation of supernatural events, and of of when fear kindles "in promising times of hearts gentiles" and the the when "blessings consolations will be showered on" Israel. and one If does "has fully Gil that this poem with no reliable foothold not agree 187 to on its date," one should at least exercise caution. which determine A Judaeo-Byzantine Daniel A Hebrew text describes itself as "the vision of Daniel which was re- vealed to in the days of Khusrau, king of Persia, and it is the him of vision There follows a review fourteen." fourteen rulers who the of characterised in allusive terms and from a Jewish perspective. The are second reads as follows: entry sign of his name will be the two Bs The He will become ... surfeited his goodness and with turn his face against will the holy ones of the Most High. He will baptise them by force and much woe ... He will pass his sceptre into his with the hand sign inheritance, whose name will be for an son's 188 of royalty for beasts, Leo. This has been interpreted, plausibly, as a reference to the emperor order ( I (867-86), who did Basil compulsory baptism of Jews, basileus) 186 Ginzberg, Genizah Studies, 1.310. 187 History of Palestine, 63 n. 65. Gil, 188 Ps.-Daniel (Judaeo-Byzantine), Vision, 313 (tr. Sharf, 304).

340 Apocalypses and 321 Visions his and VI (886-912), and the whole work to be a commentary son Leo 189 Macedonian emperors. on dynasty the of 190 Texts Persian the The which sees apocalyptic latter as a narrative view of history, past and future course of the cosmic of between Good the struggle to have been present in Zoroastrianism since the Evil, seem and would 191 did its Although Persian apocalypses prophet. not acquire a days of au- until the ninth century, citations by Greek and Latin form definitive 192 thors as the fourth century BC illustrate their antiquity. as Oral early meant preservation works could easily be updated, recording that these between most in the throes developments Light and Darkness the recent the fate of Iran. A major development was of course the subju- and gation the Persian realm to the Muslims, and this has left its mark of the illustration writings, a vivid in of the anguish felt by apocalyptic loss of Iranian populace at the much of their sovereignty and rapid the demise of their former way of life. Bahman yasht text has survived as a summary of a Middle Persian commen- This only 193 on Avestan Bahman yasht. It (zand) recounts two visions tary the four the of a tree with Zoroaster, and with seven branches of prophet of metals, the the vision being an expanded version second different of Ahuramazda This to Zoroaster by explained as signifying the first. is periods of his, the tenth, different The fourth/seventh age, millennium. 189 "Un nouveau texte pour Krauss, judea-byzantine;" Sharf, "A Source l'histoire for Byzantine Jewry under Early Macedonians" (includes a translation); Meinar- the "A 14th Vision of Daniel." Judaeo-Byzantine dus, 190 apocalyptic texts are briefly surveyed by Tavadia, Persian Mittelpersis- che und Literatur, 121-26; Collins, Sprache Apocalypses;" Elr, s.v. "Persian "Apocalyptic." 191 Cumont, "La fin du monde selon les mages occidentaux;" Boyce, "On the An- tiquity of Apocalyptic." Zoroastrian 192 Duchesne-Guillemin, La de l'lran ancien, 343-54. religion 193 Though see Gignoux, "Sur !'inexistence d'un Bahman Yasht avestique." For an introduction to this text see Elr, s.v. "Bahman Yast."

341 Apocalypses Visions and 322 age the which comes after that comprising the reign of Khusrau of Iron, and which the millennium of Zoroaster, is one of adver- (531-79) closes I hair, kinds of demons with dishevelled "a of the race myriad when sity, rush into the country of Iran from the direction of the Wrath, east," of people will suffer, and when "sovereignty will come and when religion 194 those from leather-belted Arabs and Romans." (Turks) Af- and ones endured the of woes to be hearing by his people, Zoroaster ter catalogue and Mazdaeans they restore the Good Religion of the do asks: "Whence what means will they destroy those demons with dishevelled hair, by the race Wrath?" In reply, Ahuramazda relates to him that after of of upheavals disturbances of the fourth/seventh age the warrior- the and king Warjawand and the prince Pishyotan, coming with 150 Wahram men, will defeat Iran's enemies and usher in the millennium righteous Ushedar in which the Good Religion will flourish. Finally, there of of arrive and last millennium, that twelfth the Saoshyant, who will the the creatures again pure, and exis- resurrection and future the "makes occur." tence eschatological sketch features with This minor changes in the only two other major Persian apocalypses discussed below, the Ja- Middle namag masp XXXIII of the Bundahishn ("Creation"), and Chapter has an argued that all three draw upon it apocalypse com- and been Bahram 590 the heroic figure of around Chobin. He success- posed in the to the Turks in the east and laid claim Sasa- against fully fought II throne but was removed by Khusrau 590-91), with the help ( nian 195 Byzantines. an Certainly, though comprising A vest of and the leg- 96 endary its pretension to apocalyptic knowledge has made elements/ Bahman yasht a candidate for continual revision and elaboration. the Thus what probably began as a lamentation over the predations of the Macedonian conquerors, demons with dishevelled hair," became "the in the redaction directed against the invading Arabs. That these final come from "demons" East that the the Abbasid revolution suggests also may become incorporated. The Pazand version would seem have to confirm this, telling that "those men of basest lineage will rush from 194 IV.2-3, IV.59 (tr. West, 201-202, 210). yasht, Bahman 195 "Bahram Cobin and the Persian Apocalyptic Literature," postulates Czegledy, of 590 that was a source of all three texts. apocalypse an 196 Widengren, "Leitende Ideen und Quellen der iranischen Apokalyptic," 104-19.

342 Apocalypses and Visions 323 the Khurasan upon the land of Iran, with banners uplifted region of 197 all of and banners black." refer Turks taken of West to was to "the Ghaznavids mention The by of the eleventh and twelfth centuries," but the Turks were and Seljuks 198 old foes of in the Bahman yasht and other apocalyptic lran. And Turks with appear the Arabs and Romans, the trio texts commonly Iran's chief antagonists through the ages. Indeed, simply representing is a part of the eschatological drama that "Turk it Arab and Roman and 199 together." will The Bahman yasht, though obviously revised in come wake of Arab occupation, need not, then, be later than the ninth the the definitive when Zoroastrian books were finally given many century, so 200 form. ]iimiisp niimag apocalypse is presented as a prediction of Jamasp, This and minister recipient omniscience from Zoroaster, which was given in reply to of king many question: "How the years will this Pure Religion Wishtasp's and afterwards what times and seasons will come?" Jamasp endure, answers the king: It will a thousand years. Then those men who are endure that time all become covenant-breakers. One with at will will false. revengeful and envious and they And another be be reason nation of Iran will that delivered up to for the Arabs ( tiijfkiin ), and the Arabs will daily grow stronger the and seize district after district. Men will turn to unrigh- will and royal ... Much falsehood treasure and wealth teousness will into pass hands and the of enemies ... Ane- possession ran and Eran will be confounded so that the Iranian will not 197 Bahman IV.4 (tr. West, 202 n. 2). Pazand refers to transcription of yasht, Persian script the ambiguous Pahlavi Middle into the clear Avestan alphabet, from twelfth was common in the that to fourteenth centuries. an activity 198 West, Pahlavi Texts, l.liv; Bailey, "Iranian Studies," 945-51. 199 Jiimiisp 1.15, 11.6 (tr. Bailey, 584). niimag, Bahman yasht, Vl.lO (tr. West, Cf. 5.94). Bundahishn, XXXIII.24-27; Denkard, 7.VIII.2 (tr. West, 218); 20 °For this point see Boyce, Zoroastrians, 152-56.

343 Apocalypses and Visions 324 from be those who are Iranians the 'distinguished foreigner; 201 will to ways. back foreign turn that was In held dear would be profaned and general, all previously debased and despicable would prevail. As in the what was Bahman yasht have here an account of the millennium of Zoroaster, above, we marked and foreign invasion end turmoil. Similarly, numerous by its "Pishyotan battles are fought before and will come with conflicts follow disciples" and "Ushedar, son of Zoroaster, will appear to reveal 150 faith, and will be at an end, joy and gladness and happiness the evil 202 that It has been suggested "the insignificant and come." will have man who will bring by his valour. .. the country under his unknown rule," to appears Khurasan, is who in Ya'qub ibn Layth and a reference Coppersmith, who appropriated much of Iran in the late ninth the 203 This the Saffarid dynasty. is unlikely in that and founded century 204 figure of this upstart pretender is found in other apocalypses, the but it that Ya'qub's career affected his role and character. is possible plausible ninth-century date is again the most for late a And certainly final text's the redaction. Bundahishn treat 30 of first compendium-style text chapters the origin The this and of Creation. The final six chapters, most likely added at nature ruling later the history of Iran's review dynasty, the Kayanids, date, a and abodes which the Kayanids made with splendour." Chapter "the XXXIII is "On the calamities which millennium by millennium entitled: the country of Iran," and contains the following entry: have come upon 201 Jiimiisp L2-3 ( tr. Bailey, 55-56). niimag, 202 Ibid., ( tr. Bailey, 585-86). The text is discussed by Benveniste, "Une 1.21 the apocalypse Zamiisp-Namak;" Olsson, "Apocalyptic Activity: le Case pehlevie: of Jamasp Namag." 203 See Modi's introduction to his edition of the Jiimiisp niimag, xxxviii-xxxix. On the Coppersmith." Stern, significance see and "Ya'qiib Ya'qi.ib his himself 204 See Czegledy, "Bahram Chobin and the Persian Apocalyptic Literature," 33-34, that Bahram is intended. who says

344 325 Apocalypses and Visions sovereignty When Yazdgird, he reigned twenty came the to Arabs entered in great numbers. Yazd- then the Iran years; contend not gird with did went to them in battle. He the assistance of asked for and and Khurasan Turkestan They killed him there. Yazdgird's son horses and men. and brought an army and troops. He was to India went troops The army and were coming Khurasan. before to slain remained with the Arabs. and promul- Iran They destroyed laws of irreligion, dissolved own their gated the of bonds the the men of old and institutions the Mazdaean of weakened They into use the washing, burying and brought religion. of From the beginning of creation polluted eating matter. has than this come, since more day grievous no till this evil their evil deeds distress and desolation and reason by of made their abode [in Iran]. By reason of lamentation have is] pestilence and laws [there wicked wicked faith, their and Religion other is stated in the It that there and evils. want 205 end of shall accursed rule. come an their Then commences the eschatological drama, once more following a sim- the pattern to the previous two works, ending with the arrival of ilar Saoshyant the resurrection of the dead. and end XXXV priests. At the Zoroastrian one "Parr- lists Chapter the they call Jadagih son of Ashawahisht" speaks of himself in bay whom contemporary He names as his first a certain Zadspram, the person. 206 who as the author of a similar is known From an epistle compendium. dated to AD 881, Zadspram may be Manushchihr, of elder brother his to in been active inferred the late ninth century. The earliest have of recension the Bundahishn, complete with the additional chapters, is likely, then, to have been made about this time. Since the attempt at a comeback by in 651 and by his son Peroz in 678 are noted, Yazdgird 207 not of his great-grandson Khusrau in but 728, it is possible that that 205 Bundahishn, For an introduction to this text XXXIII.20-23. Eir, s.v. "Bun- see dahisn." 206 Bundahishn, XXXVA.8; namely, the Wizfdagi"hii ("Selections") of Zadspram, on see Gignoux and Tafazzoli, which Anthologie de Zadspram. 207 Tabar1, 2.1518 (AH 110): he sets out with the Khaqan "to restore my kingdom prince im- the at homage that this pay came to me." menton sources Chinese to

345 Apocalypses Visions and 326 apocalyptic this from the late seventh century, but this section derives proven. be cannot Denkard is encyclopaedia of Zoroastrian religion an lore. This effectively text and an It and a defence of the faith and of the princi- is both exposition give it cogency and life. The first to work on its compilation that ples in the was high priest of Fars Adurfarnbag who was i Farrokhzadan, material of and to whom the (813-33) in Books 4 and time Ma'mun is explicity attributed. His son suffered a "terrible calamity" and 5 text the and scattered, and fell into a state of bad repair, "was rent Adurbad "1, i Emedan, head of the but and deterioration corruption," after ... and searching and questioning much trouble I by Mazdaeans, composed ... brought it together ... [addi- some this writing rediscovered of ... named it ... 'the Acts and the Religion ( Denkard) tional] chapters 208 chapters."' Adurbad This in is 1000 likely the same whose very the caliph Ra<;l1 in AH killed lsfandiyar, son also high priest, was by 209 in so Adurbad himself must have lived 325/937, the late ninth/ early 210 tenth century. standard outline eschatological history can also be found in The of Book compendium. this 7 a biography of Zoroaster; it ends is largely Iran, future career of the including a description of a survey with of "after millennium, be at the end of the the prophet's will how things "the the of Iran" and before sovereignty arrival of Ushedar:" collapse of state of affairs now evident is The of how Iranian indicative rule come to an end in has country of Iran, and of the the perial court in 730 and 737 (see Harmatta, "The Middle Persian-Chinese Bilingual Inscription," 375). 208 Denkard, (tr. de Menasce, 380). 3.CCCCXX 209 Tanbih, 104-105; assuming that we should emend Mas'udi, to 'ymyd. 'nmyd 21 confirmation is given by °Further XXXIII.ll, which mentions him Bundahishn, de; Texts, of Zadspram. See West, Pahlavi contemporary a as work Une mazdeenne, 8-12. Menasce, the encyclopedie itself see idem, "Zoroas- On trian Literature after the Muslim Conquest," 544-45, 553-60; Elr, s. v. "Denkard." times see derive from Sasanian may what de Menasce, "Zoroastrian Pahlavi For Writings," 1170-76.

346 Apocalypses and 327 Visions justice destruction and classes, and of the and of customs with those (Arabs) and the haughty dishevelled of rule hair (Byzantines). And of the mix- the churchmen and (Turks) and three of them, of the being trusted all of ing together station with them of the inferior, the the highest attaining and of undistinguished transient the age, and petty, the the and of excellent and notable men destruction the downfall 211 their in time. Book a collection of commentaries or reflections on three 9 contains treatises ( and at one point speaks of the four periods of nask), Gathic the fourth being characterised by "much of Zoroaster, millennium the the the authority of the apostate and other villains ... , of propagation and of goodness and virtue, kind of the disappearance weakening every 212 and wisdom from of honour countries of Iran." the A Pahlavi Ballad on the End of Times This lament the sorry state of Iran is a rare example of a Pahlavi on unremarkable. its contents are but It bewails that with poem rhyme, Arabs "ruined the Religion and killed the kings," that "they have the taken away force from men their wives and wealth, parks and gar- by tax" that have imposed capitation "they (gazitak ). And it dens," "their Arabs," to when "we will bring vengeance on the forward looks set ( will cast down, we will we up fires, their idol- mosques mazgitrhii) we will eradicate and blot them out from the world." It is a temples Persian of New as is indicated by the appearance of traces piece, late 213 and a few Arabic words. usage of 211 7.VIII.2-3 (tr. West, 5.94-95). Denkard, 212 /bid., 9.VIII.5 (tr. West, 4.181). 213 I below. under Pahlavi Ballad on See End of Times in Bibliography the

347 Apocalypses Visions and 328 Prophecy of The Rostam ("Book The of the poet Firdawsl (d. ca. 1020) is of Shahname Kings") Iran epic, the history of recounting from Creation Iranian the national Arab conquests. Almost at its end it tells the tale of the until the who general appointed by Yazdgird to face the invading Rostam, was sagacious, man of alert mind, warlike and one "He was Muslims. a who a calculator conqueror," and "he was a of the stars." had been the eve of the Persian defeat at the battle On Qadisiyya Rostam of brought astrolabe and cast a horoscope. This revealed that "there an no propitiousness this combat," and Rostam wrote a long letter is for end brother his for Iran and the foretelling of the Sasanian to calamity 214 dynasty. whole natural and moral order would be turned upside The land," and would rule in the men who "shall seek the "new down, of but their own gain, name shall masquerade in the loss of others for Though writing in Persian, Firdawsl is likely drawing on New religion." Prophecy the which with literature, apocalyptic Middle Persian earlier 215 shows parallels. Rostam certain of A Judaeo-Persian Daniel is composed in New Persian, but written in This char- work Hebrew 216 archaic style, and and puts in the mouth of Daniel an into acters of Israel's fate from his own times to those of the Messiah. It account opens words in Aramaic-"!, Daniel a few ena Danyal) ... "- with ( made its first commentator think that it might derive from a which 217 occurring Daniel. Targum The events of in Daniel's lifetime are lost 218 in detail and form a distinctive section. narrated Then comes the 214 The is found in Firdawsi, Shiihniime "reign ofYazdgird," verses 88-155 prophecy tr. 413-14). (partial Levy, 215 by Kra.snowolska, "Rostam Farroxzad's Prophecy." Perhaps relying on Argued of same Persian writings are a number Middle Arabic sources which also speak the 1.2252). Rostam's predictions and knowledge of astrology (e.g. 'fabari, of 216 is common with Judaeo-Persian; As JE, s.v. "Judaeo-Persian." see 217 Thus Munk whose comments on this work are cited in full by Darmesteter, 406-407. "L'apocalypse persane de Daniel," 218 Ps.-Daniel (Judaeo-Persian), Apocalypse, 386-402.

348 329 Apocalypses and Visions 24 kings with some remarks on the reign proper, a list apocalypse of of each which is revealed to the prophet by God appearance and/or one, of him grief at the destruction his Jerusalem. The descrip- in console to always vague, and the identity of most is obscure. The third king, is tion is characterised by good relations with Israel, mar- rule whose 400-year worship men their mothers and sisters and of of the sun, may riage to 219 to symbolise the Sasanian dynasty (226-636). The be fifth meant presumably signifying Mul;tammad: is clearer, figure somewhat Daniel, I saw in their days there was to arise a king I, that small of stature hue. He will have no fortune and red and He not scripture of the Lord. the will take for will consider the title of prophet. upon will go forth and come He himself and be a camel-driver. He will come from the a camel will and call the men to worship South Much evil will come him. Among to the Israelites. him the Israelites some will from write Daniel, to his religion and his law. But you, over go testament to Israelites so that they do not go over to the a religion abandon the law of his but observe the Moses, nor 220 of law Israel. that the suggested king, who "will massacre Darmesteter twenty-first men of Israel," "make war with the Romans," "have three sons," the (786- years and die in 23 East," was Harlin al-Rash1d the "reign for Except Jews the slaughter of 809).221 these features are applicable to for the Harlin, of the activites of some sons would fit those perpetrated and by Harlin's offspring. Residence in the East, proscription of wearing capture the West from his brother and a twenty-year reign of black, know what we of Ma'mlin (813-33), for with accord would, example, Am1n. Babel in son The brother who elder seized from power who his not reign" be Qasim al-Mu'taman, whom Harlin appointed could "will governor of Mesopotamia and third in succession, though his turn never 219 Ibid., (= Darmesteter, 409/413). 404-406 220 406 (= Darmesteter, 409-10/413-14). Ibid., 221 Darmesteter, "L'apocalypse persane de Daniel," 418-20. He identifies the three out of making Mul;lammad and Amln, seemingly as two people sons Ma'miln, Mul;lammad al-Amln.

349 Apocalypses Visions and 330 222 to' caliphate. hold The king who comes from the West and came the against the of the East and of the Maghrib was taken by war kings wages the to the Fatimids, and represent red-clad king others Darmesteter and Romans who goes to Damascus, "breaks the empire of Ishmael" the of oppresses and the Crusader leader Godfrey of Bouillon, which as Israel, us well the late twelfth century; but it may take be that this to would 223 a real as an eschatological rather than is figure. meant red-clad king Muslim Arabic Texts interest in this genre is illustrated by Muslim existence of numerous the versions the of Daniel, one allegedly translated from a apocalypse of at by behest of Mu'awiya I, and also manuscript the report the Greek at Marwan II was very pleased that an "apocalypse of Enoch" the caliph being him by Cyriacus, bishop of Sistan, for it showed him for compiled his son. Further, by bishop of Cremona (961- Liudprand, succeeded have informs Greeks and Saracens "The certain writings which 72), us: call the visions of Daniel. .. .In they is found written how many them years each shall live, what emperor will occur during his reign, crises whether he shall have peace or war and whether fortune will smile upon the Saracens not ... And both peoples pay serious heed to these or 224 dates." are Muslim documents, apocalyptic writings in Though they tradition here a brief mention Islamic for two reasons: they deserve the 222 3.651-53, describes Hariin's succession arrangements. ':fabari, 223 "L'apocalypse persane de Daniel," 420, followed by Mader, "Les Darmesteter, History of Messianic Spec- apocryphes Silver, and Daniel," 47-48, apocalypses de History," Lewis, "An Apocalyptic Vision of Islamic 48. 335, and, in ulation Israel, that the Syrian ve-Shomronim," 387-90, more cautiously, Kedar, "Yehiidim suggest campaign John Tzimisces (969-76) may be of since the Crusaders did not go meant, to Damascus. Bousset, "Beitrage zur Geschichte der Eschatologie," 125-26, points out that Christian king who oppresses Israel and rules for nine months is a this feature times. Jewish apocalyptic literature from Talmudic standard of 224 Sezgin, 7.312-17, and Pingree, "Astrology," 291-92 (apocalypses of GAS, the Syrian 1l.XXII, 465/507 (Marwan); Wright, Liudprand of Daniel); Michael Cremona, 257-58. Note also the document found in the possession of a client of 'Abd the Ghamr ibn Yazid ibn prince al-Malik which predicted the num- Umayyad ber of years of Mahdi's reign, presumably being some sort of apocalypse (':fabari, 3.496-97). further Casanova, See Mohammed et Ia fin du monde; Blichfeldt, Early Mahdism; Cook, "Muslim Apocalyptic and Jihad."

350 Apocalypses and 331 Visions 225 often demonstrably and they frequently draw heavily on are early, They scattered among numerous ~adzth are found Christian models. concentrated of most interesting material is much in the but works, the 226 of Nu'aym (d. 843), the Kitiib al-fitan. I:fammad early collection ibn the Hour of Signs abounds in eschatological imagery and frequently proclaims The Qur'an "the Hour coming" (xx.l5, xxii.7, xxxiii.63, xl.59, xlii.17), even is that (xliii.61 the Hour" ). There soon itself "Knowledge for to alluding as a genre arose ~adlth dealing with the signs that indicated the ap- of 227 to (ashriit al-sii'a), of analagous Hour the "travails of the the proach found in eschatology. One example will have to suffice Messiah" Jewish here: six God said: "Count of [signs] before the The Messenger The first of them will be my death, ... the second will Hour. the bayt of Jerusalem ( be al-maqdis ), ... the third conquest be dis- ( mawtiin) that will be like a fatal sheep will a plague among 'ii~ al-ghanam) my community, ... the fourth qu ( ease be internal strife (fitna) among my community, ... the will fifth will be that wealth will abound among you to such an extent that a man given a hundred dinars he would be were ... and sixth will be a truce between you and displeased, the ( they l-A~fiir ), but Byzantines will then [break it the banii 225 Dating "Eschatology and the Cook, of Traditions." by Illustrated 226 "Apocalyptic Prophecies in f:Iim~? in Madelung, Umayyad Age," gives many the examples this collection. from 227 0r calculating the number of years of Muslim rule that would elapse be- else fore the The approach of AH 100 Hour. particular anticipation (see Bashear, caused "Muslim Apocalypses and the Hour," 89-93), especially as the siege of Constantino- ple was its climax in AH 99/717-18, and 'Umar II was initially regarded reaching some reached the MahdL News of this may have by non-Muslim ears; while peti- as tioning for in troops of at Chinese court, 719 king the Samarkand pointed out to the the emperor: "As regards these Arabs, they are only supposed to be in power for a total If years; it is in this year that this portion is exhausted. 100 Chinese soldiers of we will certainly succeed in destroying the Arabs" (Chavannes, come here, together Documents sur les Tou-kiue occidentaux, 204-205).

351 Apoca.lypses Visions and 332 march upon and fight you, and the Muslims that and] you be in land called the Ghuta and in a city called day will a 228 Damascus." second put about during the was civil war after The clearly report were forced to sue for peace from the Byzantine emperor the Arabs and 685 their rule in the Middle East seemed to be crum- in when expresses the anxieties of It Muslim population, then still a the bling. the the Middle East, regarding in precariousness of their minority small over the territories they governed, hold their fear of a Byzantine and 229 comeback. Allah 'Abd and the Mahdz ibn al-Zubayr at is time of the second Arab civil war originating the following the Also vague apocalyptic It is no propaganda. speculation like the of piece Ibn but traces the career of the rival caliph al-Zubayr example, previous followers intends support for him and to prepare his rouse for a and to against the Umayyads: campaign will arise There difference after the death of a caliph a (Mu'awiya), a man of the and of Medina (Ibn al- people Zubayr) will go forth fleeing to Mecca. Then some of the people of Mecca come to him and will make him rise in will against his They will pledge allegiance to him will. revolt 230 An the maqiim. the between expedition will and rukn 228 ibn J:Iammad, Fitan, fols. 7b-8a, lla-b, gives five variants of this Nu'aym which ~ad!th-of one quoted here is the first-all on the authority of 'A wf ibn the death Malik The sequence of events is: the 693). of the Prophet, the conquest of (d. Jerusalem, the plague of 'Amwas, the first civil war, the reign of Mu'awiya and the in WasiF, order is found same the versions given by truce Byzantines. This with the 52-53= ('an al-Murajja, Fa4ii'il, 43 Far;lii'il, 'Awfibn Malik), and Ibn J:Ianbal, Ibn ('an 5.228 Mu'adh ibn Jabal), 6.22, 25 Musnad, 'Awf ibn Malik). There are, ('an however, deviant versions in ibid., 2.174, 6.27, and Bukharl, 2.297-98 (Jizya XV). of the Hour." For discussion see Conrad, "Portents further 229 0ther examples are given by Bashear, "Apocalyptic and Other Materials on Early Wars." Muslim-Byzantine 230 Two different Mecca. of the Muslim sanctuary at parts

352 Apocalypses and Visions 333 sent from Syria but will be swallowed up in against be him 231 and When the people desert between the Mecca Medina. of men Syria and the troops righteous the the of this, see will come to him and pledge allegiance to people of Iraq him. man Quraysh will arise whose mater- a Thereafter of of of (Yazid's mother was are Kalb). He nal uncles Kalb send will expedition against them, but they will defeat an He them al-Zubayr) will then divide the wealth and ... (Ibn among according to the sunna of their Prophet, them act 232 will firmly on the ground. settle and down Islam Justinian Son of Tiberius, of traditions in Nu'aym A l:Iammad's collection revolve number ibn the Heraclian dynasty: around then after him his son Constans, then his will rule, Heraclius Justinian, then the kingship son Constantine, his son then Byzantines will leave the family of Heraclius for Leo the of and his son after him. But the kingship will return to the fifth of family of Heraclius, at whose hands the final the 233 malii~im) take place. will wars ( son is spelled elsewhere character "Tiberi us, out of Justinian the This as 234 He was murdered as a small child slit-nosed." with his father together 231 A to the army dispatched by Yazld which disbanded on hearing of his reference in November 683. death 232 b. discussed by Quoted "'AbdAllah and al-Zubayr and the Mahdl." Madelung, 233 Nu'aym ibn J:Iammad, Fitan, fol. 130b. Justinian II held office twice (685-95, 705-11), which explains the omission of the intervening Leontius (695-98) probably of Philip (711-13), Tiberius omitted are and short reigns the (698-705). Also III (715-17), II and Theodosius III (713-15) which come between Justinian Anastasius and Leo III (717-41). For discussion of these traditions see Cook, "The Heraclian Dynasty Muslim Eschatology." in 234 Nu'aym ibn J:Iammad, Fitan, fol. 141a. Justinian's nose was slit upon his deposition in 695 (see Theophanes, 369).

353 Apocalypses Visions and 334 711., but here predicted to return and instigate the eschatological in is the Muslims. Byzantines and wars between relates a well-dressed youth claiming to be account how lengthy One Tiberius honoured him but also checked his approached Maslama, who an Abu Muslim al-Rum1, who declared him a certain with credentials outlined what would be the career of the true Tiberius. and impostor would to a determined assault he rid Briefly, lead realm Byzantine the of which would only "the be repulsed by the Mus- camel-eaters," barely but after which de- latter would be able to march upon and the lims, 235 background to these reports is the con- The stroy Constantinople. Constantinople, siege of when Leo was emperor the stages cluding of Muslims were experiencing severe difficulties in maintaining and the blockade of the city. Such apocalyptic their served to en- traditions the to hope and hold Muslims for eventual victory. Since out courage traditional been their enemies until the death had Heraclian emperors a Heraclian Justinian, is understandable that it might be expected to of be the instigator of the final battle against the Muslims. Why Tiberius is unclear; perhaps he died in mysterious circum- should be chosen 236 stances, and hear of someone later impersonating him. indeed do we apocalyptic case, again have an example of any material that is In we dateable. broadly Apocalyptic Chronicle An tradition in Nu'aym ibn J:Iammad's collection, which provides a One enumeration early the caliphs up to cryptic Abbasid times, is an of Judaeo-Christian at apocalypse in the an style. Thus it is attempt attributed to a sage of the past, one Nath; it periodises history into and epochs, and first reviews past generations before "weeks" of years Some eschatological future. of its terminology is the launching into from Syriac apocalyptic and it often betrays Christian interests, drawn allusion an the depiction of Yaz1d II as a "corrupter of images," as such mentioned by numerous Christian, to iconoclastic his venture, which is 235 Nu'aym ibn J:Iammad, Fitan, fol. 115. 236 confused CS, s.a. 737; identified with or Syriac with Bashlr/Beser by Michael ll.XXI, 462-63/503-504. the Syrian

354 Apocalypses and Visions 335 237 but no Muslim, sources. That the piece was not written by a Chris- tian is evident from the favourable description of M u}:lammad: The angels will rejoice at his emergence and he will prevail over all nations. Whoeyer accepts him is a believer, whoever denies him is an unbeliever. He will prevail over Persia and its sovereign along with Africa and Syria. There will be three weeks less a seventh of a week, then God will take him.238 This is perhaps the attempt of a Christian convert to introduce the 239 genre of narrative apocalypses into Islam. 237 The very few Muslim sources that do mention it are late and very likely derive their knowledge from Christian sources (see the entry on "Germanus" in Chapter 3 above for relevant literature). 238 Nu'aym ibn J:Iammad, Fitan, fo!. 198b; Mu4ammad is allotted 20 years (3 x 7 - 1), presumably meaning his 20 years as a prophet (613-32) at Mecca and Medina. 239 It is discussed by Cook, "An Early Islamic Apocalyptic Chronicle."

355 CHAPTER 9 1 MARTYROLOGIES INFORMS US that when Abraham and Ishmael were lay- THE QUR'AN to foundations sanctuary, they prayed their God requesting the of ing appoint from their seed "a nation submissive to You" ( ummatan that He and from messenger laka) among them who will recite muslimatan "a Your them and teach them the scripture and wisdom" to revelations introduces a two-part definition of Arabs: descent (ii.l28-29). This from via Ishmael Abraham submission to God and His messenger, and that belief in Islam. There are indications that the Arabs initially is, to to genealogical lines: in order along be an Arab and tended think to share in the immense privileges conferred on Arabs since the so conquests, one be born as one. But the numerousness of the non- must Arabs who to enjoy wished same the as their new masters and benefits the Qur'an's stress on the belief side of the definition meant that the refusal to into their ranks anyone who lacked the right descent admit 2 it for the Arabs. not And in general easy was accepted that one so was could become a of the conquest society by adopting the Arab member 1 There no surveys of martyrdom stories composed in early Muslim times, are 3 , and scan Halkin, BHG and simply must Peeters, BHO, for examples. Zayyat, one "Shuhada' al-nru_;ranlya fi !-Islam," looks at some later Christian Arabic accounts; Ottoman period and Delehaye, with the "Greek is chiefly concerned Neo-Martyrs," highly is apologetic. 2 Qur'an emphasises that it The revealed in Arabic (xii.2, xiii.37, xvi.103, was xxvi.195, xxxix.28, xli.3, xlii.7, xliii.3, xlvi.12), but does not mention the otherwise commonly most is Appeal them. among (a 'rab) bedouin the for except Arabs fickle made simply to "those who believe." 336

356 337 Martyrologies a fact faith, one of the most important preconditions that constitutes emergence the of for Islamic civilisation. does could peoples ruling elite join not conquered the That the and when they availed themselves of this option, explain how, why 3 present I shall Here such answer. to difficult are these and questions offered non-Muslim writers, whose testimony has are by indications as mostly ignored. far been so Some the procedure for converting to Islam, in the idea of early a least, is given by at late eighth-century chronicler Abbasid period in Mesopotamia. at the monastery of Zuqnin northern a monk who was he was Edessa, writes the author, he heard about a deacon at While that despite the entreaties of who, the notables and district "all of up his mind to apostatise priests," sought out "a certain made and from the Arabs there," asking among "he become a Muslim man that nhaggar) ( his hands." The Arab attempted to dissuade him, fearing by for the should the next day, but repent deacon insisted on his him he So the Arab asked the he denied Christ, baptism, whether sincerity. the the and "all cross, eucharist Christians profess." After the that deacon had abjured each item in turn, the Arab instructed him to confess belief Mu}:lammad as the messenger of God, "the book which in and Jesus as the Word and Spirit down upon him" came from heaven God," that was a prophet and not "he then to ungird himself of God, pray to the south. As he did so, a white dove emerged from his and mouth, the deacon, perceiving the loss of his soul, bewailed his and whole Further chronicler records that the groups of people on folly. register and "they would write their names in the apostatise would d?:ptiikon)." ( this information features in Though tirade against apostasy, there a are reasons to give it credence. Its author lived in the same time and secondly, place he narrates, and events he seems remarkably the as He notes that the deacon uttered "shameful words" which "were fair. 3 Arnold, important studies to date are most The Preaching of Islam, esp. The Egypt Dennett, Conversion and the Poll Tax; Lapidus, "The Conversion of 45-101; the to Conversion to Islam in Bulliet, Medieval Period; idem, "Conversion Islam;" Stories in Early Islam;" Morony, "The Age of Conversions: a Reassessment;" Schick, and of Palestine, 139-58, 171-77. Further bibliography Christian Communities comments are given by Humphreys, Islamic History, 273-83.

357 Martyrologies 338 required by Arabs," and he emphasises that this man's deser- not the Christianity was his own free will, "for none of them were of of tion constraint deny their faith." by the chronicler re- brought Indeed, to placing of the Arabs, the responsibility or abuse any from frains censure Christians themselves, for he wrote so that "all the believ- those on read ers who will what happened to this wretch and account see this of the gift which they have received lest the take happen to care like 4 them." Islam, reasons for conversion Turning the one should first stress to to compulsion was that rarely among them, as stated above and by very 5 a apocalyptic author. Only residents of frontier late seventh-century Christian pressure would seem to have ever faced and to Arabs areas 6 decision to leave the religion The which one had been in convert. up was never one to be taken lightly, since it meant break- brought and neighbours. When Dioscorus ing ties one's family, friends with Alexandria a Muslim, his sister wrote informing him that became of could have no further association with him, and she woman a Jewish who to a was declared by her became Christian be as good as husband 7 the So why did people convert? Spokesmen of dead. non-Muslim com- munities impressed their flock that the only advantages Islam had upon 8 offer and economic advancement, fame and gain. were Thus to social heroes present their as being tempted to failed martyrologists never 4 Chron. is told in story Zuqnin, 389-92. The deacon's 5 Apocalypse, XII.3, XII.6. The comparatively small number of Ps.-Methodius, martyrdom accounts in Muslim times, compared to Roman and Sasanian composed reinforces impression. times, this 6 qualified on both counts and were ordered to convert by the Tanilkh caliph Mahdi the entry on the "Christian (see of Sinai" in this chapter); Qutayba Arab ibn Muslim (d. 715) used a variety of methods to encourage conversion among the people ofTransoxania History of Bukhara, 47-49). Muslim nervousness (Narshakhi, non- their that with Byzantium, meant that especially Muslims living about borders, even if there, asked to convert, not face hostility and suspicion in time of would conflict Fiey, (see syriaques Chretiens les Abbassides, 48-50). sous 7 Coptic Synaxary, "6 Barmahat" (Dioscorus); Gaonic Responsa (Muller) no. 87, 20b (Jewish woman). 8 one; was of course an The argument for example, the conversion of a priest old fierce Zoroastrianism in the days of I

358 339 Martyrologies offers of office and wealth by some Muslim notable if they with high 9 convert. only would contains been by scholars and accepted some Though widely has this truth, qualification. As regards admission to high office, it does require first the in not bar, at least no was persuasion one's generally religious three centuries of Islam when the administrative and medical two or 10 non-Muslims. as dominated as long by conver- And professions were placing mawlii) of an Arab and so entailed a client still becoming sion ( on an equal footing with all oneself clients, those other with endowed status their former community were unwilling to risk finding them- in 11 working former servants and subjects. alongside More- selves their term attached had a certain stigma the to it: mawlii over, of had lost the [name] They Christ, but not (the apostates) on that of Mul:tammad; rather with their denial they taken found had name for [all] times, being called mawiilz, so a by name they would be distinguished from [all] that their 12 from [true] faith. and the nations of for in As first century taxation, Islam it was not specifically the who those and Arabs rather but benefits, fiscal who Muslims enjoyed 9 Examples in the course of this chapter; for further discussion see the are given "A Chapter Religion" in on 12 below. entry Worldly 10 tried Theophanes, in 758 the Arabs says to "expel the Christians 430-31, that same the but were once again duties to entrust obliged chanceries, from government to In were unable to write numbers." they the late tenth century them because AQsan al-taqiiszm, 183, observed that physicians Syria and Egypt the in Muqaddasi, were scribes mostly Christians. And and were still enough Christians in there fact this decrying tracts Mamluk Egypt for Muslims to write in power positions of Propaganda "An the Dhimmis;" Perlmann, "Anti-Christian Answer (Gottheil, to syriaques MamlUk See also Fiey, Chretiens the sous les Abbassides; in Empire"). Les Cheikho, et secretaires arabes chretiens; Humphreys, Islamic History, vizirs 255-83 gives further bibliography); Holmberg, "Christian (which in the Scribes 106-10. Empire," Arabic 11 It was, therefore, mostly those oflow social status ( esp. peasants), or those who converted status ( esp. prisoners-of-war), who to Islam in Umayyad had their lost times (see Crone, Slaves on Horses, 49-54). 12 fit Zuqnin, 387. The reading mawiilzseems to Chron. the sense, but is tentative; text has 'ydwly. the

359 Martyrologies 340 13 on fought, were behalf. the conquered something Taxes their that return ( upkeep the conquerors in rizq) for protection the for paid of Only with 'Umar II (717-20), and only dhimma any consistency ). with ( was there an attempt to base the tax system on the Abbasids, under 14 and non-Muslim, and even then the Muslim a distinction between often much messier than the theory: practice was Nominally (the were to levy one tenth, they tax collectors) they when had sold all Arabs possessed, it even yet those sufficient [to pay] was not demanded them. of was what entreating them to take according to the law laid They were their guide and legislator (mhaddyiin- Mul;tammad, down by and by the first kings, and to niimosayhon), hon w-sii'em from take of them what they had: if [he had] each one cattle. cattle so But they did not if [take] wheat wheat, saying to them: "Go and sell your possessions accept that, 15 give us our gold." and like you however the desire to avoid taxation did not generally lead directly Furthermore, conversion, Egypt rather to flight from the land. In to this would but often monastery seeking refuge in a most or some rural retreat, mean meant but and Mesopotamia it usually Iraq escape to a city where in 16 high: conversion of made the chances Muslims with increased contact 13 Thus of Lebanon were to be exempted from poll-tax as long as the Mardaites for Muslims (Baladhur1, Ji'utii/:1, 159). fought the they 14 The Caliphal Taxation System, esp. 140-50. The See that de- Simonsen, fact exempting to Islam from poll-tax converts commonly issued-e.g. by crees were II (Syriac 'Umar s.a. 716-18), l:laf~ ibn al-Wal1d (Hist. Patriarchs XVIII, PO CS, 5, and Saffii4 (ibid., 189)-indicates that it was not a consistent policy. Rather 116) was to when there was a need it mobilise support ('Umar after the disastrous done the Constantinople, ijaf~ to usurp at governorship of Egypt, Saffii4 defeat Muslim in the wake of the Abbasid revolution), for it was well-known that "it be enough will be you a herald announce that taxes will have removed from whoever becomes for to and 50,000 praying men will come to you" (Tabar!, 2.1024). a Muslim 15 Chron. 299; this concerns land-tax but illustrates that the theory was Zuqnin, imposed always Cf. ibid., 341: "They applied. them (extraordinary taxes) on not the Muslims as well as on the Christians, for their motivation was not concern for tradition the ( [of Islam], but to mashlmiiniitii) their avid desire for money." sate 16 If fugitives wished to avoid being rounded up and returned to their village needed (cf. 2.1122, 1435), then they Tabar!, to find a Muslim patron. This plus

360 341 Martyrologies of the Arabs tribute became heavy upon them, the In days Suddenly their and exactions beyond bitter capacity. evils that and fled from the land ... so upon them they kindled Gradually opened to them. was all gate the to paganism weak slid toward the deep pit of the wanton and perdition 17 together with their bodies. their destroyed and souls significant was the long run for conversion more the ero- Probably in leaders of and influence of the prestige and institutions of the the sion communities, which followed on from the late Umayyad non-Muslim to decision responsibility for payment of taxes over promote individual gradually payments mediating bodies, and by to sum lump collected 18 by government-appointed Muslim agents. replace local officials Arabs' military must have indirectly promoted con- The successes part they led to the transfer of peoples because Islam, in version to their to the overwhelmingly Mus lim environment of homelands from garrison cities where conversion was correspondingly more likely, the part because they challenged other religion's claims to enjoy in and latter point, coupled with the receptiv- God's exclusive This favour. of the early Abbasid rulers, must have interfaith discussion towards ity and certainly produced a number of con- soul-searching provoked much by the literate elite. The problem is succinctly stated one among verts apologist: Christian their peoples professing see religions. In We diverse different are scriptures that possession about command and differ prohibition, and statutes, the laws of the Last Day mention and Resurrection, of the Reward and the Punishment. Each sect of claims that their book is God's covenant for His them to them, and which creation, brought messengers have His that has manifested by their (the messengers') agency He 19 that. and His proof in [illustration of] signs His see interaction Muslims made conversion greater with the example of Elias likely; of Damascus discussed in this chapter. 17 Zuqnin, 381-82. Chron. 18 See Frantz-Murphy, "Conversion in Early Islamic Egypt." 19 'Ammar al-B~r1, Masii'il wa-ajwiba, 135-36.

361 Martyrologies 342 rate The must have varied substantially from community of conversion The Jews, had long been used to living as a minority to community. who probably Christians best; the rule, had a history of under foreign fared draw infidel which they could upon strength; but by persecution the had always enjoyed state patronage, were unable to Zoroastrians, who being with and religious underdogs, and so more quickly political cope 20 The speed of the latter to was also Islamisation. succumbed process linked potential for interaction to intermarriage with Muslims. the and Egypt, the Muslim presence was where for the first two In meagre of Islam, conversion was very slow; but in Khurasan and Iraq, centuries which bore early Muslim settlement, opportunites for social the brunt of and frequent. more conversion numerous were intercourse apostasy question of when there first occurred and is the Finally, when the widespread. of defections to hear Arabs al- We it became the time of the conquests, though our sources frequently make ready at 21 no distinction and collaboration. between One Syrian conversion states to his Jewish disputant: "We C}1ristians, though monk Melkite for enslaved and worn down by years shall not deny many troubles, God. if some Christians have denied Him, they And not as many are 22 so among] you in Babylon." as [did the Coptic author John of And 2 °For some indications see Arnold, The Preaching of Islam, 206-17; Spuler, "Der to Islam and the Emer- Verlauf Persiens;" Bulliet, "Conversion der Islamisierung of a Muslim in Iran;" Morony, "Conquerors and Conquered: Iran;" gence Society Effects on the Muslim Conquest "The the Persian Population of Iraq;" of idem, "Conversion: ii. Of Iranians to Islam." s.v. Elr, 21 the Persian cavalry corps called the Asawira are said to have converted in E.g. 17/638, but fight in the 680s under a certain Mah AfrTdhun; those transferred AH non-Muslims, Ba1?ra by Mu'awiya appear as Antioch and their leader in to from time of Hisham, l:lassan ibn the is obviously a first-generation convert Mahawayh, 237-38 because is perhaps Slaves on Horses, It n. 362). given Crone, by (references converted. had they assumed Muslims that later poll-tax from were they exempted 15,000 it true that for some-e.g. for the also Muslim soldiers of Egypt who But is in Christ and were "believed during the first Arab civil war (Sebeos, baptised" went Mader, 149])-collaboration and conversion hand. hand in [tr. XXXVIII 22 Dialogue against the Jews, PG 89, 1236A-B; cf. Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo many XIII, ends "they are not as (which as you have had apostatise," implying 75 that some Jews had also converted to Islam). John bar Penkaye, 147/175 (tr. Brock, in that "among them were also Christians no small Arab conquerors 61), says of the to us." numbers: some belonged to the heretics while others

362 343 Martyrologies laments that of the Egyptians ... denied the holy ortho- Nikiu "many and the baptism, and embraced the religion of the lifegiving faith dox 23 late seventh century apostasy Muslims." become an im- had By the of Christian demanding the attention writings, church in portant issue 24 in the second half of And eighth century we begin to the authorities. incidents of large-scale apostasy to Islam. In the days of the pa- hear of 25 (743-67) Michael denied Christ numbered 24,000." who triarch "those couple decades later a similar outbreak occurred in Mesopotamia A of to the according chronicler. "Had those who were performing Zuqnin an like this been one or a hundred or a thousand, I would have action silent," been not us, on such a scale could depravity pass but tells he unrecorded: For or torture they slid down in great ea- blows without toward denial. Forming groups of twenty, thirty gerness and hundred men, two and three hundred, without any a down of this, they went to to J:Iarran to kind compulsion governors and became Muslims the mhaggrzn ) ... So acted ( numerous people from the regions of Edessa, J:Iarran, Tella, Resh'aina, Dara, Nisibis, Shengar and Callinicum, and from error and the devil gained immeasurable both these places 26 among strength them. that few the caliph Mahd1 decreed later all con- a very years Only verts who subsequently to former faith were their be put returned to 27 half confirming that it was indeed the second to of the eighth death, that century apostasy reach significant proportions. saw 23 cf. CXXI.lO (tr. Charles, 201); Nikiu, ibid., CXIV.1 (182). John of 24 for example, the entries See, "Anastasius of Sinai," "Jacob of Edessa" and on "ps.-Methodius" in Chapters 3, 4 and 8 respectively. 25 Coptic Synaxary, "16 Barmahat" (= Ethiopic Synaxary, "16 Maggabit"). This was probably chiefly to the decree of l:Iaf~ ibn al- Wali:d, who was trying to gain due that all who converted would for of Egypt, the recapture of support governorship his patriarch synaxary the poll-tax (thus the from entry continues: "The exempted be was in very great distress because of that, until God caused the one responsible to perish"). 26 Zuqnin, Chron. 385. 27 of Damascus, Passion, Elias (= Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 52). Not only 181 a become had who Christian one to put it 'Ali reconvert; people did regret of out

363 344 Martyrologies the prospect the death penalty must have put a brake on Though of of number Islam, legal writings illustrate that all re- those the forsaking Muslim were afflicted by of ligious communities lands phenomenon the in had make provision for it A their legislation. to and apostasy of back admitted renegades be whether was fundamental question should fold, to which the answer was generally affirmative as long as the into 28 offender form of penance. to Those who refused the recant some did of the case those defecting from Islam, in either ostracised were or, 29 basis a sentence justified on the to of the two widespread put death, attributed kill the Prophet: "Whoever changes his religion, to sayings except "The a Muslim is not licit of in one of three blood him," and: 30 in- Another key issue was apostasy." or or murder cases: adultery essential to here being the prevent the haemorrhage point heritance, legislators the community. Accordingly, of the vari- property of of out their that former apostates may not inherit from confessions ruled ous 31 and their estate was forfeit that to be divided and correligionists, then apostatised, that he was merely doing so Muslim, qualify for an inheritance to or then would return to Islam marriage, ('Abd Mu~annaf, 6.104 [Ahl al-Razzaq, LV]). al-kitiib 28 The earliest Christian witness is Jacob of Edessa; e.g. Replies to John, A13 (= Voi.ibus, 253 15]) = Canons (BH), 22 (=Kayser, 8/37). On the Zoroastrian side [no. Diidistiin denfg, no. 40, and Emed i Ashawahishtan, Riviiyat, f see Manushchihr, The probably extant Muslim authority is 26. Malik (d. 795), Muwaf!a', no. earliest which XVIII), adduces a report in who 'Umar I reprimands Abii 2.737 (Aqifiya al-Ash'arl for not offering an apostate three days to repent before Musa beheading him. those Malik accord this opportunity to not who outwardly feign to be But does while secretly denying Islam ("such as the zaniidiqa Muslims their likes"), for and one not be able to be sure of would sincerity of their repentance (ibid., 2. 736); the cf. Abu Yiisuf, Khariij, 179-80; Shafi'l, Umm, 1.228-29,6.145-46, 155-56 (lstisqii', lfudiid). Muslim on apostasy are discussed by Kraemer, "Apostates, Rebels views of Brigands," "Religious Freedom and the Law Ayoub, Apostasy in and 36-48; Islam." 29 Diidistiin f denfg, no. Manushchihr, opines that apostasy by an adult is 40, "worthy death," but presumably of was not applied. this 30 References given in Wensinck, Concordance, 1.153 (man baddala dfnahu ... . ), 2 , EI umri' muslim ... ), and ya~ill 1.492 dam s. v. "Murtadd." (iii 31 For instance, the juridical ruling that a son who is of a different religion to his XVIII, father not inherit from him is found in Simeon of Rewardashir, Canons may 4b; Responsa (Mi.iller), no. 11, Gaonic Emed i Ashawahishtan, Riviiyat, no. 3.249; 4.

364 345 Martyrologies 32 heirs. there was the question of what to do in the among their Then widely spouse action which was an eventuality of one's apostatising, 33 for divorce. there Beyond this to were nu- constitute grounds held the apostasy of the unfree cases such as consider, special merous to about the insane, what to do and criminal offences of inebriated or 34 upon an apostate, and committed on. by or so after matter of apostasy begins to feature in our sources, Shortly the the the by individual Christians at endured hands of trials of accounts 35 common. be These martyrs could Muslims of become increasingly 32 wealth an The from Islam, were he executed or in Byzantine terri- apostate of of to Muslim heirs. An example his each case-the former adjudicated tory, went 'Ali and transmitted by A'mash 'an Abu 'Amr al-Shayban1, the latter by 'Umar by and transmitted Ma'mar-is reported by Sa'!d ibn Manl?ilr, Sunan, 1.100-101 II by 'Abd 6.104-105, 10.338-39 (Ahl al-kitiib LV, al-Razzaq, Mu~annaf, 311-12); (nos. (Muller) Darim1, 2.478 (Farii'i¢XL). Gaonic Responsa XII); al-kitiibayn Ahl Sunan, to a woman an argument no. whether the estate belonging 87, 20b, records over converted Christianity should go to the husband to to the family. Emed i who or Riviiyat, no. 4, states that if the apostate possesses property, "who- Ashawahishtan, seizes people of the Good Religion the first, is entitled to it," it among ever from practise." that "in our era this is difficult to accepting though 33 ofFars, Corpus iuris 2.XI, 3.56; Isho' bar Nun, Canons CXIV, 2.168; Isho'bokht there could Umm, For Muslim lawyers 6.149-51. be no divorce until the Shafi'1, 'idda, three menstrual cycles) had expired, up till which woman's ( waiting period either could repent time still remain In Zoroastrianism there then married. and the question of the social status of a married was whose brother had also woman to Islam (Emed i Ashawahishtan, Riviiyat, nos. 1-2). converted 34 and many other questions are posed and answered in the A~l of Shay bani These 805), annotated (d. translation of which is given by Khadduri, The Islamic Law an Islam, Nations, The Law of Apostasy in Zwemer, 33-54, is of some of 195-229; but it is a highly polemical work. On the non-Muslim side some other rulings use, returned to Christianity is to Islam someone has are: who betrays a convert who who deacon bar Nun, Canons CXXIV, 2.172); a priest or (Isho' excommunicated then returns apostatises do to atonement (ibid. CXVII, Christianity a long must denlg, no. 40); I Diidistiin 2.170); incitement to apostasy is a sin (Manushchihr, (ibid., no. 41); one may act someone from apostasy is dissuading a meritorious make invocation for the soul of an apostate who an to Zoroastrianism returned Riviiyat, no. 26). (Emed i Ashawahishtan, 35 Muslim sources do mention Jewish and Zoroastrian converts to Islam who sub- them martyred, but no accounts of seem to have been sequently are and renege in their own tradition. These examples in Muslim sources tend to be composed details support a legal point and few of are ever given, so it would adduced in only an Islam. to use them for to excursus on conversion problematic be

365 Martyrologies 346 36 types: converts to Islam who subsequently various Christian Arabs, to and religion, Christians who unilater- repented their returned former retribution, captives or children of converts Muslim provoked ally child were brought to as Muslims Islam who up reverted Chris- but later to of fell of who authorities, victims foul raids tianity, Christians Muslim 37 and even Muslims and converted to Christian- prisoners-of-war, who ity. as in the second half of the eighth century that apostasy Just it is that so is at this time it martyrdom stories be- more becomes frequent, abound: Cyrus of J:Iarran (769), Christopher of Mar Saba (778), gin to 38 Hamazasp Romanus the Neomartyr (780), (779), Damascus of Elias 39 40 (786), and Artsruni Isaac of (786), Abo Bacchus of Mar Saba Tiflis 42 41 43 (787), Saba (797), twenty Anthony Raw}:t (799), of Mar monks 36 of type are found in this chapter; see Examples Fattal, Statut legal also each 163-68. non-musulmans, des 37 lfarran, his fellow prisoners-of-war Eustathius and wno were executed on E.g. at order of Hisham when it was the that Leo III had massacred Arab prisoners heard (Syriac s.a. 740). Dionysius ofTellma~re (preserved in Michael the Syrian and CS, 1234) whether there was some debate as to Chron. they should be considered says or not. martyrs 38 Romanus on Cyrus, Elias There are entries in this chapter. On Christopher and see Stephen of Damascus, Passion of Twenty Martyrs of Mar Saba, 14/178 (= the 40-41), who he was a convert to Christianity and Papadopoulos-Kerameus, says Persia; also Palestinian-Georgian Calendar, 198-99. from see came 39 121 (no. 544); Dulaurier, Chronologie armenienne, Peeters, BHO, 248-52. 40 of the Georgian Saints, 115-33; Lives Das Martyrium des heili- Lang, Schultze, Abo von Tift is. gen 41 He originally called I;la~~ak and was the son of a Christian convert to Islam, was upon authorities became a Christian and fell foul of the Muslim who for maturity to Palestinian-Georgian his brothers (see trying Calendar, 197; Loparev, convert 3 zitiya 33-35; Halkin, "Vizantijskie svyatykh," , BHG 1.75 (no. 209); Brehier, "La situation des chretiens de Palestine a Ia fin du VIlle siecle," 71-72). 42 This was written by Stephen Man~ilr of Damascus (on whom see the Passion dated 20 the to him by on entry and this in Neomartyr" the "Romanus chapter), AM 6288, which corresponds March 797 in the Alexandrian era of Annianus. See to 3 , lacunes Halkin, 2.96 (no. 1200), for editions, and Blake, "Deux BHG comblees dans Ia XX monachorum," for discussion. Passio 43 enticed of Allegedly caliph Hariln a relative by miracles to Christianity. See the Peeters, "S. Antoine le neo-martyr;" idem, "L'autobiographie deS. Antoine;" Graf, Antoine," GCAL, "La passion arabe deS. Dick, 109-18; Samir, "Saint Rawl;t 1.524; 487-88/18-19, Anthony's story is also told by Michael the Syrian 12.V, al-Qurashl."

366 347 Martyrologies 44 Joseph and many more. And, significantly, it is also (808), and Isaac period in this that hostilities between the Muslim witness increased we and such empires, campaigns sponsored by Mahd1 as and Byzantine the 45 (775-80). IV Leo of these works The twofold: to provide role models purpose was heroes further the fight against apostasy, and to serve as anti- and to Thus, or repentent apostates propaganda. committed Muslim whether portrayed to many converts the martyrs are Christianity, as Muslim of purposefully sought having their fate and as having been deliber- out Muslim authorities. And in the interview the provocative towards ately martyr which the prosecuting Muslim the commonly fea- and between the the former disdains material advantages of in tures accounts, these and status which are the only inducements of Islam, and he is wealth shown to gifts of Christianity which the in virtue, truth choose consist redemption. That this choice is right is confirmed by the miracles and first the martyr's death. The attend examples of such frequently which "edifying tales," those in Anastasi us of Sinai's collection of writings, like the little reports of how than martyr died. Gradually, how- more are ever, they developed, borrowing themes and ideas from become more literature, incorporating miracles and other signs of martyrdom earlier approval, establishing plots and conventions and so on until, by divine end eighth the the century, they have become a fully fledged literary of and great popularity. genre achieved Greek Texts Martyrs of Gaza {d. 638) Sixty eleventh manuscript the tenth or of century preserves for us A Vatican the at Gaza the martyrdom of the Byzantine garrison of of account an of of Arab conquests. It is written in crude Latin, but many time the 46 from it to be a translation reveal Greek. its It informs us expressions and is alluded to by Theodore Abu Qurra (d. ca. 820s), M!mar fi ikriim li-!qiiniit al-barriin!y!n XVI, describes him as min ahl who min ahl al-sharaf al-a 'Iii. 173, 44 Dulaurier, Chronologie armenienne, 252; Peeters, BHO, 122 (no. 545). 45 449-53. Theophanes, 46 Asserted 289. Delehaye, "Passio sexaginta martyrum," by

367 es M artyrologi 348 the' incident "in the Christ-beloved city of Gaza ... in the that occurred of year emperor Heraclius" (636-37), the twenty-seventh God-crowned then continues: happened time regarding the It Saracens godless that at the Christ-beloved city of Gaza and, they that besieged was the citizens sought a treaty. This necessity, by driven Saracens indeed gave to them a pledge, except The done. that were captured in who city. Rather, the soldiers to the city and seizing the marching Christian sol- into most they them in prison. On put next day 'Amr (Am- the diers, ordered the Christ-holy soldiers to be presented. brus) Once him, he constrained them to desist from the brought before of Christ from the precious and life-giving confession and not they would con- Lord Christ. of our Since cross Jesus weapons 'Amr wives, children and their to be ordered sent, 47 them, and again to put them in prison. separated from days they Thirty were transferred to a prison in Eleutheropolis later 48 to a prison in "Theropolis" then for three months two for months, they taken to Jerusalem. There patriarch are urged by the before being martyrdom. to firm and Sophronius stand After a further ten accept months incarceration 'Amr wrote to "Ammiras who was commander in the holy recommending that he execute a number of them if they city," refused to Christ. still deny obdurate, has their Finding them Ammiras and nine others "outside on 11 November 638 beheaded Callinicus chief 49 in front of the gates," where they are buried by Sophronius. the city The rest sent back a month or so later to 'Amr in Eleutheropolis are given comply. chance to and Unanimously, however, they witness a final of they "servants of Christ, son that the living God" and "prepared are to die for him who died and rose for us," thus sealing their fate. Their 47 Passion the Sixty Martyrs of Gaza, 301. of 48 Delehaye, sexaginta martyrum," 301, reads "{Eleu}theropolim" and "Passio to a lacuna, assumes see the martyrs return "for the city without having learnt we that they had left it" (ibid., 290); Guillou, "Prise de Gaza," 399 and n. 1 thereto, avoids need for a lacuna by reading "Nicopolis (or Diospolis)." the 49 Though it is stated that nine were beheaded, twelve names are listed; Sophro- of nius said to have founded the oratorium is S. Stephen on the site of their burial.

368 Martyrologies 349 church bought solidi and the 3000 of the Holy Trinity for bodies were over was place at Eleutheropolis. The date given their erected burial is tallies 17 December (which martyrdom for 638), their Thursday for 637-September 28 of Heraclius (September 13 (639-40), year indiction 50 638). choice of conversion or death seems mostly to have been Since the Arab reserved and apostates from Islam, one is immedi- for Christians of were account. It may be that these soldiers suspicious made ately this other of example particular cause, but there are for reasons for an some wary of this being In text. first place, its provenance is unknown, the the manuscript containing it Vatican our only witness. Sec- is since summary that have merely a we of a much longer it is very ondly, likely changes at venue occur The a bewildering pace and with no of piece. not 'Amr's identity is elaboration, indicated, and the explanation or of death of the 50 manner soldiers is not mentioned at all, remaining is usually a subject of much interest in martyrologies. this even though one impassioned expect the Furthermore, exhortation to martyr- would emotive by revered Sophronius and the dom scene of him burying the the martyrs to be accorded more than the paltry eight lines found in our verswn. Finally, the the text does not inspire confidence in its reli- cast of the with sources 'Amr is linked Muslim a raid near Gaza In ability. city in the siege of the early itself was conducted by 'Alqama 634, but 51 in 636. ibn Ammiras simply conveys ameras, Greek for Mujazziz Latin and not, as did the should translator followed by one emir, scholars, suppose that the author modern the identity of the knew 52 the holy city." "commander of is usually considered to Sophronius 50 The inconsistencies in the chronology are noted by Delehaye, "Passio sexaginta martyrum," 291. though there should have been 50 soldiers remaining to be Again, 51 are listed. martyred, names 51 1.2398 (AH 15). Most historians only mention the earlier raid, 'fabarl, probably conflating the conquest of Gaza (see it with Early Islamic Conquests, 115- Donner, 117). 52 Thus Bacchus of Mar Saba, Passion, 106, is interrogated by ho kai Ameras and onomazomenos. de Gaza," 399 "Prise n. 2 thereto, suggested 'Umar Guillou, ibn al-KhaHab, and de Goeje proposed 'Amir ibn Ghaylan in a personal communi- 290); cation Delehaye ( "Passio sexaginta martyrum," to neither are known to have governed Jerusalem.

369 Martyrologies 350 died on March 638 and so would not have been able to bury have 11 in November though it is argued that he may have the martyrs 638, 53 were may be that these characters It selected not for in died 639. but because they were well-known personalities: 'Amr their historicity, A~ Egypt the conqueror of al-' and Sophronius as the cham- ibn as The martyrs themselves, or at least Chalcedonian of orthodoxy. pion seem equally unreal. There are 13 their 8 Theodores, 7 names, Johns, 5 Georges, 3 Stephens. In other Pauls 22 percent have the and words, same and 60 percent share just five names, and this is assuming name that we cannot read do not also bear these names. This com- those diversity one finds in the inscriptions of with the unfavourably pares 54 Gaza. the It noting that this is is only reference we have to a also worth 55 garrison at any Roman or Byzantine source. Gaza -But the agree- in of for date of Gaza's capitulation, after making allowances ment the indiction with regnal dates, corrupt that given in Muslim sources and indicate that the Passion, albeit adapted for polemical purposes, might is nevertheless based on a historical incident. Was, then, the garrison martyred? In account of the siege 'Alqama had only nar- Tabar!'s the "patrician" and this would have ill- by escaped rowly assassination towards is garrison, though the incident itself him also the disposed Alexandria, in Gaza and of 'Amr in 'Amr and so may not told of 56 be Otherwise the act historical. have been retaliatory; thus could Mu'awiya reported to have said before the conquest of Caesarea: is Michael our of Caesarea?) does to "Whatever prisoners we (governor 57 of shall do Perhaps most likely to all is that the garrison theirs." to put to death simply for resisting the Muslims, a fate meted out was 53 dubious is, Passion along with two other this texts which furnish von It however, Sophrone, 97 n. 136, with the evidence for Schonborn, argument that Sophronius his died 639. in 54 names reconst.ruction of most For the a see Pargoire, "Les LX soldats martyrs of de Gaza." A list of personal names in Roman and Byzantine inscriptions of Gaza Gaza, is Glucker, The City of by 157-61. given 55 Ibid., 58. 56 Tabari, 1.2398 ('Alqama); Eutychius, Annales, 2.10-11 ('Amr in Gaza), 2.25 ('Amr Alexandria). in 57 Tabari, 1.2398; 168. Michael see de Goeje, Memoire, on

370 M artyrologies 351 58 soldiers elsewhere, that this was taken up by a later Byzantine and recasted as of martyrdom. So a kernel of truth may writer and a tale into the behind later reworking and crude translation text, well lie but obscured it beyond recognition. has Latin feature still clear in The only is epitome apologetic intent. For example, 'Amr is labelled as the our "devil," to God" and "most "impious," and the Arabs cruel," "hateful described themselves and "godless." as "impious" Black (d. 650s) George the the first decades of Muslim rule those who apostatised to In the con- join queror's were most commonly prisoners-of-war. Wrenched from faith native land brought into the overwhelmingly Muslim milieu their and town, a garrison of much pressure to convert, particularly if was there became captives young. If they very household servants, they the were also establish close and amicable relations with their might and master this increase pressure or even desire to convert. An example is would the as who was taken prisoner George a child and became the Black, age servant in Damascus. At the a Saracen of eight he denied the of Christian faith, but on attaining adulthood and discernment "he re- turned again became a true Christian." One day a fellow servant, and Christ-hating apostate," into the mosque ( masgida) and de- "a went nounced summoned master. The latter his George and asked him to to pray with him. Despite entreaties and threats George refused to him on faith renege in Christ, whereupon his master commissioned four his who Saracens were there to hold the servant by his hands and gathered his legs cut him in two with he sword. The remnants were taken while away by the inhabitants of Damascus and buried in a special tomb. Unlike the text, which is patently a literary fiction even if previous upon report incident, this based about George's passion is an a concrete circumstantial anecdote. Nevertheless, it was written down apparently with the same purpose in mind: to champion the superiority of Christ's as religion and to discourage apostasy, Islam is made abundantly over 58 E.g. John of Nikiu, CXV.ll (tr. Charles, 184): "They put to death all the s.v. Roman whom they encountered;" Syriac CS, soldiers 641 (slaughter of the garrison of Caesarea).

371 Martyrologies 352 59 by namely Anastasius of Sinai. its The latter, who narrator, clear is 680s, tells us that "it the told even now around tale in records this some "even suggests that it happened at now" The phrase Damascus." from its remove composition. George was captured during the time of so ca. and was an apostate for ten years. One assumes conquests, 640, and long after his reconversion, hence his death not exposed he was fell in the 650s. most likely Arab Christian Sinai (d. ca. 660) A of Arabs do seem to have sometimes been the targets of Muslim Christian occasionally to have faced the choice between and efforts missionary conversion to great hardship, even death. The Muslim gen- Islam and told a chief of al-Walid ibn Khalid eral of Shayban: "No Arab the tribe 60 rather we leave alone, we kill him." refrains religion do our who from we observe this sentiment put into And on a number of oc- practice 'Umar said of the tribe I allegedly Taghlib that "they are of casions. of the Arabs and not from the people of the Book, so they a people must Muslim," and he stipulated become they should not baptise that 61 children as Christians. later A few decades their two chiefs of Tagh- Mu'adh Sham' Allah, were subjected to blandishments and and lib, at threats of Muslim authorities eager for thein to apostatise. the hands Mu'adh's ibn Mu]:lammad by Marwan, governor of Frustrated refusals, him executed. Though allowing him to had eventually Mesopotamia, the of to Sham' Allah: "While you are a chief emphasised live, Walid 62 shame them all by worshipping the cross." Arabs, Later again, you 59 For point see the entry on "Anastasius of Sinai" in Chapter 3 above, where this information to the report and on the collection in be will also the reference found which it appears. 60 Azdi, Futii~, 60; cf. also 61, where I

372 Martyrologies 353 tribesman of captured during a raid of Maslama ibn 'A bd al- Iyad a Byzantine was brought before Hisham at I:Iarran and territory Malik in 63 to refusing Islam. beheaded for adopt tribes Arab converted en masse. Threats pressured, When usually prompted 5000 of Tanukh to become Muslims when Mahdl of torture them near Aleppo in 780; only a certain Layth held appeared among 64 Christianity. Similarly, the Arabs of Sinai put up to struggle little fast the arrived on the scene: Muslims when judgement When, the just accordance of God, the in with ( nation of the Saracens came out of their native ethnos) land the holy mountain of Sinai to occupy this place and to dislodge from Christian faith the Saracens who were to the and who were formerly Christians, these latter, there found had their abode and tents near the fort and the holy who heard up this and went of with their families to a bush, to up on the holy summit, from there combat, secure spot from approaching the as Saracens. They did thus, a height, but to resist much the oncoming host, they being powerless surrendered and went to live with them and to believe with 65 them. happened with Tanukh, one of the Christian Arabs of Sinai As the loyal. her his wife's bidding he kills remain and his children At did hands, them fall into the invaders' rather and himself flees. He than let Elisa the mountain desert, "living for and like Elias, years in wanders never, the Allah replied: "I will Sham' by God, become a Muslim of Umayyads," the whereupon ifl wish, will I become angry Muslim," a willingly, unwillingly; only roasted had of his thigh caliph off, a chunk and fed to him). cut 63 His tale is narrated at length by Yaqut, Mu 'Jam, 1.869-70 (s. v. "Tall Mal).ray"). is supposed There inconsistencies in this account; the tribesman are slight several al-Qusfanfinlya, ghazwat implying Maslama's cam- to captured during have been connected of Hisham (724-43) is more (744-50) with Ruf?afa, Marwan 717; paign with J:larran. On Christian Arab conversion to Islam see further Nau, Les arabes chretiens, 100-13. 64 incident Syrian 12.1, 478-79/1; Michael the is confirmed by Ehnesh Inscrip- the tion, s.a. AG 1091. Further discussion of the position of Arab Christians is given by Non-Muslim Subjects, 89-92. Tritton, 65 Anastasius LXI). Sinai, Narrat., C4 (= Nau, of

373 Martyrologies 354 hermit and citizen of God." Then he entered the monastery John,

374 Martyrologies 355 first his tongue was cut out, he cried out [even] Christ, for and piercingly, his right hand was whereupon more clearly and upon a cross. Then his head was he fixed was removed his were and by fire and [the ashes] bones cut destroyed off, 68 river. the into cast to be connected with this is the following account of Usually assumed Theophanes, chronicler he places under the year 7 42: the which 69 kata Maiouman proved ... a voluntary mar- ho ton Peter behalf of Christ. Having fallen tyr he invited the on ill, Arabs were his friends-for who served as prominent he 70 the public taxes "May -and said to them: chartulary of for the recompense visiting me, even receive God you from you happen be infidel friends. I wish you, however, to if to in my who does not believe Anyone the Fa- this will: witness and Holy Ghost, ther, consubstantial and life-giving Son the within is spiritually blind a unity, deserving of Trinity and 68 CP, 106 (4 October, no. 5); a slightly different Synaxary is given in PG version 117, (De menologio Basilii imperatoris). 85C-D 69 Passion port of Gaza, but the the is wholly centered around Maiouma was Jordan and southern Syria, never "Pas- Maiouma (Peeters, mentioning northwest monastery the meant, is J:Iim~ that near Mimas of S. sion argues 324-28, Pierre," de but there is little justification for this). "A kat a ton B" usually means either "A sur- in (Cameron, later Greek, "A in the service/household of B" named B" common or, Note on in Late Greek," 89-94). There features in the Passion a certain "A kata looks relationship Peter is uncertain: he to after Peter when he Qaiouma whose ill (but could not his son have done that?), he summons the Arabs to witness is the testament is in his favour that it testament is made out (Peter of and Peter's Passion, is [tr. Peeters, 304)). It Capitolias, possible that Maiouma is a mistake VI come Qaiouma; Passion is likely to have for to Georgian from the original Greek the via Arabic, in which language the letters Q and M are similar (Peeters, "Passion de S. Pierre," proposes that Syriac played a part in the transmission; Q and Mare 322, obvious). more in Syriac, even the involvement of this language is less similar but Otherwise, Theophanes' account have could confused with the fifth-century become martyr Peter, bishop of Maiouma (Lang, Lives of the Georgian Saints, 57-80)? 70 Peeters, deS. Pierre," 322-23, argues "Passion chartulary is a mistake for that seems there is possible if Syriac were the original language. But which Capitolias, more to it than that; why, for example, does Theophanes add "of the public taxes" and why does Peter have Muslim friends?

375 Martyrologies 356 punishment. eternal was Mul;tammad, your false Such a one precursor of prophet and you If Antichrist. believe the me am today heaven you earth-for I by your to I testify as and that you may not be punished his friend-abandon fables, him." When they had heard him with along and utter these other words God, they were seized by aston- many about ishment fury, decided to be patient, thinking he and but he his mind on account of had illness. After of his was out his illness, however, from started to cry out recovered he his "Anathema on Mul;tammad and and fables louder: even everyone on who believes in was he chas- Thereupon them!" tised with so became the martyr. He has been sword and a 71 by our holy father John. honoured in a laudation sources outline events found in the above two of is much The brief 72 a in expanded Passion Peter attributed to John of Damascus. of S. Preserved Georgian but originally written in Greek, the text narrates in length his fate of the martyr's eldest daughter, at and his son's the public the death of his wife, his illness, and attack on Islam ascetic life, subsequent trial. The latter affair is told in great detail. First, the matter is to the attention of 'Umar ibn al- WalTd, governor of brought who despatches agent Zora (presumably Syriac Jordan, his to Z(iirii) investigate. then given a last chance to retract his blasphemy is Peter his refusal him to and leads brought the caliph WalTd himself, be before that moment on his sickbed. Obtaining no at response to satisfactory who question: "You are free to recognise as God Jesus, his reasonable and a and a servant of the is but why insult our religion man Creator, call peaceable Prophet our of master and father of deception?," error WalTd orders that Peter be returned to his homeland and there be put to death. is all are somehow related to each other accounts clear That three from the following table: 71 416-17 (tr. Mango, AM Theophanes, cf. Peter of Capitolias, Passion, 6234); VI Peeters, 304-305). Theophanes goes on in (tr. text to speak of John of his Damascus. 72 The heading of the Passion is: "An full of our holy and blessed father oration John, monk and priest of Damascus, concerning the life and most illustrious deeds put Capitolias." of city the in death to the was who Peter, neomartyr pious of

376 Martyrologies 357 Passion Georgian I Synax. I I Theoph. the month October, day 4 ... " of "In X 1. Damascus to John of Attribution 2. X Peter, of Capitolias, puts aside his a priest X 3. children to become a monk (II) wife and Digression on eldest daughter (III) the 4. Digression son (IV) on the 5. Peter martyrdom (V) desires X 6. falls ill and summons Arabs to hear Peter X 7. his testament, then professes the Christian faith them and abuses Mu}:tammad before and Islam. The Arabs angry but assume he is are 8. delirious. recovered, he continues blas- When his 9. X (VI) phemy Peter is investigated and eventually brought 10. X X before Walld (VII-IX) executed is sentenced (X-XIV) and X He X 11. note that the date in should 1 only appears at the beginning One no. the Passion; later it says that he died on 13 January. For no. 3, the of synaxarist oddly puts things the other way round to the Passion: that Peter was monk and became a priest. a Theophanes and synaxarist have massively com- particularly the Georgian story, the Passion, as we the it in the while have pressed There version, has undergone considerable hagiographical expansion. no detail that reveals is genuine familiarity with Peter's personal any not the names of his even or children are given. Furthermore, wife life, in number scenes have their parallels of earlier texts. The portrayal a of the Christians of Capitolias bidding an emotive farewell to Peter as departed Damascus resembles that found in a panegyric of S. for he reciting Gordian. of Peter still miracle psalms and praising God The Anti- of Romanus had been excised is told also of S. tongue after his och. And the action of Peter's son, tracing out a sign of the cross on that cruci- the father's blood, echoes to of a witness with his himself

377 Martyrologies 358 of S. at Dwin in 553, both being beaten for this act of fixion Yiztbuzit 73 piety. biographical material betrays little reality, other though But the ibn a possible indicate to the Passion. 'Umar historical data do basis was indeed Walid al- of Jordan, but is not at all a well- the governor 74 in history. known Capitolias, together with Gadara figure Muslim is of as being in the region Abila, "Trichoro," which pre- and portrayed trichora from term such as a Greek that designates sumably derives 75 district of three cities. detail This is an interesting an administrative one and makes sense the background of a flourishing north- that against Gadara where as Jerash, Pella and such witnessed Jordan, cities west 76 activity. much When su~moned Umayyad-sponsored building before Peter said to have been escorted is Kasia, which is a moun- "to Wal!d, overlooking the city of Damascus." The tain there had been monastery appropriated "the tyrannical Arabs" and converted into a palace, by "it detained there that Wal!d, tyrant of the Arabs, was found and is accords This with what illness." by his know sources, Arabic we from Walid spent his last weeks recount which how at the monastery of Mur- 77 ran plateau of Mount Qasiyun, to the north of Damascus. on He the on 23 715, and so it is not impossible that while ill he died February saw on Passion says was martyred the 13 January 715. It whom Peter, seem likely, then, that a simple narrative of Peter's martyrdom would composed knew someone who was the area and was contemporary by the .John of Damascus in his "laudation"-and events-perhaps with this was subsequently embellished and expanded. An early date that is 73 de out references given by Peeters, Pointed and S. Pierre," 309, 312- "Passion 13. 74 0nly Khaiifa, 311, records him as governor of Jordan; see also 'fabari, 2.1197 (leads pilgrimage AH 88, confirmed by KhalTfa, 302), 2.1235 (campaigns against in 92). AH in Byzantium 75 "Passion de S. Pierre," 305-306, 313-14; on toponymy Peeters, the Passion in see Milik, "Notes d'epigraphie et de topographie jordaniennes." 76 Ziyadeh, "Case Studies from Northern Palestine and Jordan;" MacAdam, Lenzen "Northern Transjordania." On Capitolias itself see Central and Knauf, and "Beit Ras/Capitolias," 35-42. 77 Peter of Capitolias, Passion, VIII (tr. Peeters, 307); 'fabaii, 2.1270, says Yaqut, at Dayr Murran; see Mu'jam, 2.696-97 ("Murran"), 4.13-14 Walld died ( "Qasiyun").

378 Martyrologies 359 by the in Theophanes (d. 818) of information very confirmed inclusion that found the Passion. in to similar the following notice of details, is Though in differing Theophanes refer to usually same episode; again it appears under assumed to the 7 42: year the that Peter, the most holy metropolitan of Wal!d ordered cut off because he was publicly his have Damascus, tongue impiety the Arabs and the Manichaeans, the of reproving him to Arabia Felix where he and a martyr on exiled died of after reciting the Christ liturgy. Those who behalf holy their the story affirm to have own it with heard told have 78 ears. has derived by Theophanes from a Syriac source of report been This century, which says: "In this year the 1054/742-43) mid-eighth (AG bishop the Chalcedonians of Damascus of delivered up to king the was out cut the prophet of the Arabs. His tongue was reviling Wal!d for 79 was exiled to the land of Yemen." and he two are very different: one is a government employee, The Peters other an officer of the church; one is the the other exiled. It executed, is even sure whether the second not called Peter; Michael the Syrian is made have could the abbreviated form Ptr which in "patriarch" writes think of though a Peter of Damascus is mentioned in Theophanes Peter, 80 of treatises by John of Damascus. The heading Syriac source the two that too to the event simply to assume also it has got things is near 78 416 (tr. Mango, Theophanes, 6234); cf. Peter of Capitolias, Passion, X (tr. AM ton Peter, metropolitan of That and Peter ho kata Damascus, Peeters, 310-11). ("Passion are and the de person was first argued by Peeters one same Maiouman S. Pierre," 320-28, and "Glanures martyrologiques," 123-25). 79 Syriac CS, s.a. 743. I translate from Chron. 1234; Michael the Syrian has: "In the year Walld, king of the Arabs, ordered 1056 the be cut out of the that tongue of the Chalcedonians who lived in Syria, and he was patriarch to the land of exiled Yemen." 80 commissioned Damascus' Contra Jacobitas John of by Peter of Damascus was latter Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, 4.109; PC 94, 1435) and the (Kotter, was recipient of John's Libellus de the sententia (PC 94, 1421, "admonitio"). recta of Theologiens byzantins, 40, mentions "a lost treatise on Islam by Peter Khoury, "Dialogue Nasrallah, is said to be by a Sinai manuscript" "in Damascus," which

379 Martyrologies 360 'The wrong. the first passage of Theophanes and close parallels between it ton certain that Peter ho kata make Maiouman is the Passion seem the Capitolias, seems safer to regard it second passage as of Peter but a separate figure, Peter of Damascus. That they were both referring to a under Capitolias under Wal!d I (705-15), punished Wan-d-Peter of under Walld II (743-44)-makes understandable of Peter Damascus in placing them under the same year. Theophanes' mistake biographies the over the details of the muddle of the two for As 81 that asserting Theophanes is correct in I would conjecture saints, of Capitolias have been in the government service, probably in Peter to of The Christian apostate named Qaiouma. employ martyrologist the a of the confused or disliked the idea two his subject as a either Peters the the Muslims, and so Life his information from derived of servant and Peter who was a priest, monk Damascus, "teacher of the of of The characterlessness of the narrative early Peter's about Christians." is it Passion certainly suggests that the the invented; only with life in public blasphemy and trial do we get realistic material. The date of the heading of the Passion, should 4 October, which appears in only be assigned Peter of Damascus, and 13 January, which is perhaps to Capitolias. the reserved for Peter of itself, The synaxarist is in text muddled; the date and career seem to belong to Peter of hopelessly and also the statement that he was slandered, for Peter of Damascus origin out his martyrdom. The place of and manner Capitolias sought death, however, apply to Peter of Capitolias. of 2 Pilgrims in Jerusalem (d. 124JB Sixty A Greek text, claiming in its epilogue (§12) to be translated from Syriac at the of a monk John, narrates the fortunes of 70 distinguished request 124. 443), Catalogus, 108 (no. Islamo-Chretien," does mention a Gardthausen, tes of Dasmascus (entitled Anamnesis idias psyches), but he says treatise by Peter Testament." "a fiorilegium made from the books of the Old and New it is 81 reason that is our earliest source, and I see Note he to doubt that he is using, no if indirectly, the laudation of John of Damascus, the existence of which is confirmed by the Passion. 3 82 , 1217-18). See Halkin, 2.101 (nos. BHG

380 361 Martyrologies archontes) men a pilgrimage to Jerusalem during the who ( undertook 717 between Leo III in and (§§5- seven-year concluded Sulayman truce lapses just as they are turning back, This they are treaty and 6). distance from Jerusalem; they are short imprisoned, first apprehended a brought before then lim governor in Caesarea. He the them Mus confines seeking from the caliph (protosymboulos). A letter from while advice chance orders though giving them the execution, of a their latter the reprieve convert to Islam (§§6-7). "They cry if in one voice, they out if one mouth: 'We are Christians from we shall not renounce the and as faith of our fathers,'" and they confess "the true confession," orthodox there is no truth" (§8). Three come forward as "besides for this faith spokesmen ask they all be and outside the gate of David martyred that a pious they some money to entrust man of Caesarea, in Jerusalem; John, that he might see to their burial (§9). On the way there named die three take fright and apostatise, though stricken shortly and seven dysentery. are remaining 60 by crucified and shot at by The afterwards their death proudly as Christian martyrs. John fulfils meeting archers, of burying near the church them S. Stephen just outside the charge, his gates of city. There the inhabitants of Jerusalem celebrate the the holy every October (§§10-11). anniversary martyrs' 21 also exists in a much longer Greek recension composed This account priest Simeon, by in of cave of and the Jerusalem. Though monk Lent 83 are certainly depicting the same event, consider- they differ the two John's version and unadorned, whereas Simeon's is highly is plain ably. and with numerous Biblical quotations and miraculous laced literary The only major discrepancy in content is that John's ver- elements. in narrative on the Arab siege of Constantinople 717 contains a sion omitted by Simeon who gives instead an expo- (§§3-5), whereas this is of beginnings of iconoclasm. But there are many variations the sition 63 martyrs, whose spokesmen Simeon has on finer for example, points: are Theodoulus, Eusebius David, whilst John and 60, who are rep- has furnish to tends John and Julian. Finally, Simeon George, by resented all names can give the that of he 63 martyrs, he knows more details; they were from !conium and is aware that it was with illegal entry that they charged. were 83 Established 2-3. Loparev, "Vizantijskie zitiya svyatykh," by

381 362 Martyrologies version In who buries the martyrs is archbishop the Simeon's John plight, memorandum about their which a he and writes of Caesarea into a martyrology ( martyrion) by Simeon. was ver- later made This but derive from an eyewitness, to either this is claims, sion therefore, Simeon considerably reworked the original sketch. false governor or The the prince ( archegos) of Egypt for instructions Caesarea to of writes about pilgrims, until the Fatimids in not tenth century the but the subordinate to Egypt. Moreover, it was a familiarity Palestine shows iconoclasm its writings with and put would at least into the that it 84 ninth John's version, by contrast, seems totally innocent of century. controversy. It the John who buries the pilgrims make pros- the has is "impious" and the their Leo, to who and refers to tration relics, as and Moameth" for Simeon, "a "crowned by God," "new Balthasar" 85 to God and most pious." The memory" and blessed dear "most "of staunchly pro-Byzantine, most likely a Chalcedonian, and is author of proscription is certainly writing before the He anti-Muslim. overtly iconoclasm and Council of the Ecumenical probably before its at 787 at the synod convened by Constantine V in 754, so we may escalation 86 the work to the mid-eighth century. date It has been proposed by Huxley that this martyrology is a recently 87 fictitious adaptation of the Sixty Martyrs of Gaza. of His Passion the is "coherent the latter is that and simple" and possessed argument chief Passion the of the Jerusalem a historical context," whereas of "secure Martyrs unfounded, for the seven-year truce is execution of 60 and Byzantines the holy city in 724 is mentioned in no other source. The at narrative general framework very similar, but there is considerable is author It the may be that the of of the Passion detail. difference in a as used the Passion of the Sixty Martyrs of Gaza Martyrs Jerusalem a much when what was originally about smaller incident model writing 84 by Gero, Byzantine Iconoclasm ... Leo, 177 n. 4, 181 n. 13. Illustrated 85 Passion the Jerusalem Martyrs (John), §§12 (John prostrates to relics), of 3-5 Martyrs of the Jerusalem Passion (Simeon), 137, 139. (Leo); 86 Further discussion is given by Gero, Byzantine Iconoclasm ... Leo, 176-81. See praevius), also 21 October, 6.358-60 (commentarius sanctorum where it is ar- Acta identified be should John" monk humble that "the grounds, very not on gued, strong Damascus. John of with 87 Huxley, "The Sixty Martyrs of Jerusalem."

382 Martyrologies 363 the 720s, while we only have the account of the Gaza martyrs in in but crude Latin one should be wary about giving any firm version, a late conclusions. 8 Damascus (d. 179j8 of Elias of this martyr is a well-crafted piece of anti-Muslim po- The account seek out his martyrdom, rather he is perfectly not does lemic. Elias in but nevertheless, the author's por- coexist Muslims; to willing with their at is a helpless victim of he baseness. This point least, trayal brought home by the frequent contrast made is Elias' virtue between and and the depravity and wiliness of the Muslim characters innocence the story. the Muslim guests of a party at which Elias had While in of still sleeping off the excesses are the night before, Elias been serving already up, performing his ablutions then heading off to is commune with While Elias is able to succeed at business through industry God. resort honesty, apostate employer is and to envy and has to his a prey material The threats and various inducements used by subterfuge. to the with to persuade Elias to profess Islam contrast authorities Muslim selfless pacific which Elias stands by his belief in the manner and in full In author makes use of the the range Christian faith. addition, devices of disposal of a hagiographer-visions, torture, miracles at the so enhance his hero's spiritual standing. This Passion on-to and is the unusual detail with which its histor- also interesting, however, for because setting For this reason, and depicted. it is very little is ical I shall present here an outline of the story. known, in and raised at Heliopolis (Ba'albek) born Second Phoeni- was Elias their lot, he, worked as a carpenter. Hoping to improve cia where he destitute and two brothers headed for Damascus. There mother his obtained who job with a Syrian Christian apostate, he was himself a spent the of an Arab, and he craft. two years practising his employ in The Arab patron of the apostate ( antileptor tou apostatou) died a short bore had settled his son with a bride. She him a child while he after to throw a birthday party comrades, decided and he, encouraged by his 88 3 , Calendar, 151; Halkin, See 578-79). Palestinian-Georgian 1.177 (nos. BHG

383 Martyrologies 364 upon to serve and during the feast infant was called son. his' for Elias questioned was guests as to his origins the invited to some by of and by relinquishing his Christian faith. their avoided equals He become pointing out to them that they by at a party, not a con- the issue were so just to enjoy themselves. They insisted, however, that and vention, at eat with them. Later, as the singers began to perform, the he least his them, undoing belt (zone) dance to with Elias dragged guests along 89 allow him free movement. for him to had his and night co-revellers were buried in sleep, When passed of his way belt, doing so out tied habit in the Christian got Elias up, kat a to ethos tes christianikes politeias- ten idian autou (perizonnytai washed his and left the house in order to go and offer his zonen), face inebriated guest, however, noticed his departure One God. to prayers out to ask him where he was going. and explained that he called Elias to to which the guest replied: pray, you not deny your intended "Did to proceeded Out of scorn for this suggestion Elias night?" faith last the supplications then returned to God, workshop. His pour to forth visited him later to warn him, apostate that had he not employer saying the would have done him guests Though he was told harm. intervened with might in his post, albeit remain the forfeit of his wages, Elias he and his deemed it more prudent if he left, and so he returned to family 90 Heliopolis. years he made his way back to Damascus. His brothers After eight safe that time should have made it passage of for him to the agreed 89 paragraph is a resume of Elias of Damascus, Passion, 155-60 (= This 45-46). Auzepy, "Etienne le Sabalte et Jean Damascene," Papadopoulos-Kerameus, n. he implies that it was undoing his belt (though she says 203 did, whereas it 143, a Muslim. considered led Elias to be that This is not made ex- him) done for was plicit in the text, but it is true that the belt seems to be a sign of Christian identity; cf. the of the deacon of the region of Edessa recounted at the beginning of this story apostate Dioscorus of Alexandria upon his de- and the actions of the chapter, note and to martyrdom: "He got up at once cision tied the zunniir round his waist, seek into out walked and made the sign of the cross over himself, then he prayed he then Cohen, Barmahat"). Synaxary, "6 Distinctive See (Coptic "Origins of the the city" Dress Regulation for Non-Muslims." For Zoroastrians removal of the sacred girdle apostasy (kusti) outward sign of a distinctive (cf. Boyce, Zoroastrians, 148, was 153, 158). 90 Elias of Damascus, Passion, 160-64 (= Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 46-47).

384 Martyrologies 365 up once in the city, and he proceeded to set up take residence more The for of camel saddles. manufacture apostate, workshop the his own found out and, because it was near his his was old employer, business, the and asked him to come saint work for him again. and of envious at this offer; since the apostate had done him a wrong scoffed Elias last his let he was hardly likely to by himself wages, withholding time time. Taken aback, a second cheated be retorted that yes the apostate he indeed, Islam namely letting an apostate from done had a wrong, to testify that Elias had Arab employer get free. He asked his away converted Islam the night of the party and then hauled the saint to 91 the ( eparchos ), who was called Layth. local From governor before lines the narrative follows the on of a traditional Christian this point Elias is offered freedom if he reverts to Islam, he refuses and passion. is tortured, put in chains; visions occur which comfort him and then him trials stand firm in the encourage ahead. He is brought be- to Mu}:!ammad fore tetrarch and prince (hegemon) (Mouchamad), a and nephew of MahdT (Maadi), who convenes a tribunal and tries by alter- nately offering threats him inducements to persuade him and material 92 a Muslim. When Elias still refuses, he is executed become to and the hung a pole outside the gates of corpse city, an event which his on by attended 14 February AM 6287 and which was various on took place 93 miracles. Neomartyr (d. 180) Romanus the He a was Galatia and a monk. native was captured by Romanus of raiders and sent Arab Baghdad, where he remained in prison for to the he apostate, time, because of a Greek slander of years. one At nine was suspected of being a certain notorious spy and was brought before 91 Ibid., Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 47-48). 165-67 (= 92 179-83 = Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 51-52): the tribunal. Ibid., ( 93 ( = Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 55): date. According to Ibid., Byzantine 193 the AM corresponds to 779, which falls 6287 the reign of Mahdl, who is within era of the martyrdom. (basile us) of the Arabs" at the time "king the as presented era scholars dated it by Some Alexandrian have of Panadorus which yields 795 the (Loparev, "Vizantijskie zitiya svyatykh," 36-40; Brehier, "La situation des chretiens de Palestine a la fin du VIlle siecle," 70-71).

385 Martyrologies 366 Though not he was taken along on the caliph's Mahdl. convicted, Byzantium in so that he could be kept under close against campaign 780 time Raqqa, army encamped at the and there Romanus a For guard. prisoners upbraiding some Greek into for their apostasy. trouble for got flogged, taken to the chamberlain RabT', who had then him first He was him him over to Islam, had executed on to win who, unable MahdT, to 94 780. 1 May only survives This Georgian and bears the title: "The account in of passion Romanus the Neomartyr, the was martyred by holy who the the demoniacal king MahdT, which was blessed by written of order of Damascus, was one of the fathers of the holy convent Stephen who 95 Father as A Stephen Man~ur of Damascus is known Saba." the our of Mar Greek author of the Twenty Martyrs of of Saba in the Passion as well as of a 797 of hymns in Greek. This number appears Stephen to been something of a Greek purist, for in the Passion of the have Martyrs Mar Saba he relates how a Syriac-speaking monk, Twenty of had tried unsuccessfully to pronounce Greek properly, cured was who martyrs, the tongue by one of a barbaric who appeared to him in of his dream and purged the offending object of its oily "stickiness" with a new 96 demonstrates that the Georgian Passion of Romanus Peeters cloth. 97 have from Arabic. been Given Stephen's antipathy must translated 94 outline events in the Passion fits well with The in 'fabarT, 3.494-95, that of chamberlain sets with his son Hariin and out RabT' in March AH where MahdT and stops off at the castle of Maslama ibn 'Abd al-Malik 163/780 Raqqa. near The of this text to the Iconoclast controversy is considered by Sevcenko, relevance "Hagiography of Iconoclast Period," 114-16 (note that the majority of the the Byzantine inmates the prison in Baghdad were Iconclasts and plotted against at Iconodule minority, whom they called "enemies of our emperor"). the 95 Romanus the Passion, "title" (tr. Peeters, 409); see also Neomartyr, Calendar, Palestinian-Georgian 213-14. 96 of Passion of the of Martyrs Damascus, Mar Saba, 12- Stephen Twenty 13/177 Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 36). On this (= see Nasrallah, Mouvement author litteraire l'eglise melchite dans 156-57. 2.2, 97 "S. Romain le Peeters, 403-405, 407-408. He concludes from this neomartyr," that Stephen of Damascus could not be its author and proposes instead Stephen origin Thaumaturgus but he was of peasant Sabaite, and anyway died in 794, the before the death of the twenty martyrs in 797. See Blake, "Deux lacunes comblees "Etienne dans Passio XX monachorum," 40-42; Auzepy, la le Sabalte et Jean Dam- ascene," 205-207.

386 Martyrologies 367 the "Syrian" it is highly unlikely that he would have towards tongue, Arabic, written must assume that the Arabic version of the and in we 98 a from Greek. was This itself not uncommon; Passion was translation 614 on sack of Jerusalem in Persian by Strategius, the homily the the Stephen the Sabaite by Leontius and Life likely the Passion of of very Twenty of Mar Saba, all passed from Greek to Arabic to the Martyrs 99 Georgian. Copto-Arabic Texts proportion of Coptic literature is taken up with A substantial eulo- homilies in honour of composed Christian gistic early who martyrs, particular popularity in Egypt, and numerous saints. other enjoyed the anniversary the death of a martyr or saint such an en- of On congregation, out to the read commemorating the be comium would achievements of their life sufferings celebrating the miracles and and Greek their relics. From these and Coptic by subsequently performed later translated into Arabic, then in the early century fourteenth were order, were and placed in calendrical together the entry they brought 100 saint being found under the day of their death. work, This for each Synaxary the the Coptic church, has been in constant use and fre- of having updated this century, now until attained the status of quently and heroes, The focus is very much on the early book. a liturgical 98 Thus lacunes comb!ees dans Ia Passio XX monachorum," who Blake, "Deux of author of the Passion Romanus and of the as the of Stephen regards Damascus also the Martyrs of Mar Saba. See Twenty idem, "La litterature grecque Passion of Palestine," 375, where it is again asserted that there must en been an Arabic have Romanus' Passion. Greek and Georgian versions of intermediary the between 99 XX comb!ees dans Ia Passio lacunes monachorum," 28, suggests Blake, "Deux there was an Arabic intermediary between that extant Greek and Georgian the Twenty Saba. Passion of the Mar Martyrs of of the versions 100 It is not certain when this task was first undertaken, but a reasonable case made by Coquin, "Quelle est been fourteenth for century has recently the early date possible du synaxaire des coptes," who cites relevant earlier discussions. Ia been a number of other recensions time that made, each with their own have Since The work in wording and omissions/additions of certain entries. subtle variations provides was into the Ethiopic Synaxary, which therefore whole an incorporated See Delehaye, "Les additional witness. martyrs d'Egypte," 91-113, and CE, s.v. "Synaxarion, O'Leary, The Saints of Egypt, 60-286, provides an Copto-Arabic." one. each on comments men/women with holy of catalogue alphabetical

387 Martyrologies 368 rriartyrs," those by Muslims, amount to no more than "new executed entries for whole period from the seventh to the nine- of a handful the 101 and the two presented below might plausibly teenth centuries, only deserving the Of course, not all century. cases seventh/eighth to belong 02 the Synaxary/ reverence and the and devotion great in were included that founding the church means of they appro- the Fathers accorded of the limelight, but this poor showing priate new martyrs much of also some extent reflect the low to of persecution by the must degree Muslims. the Menas Monk entry on a Christian peasant from Akhmim, presents him The Menas, determined the since his youth to renounce resolutely world as ever he an life. On attaining maturity, live was initiated at a and ascetic near his home and spent some time there in fasting and monastery then for Ashmunayn and remained in a nearby convent headed prayer, gates, of its until the Arabs cap- outside sixteen going never for years, the country. When he tured that these new rulers denied that heard God a consubstantial and coeternal had he was "sorely troubled" son, and he went to see the chief of their army. The latter confirmed to him that they indeed reject such a belief: did 101 See "19 Ba'ilna" (Muza}_lim, who apostatised and adopted the Coptic Synaxary, d. by his Passion is summarised George, Yanney, "A New Martyr: St. 960s; name Alexandria; Egyptian), Barmahat" (Dioscorus of "6 the mention of a the George of Egypt" "king a date in Fa timid times), "27 Mesore" (Mary the Armenian suggests not 1270). Otherwise, there are a few whose passion is simply noted and ca. d. described: Synaxary, "13 IGhak" (Barsenuphius), "13 Coptic (Shenute), "14 Abib" IGhak" (Simeon). 102 There is, for example, the Christian of Egypt who "insulted the Prophet" and at in of ibn Anas was executed Malik Shawwal AH 169/ April 786 the recommendation Wulat, (no. Peeters, BHO, 116 (Kind!, 519), mentions John of Phanidjoit 69-70). Coptic (d. Passion was written in whose (Amelineau, "Un document copte"). 1209), the commemorating antiphonary-a collection of hymns for the whole year, an And v. s. Damietta of Michael CE, )-cites "Difnar" with saints (see day each associated Coptic Hatur) and $allb (3 Klhak), neither mentioned in the synaxary (Crum, (14 Mss. in the John Rylands Library, 211-12).

388 Martyrologies 369 saint said to him: "It would be appropriate for the And disassociate from if he were a son of intercourse to it you procreation or god but this 'a is (ibn aw taniisul), mubiif;la from Light." He (the commander) said to from God, light him: monk, our Religion ( sharf'a) is unbelief this "0 in (kufr)."to3 which him, citing John iii.36, threatened angered the com- then Menas who then ordered that the monk be killed mander, the sword and by thrown the river. into there was and whether he died thus is impossible Whether a Menas precisely but his biographer understands since the Muslim ob- to say, be the idea of a son associated with God-how could He of to jection sexual intercourse?-it unlikely that this account was composed be- is the end of the seventh century. fore Thomas, Bishop of Damascus This entry claims that Thomas was bishop of Damascus when the Arabs captured the that he won a debate against one of their sa- city, and 'ulamii'ihim). his latter, chagrined at (a~ad defeat, took the The vants bishop the emir, accusing the matter of having impugned their up with Thomas was summoned before the emir and interrogated, but doctrine. my the execration came out from "No mouth, rather I denied charge: Religion him that Christ is a true divinity and that his to asserted 104 will not be superseded by another religion." (sharf'a) "So our Reli- in then," emir, "is not, the your opinion, from God?" continued gion and Thomas' this earned him execution of "the crown of endorsement martyrdom." 103 Coptic Synaxary, "17 Amshir" (= Ethiopic Synaxary, "17 Yakkatit"). I trans- since make Michael and Philotheus, of it seems to me to better the edition from late sense. 104 Coptic Synaxary, "4 Hatur" I

389 Martyrologies 370 Texts Armenian Dwin (d. ca. 703) David of chapter entitled rule of prince Gregory (662-85) and the In a "the head in the historian and Armenia," of the that misfortunes occurred John Catholicos (d. ca. 925), narrates the following Armenian church, incident: this David, who was of Persian origin and of royal At time to prince great came Gregory and begged him the blood, so he would be given Christian confirmation. Gregory that him with joy and ordered the catholicos Anastas accepted (660-67) give him the confirmation of holy baptism. And to Surhan, the great prince David was called since formerly who had as his godfather during the baptism renamed stood David, after his own father, and gave him him his resi- as dence of village in the province Jag Kotayk'. After a the of number years he received the crown of martyrdom in the of city of Dwin ... After Gregory, Bagratuni (685-89), the son of Sm- Ashot ruled over princedom of Armenia. At this time a the bat, ibn) Marwan, an Ishmaelite by race, (Mu}:lammad certain to Armenia as governor and launched attacks on all came fortresses the Armenia ... After Mul).ammad another gov- in Allah, the a 'Abd of name ernor was Armenia sent to by and impudent man, extremely malicious wicked, insolent by nature ... This was the 'Abd Allah who seized the neo- phyte David we mentioned above. He tormented him whom severe of fetters and imprisonment because with his blows, him and tried to persuade to fall into his in belief Christ, not did man old blessed the Since perdition. abyss own of to this consent bravely revealed his indignation, 'Abd and Allah had him nailed to a wooden board and shot an ar- saint, ghost the heart of the through who gave up his row

390 Martyrologies 371 The bishops and the priests took his body and Christ. to 105 near of Saint Yiztbuzit. the it buried martyrium of David's and passion seems to be a summary This account conversion of work also as the source served the still ex- a hagiographical of which much fuller Passion of S. David of Dwin. The two narratives tant and similar very the only discrepancy being that the Passion follow lines, as to tajfk by origin who "came David Armenia with the describes a was of This suggests that he tajfks." Arab rather than Per- armies the and presumably a Muslim, which would explain why he singled was sian 106 Some of the references in John become more for out interrogation. that the the Passion, indicating of the latter in light understandable the original composition. Otherwise, preserves Passion sim- better the gives details ply more There propaganda. an exchange between and is and 'AbdAllah chamberlain, a Christian one assumes, who advises his master have David executed in to as an example to others, public his rather that this will strengthen Christian re- while secretly knowing wife and ceremony to their cause. David's bring is at the glory solve encouraging him to display resolution. And there is a nice touch at the end when crucifix, which had been set to face south, swings David's to the a shift from the Muslim to the Christian direction east, round 107 prayer. of supposedly took place The the sixth hour, Monday 23 affair "at but in what year? For the period 653-83, though obliged Areg," and pay tribute, Armenia remained suzerainty to acknowledge Arab among self-governing. time of war the the Arabs (683- largely "During Lewond tells us, "the Armenians, the 92)," and the Alba- Georgians been them to them tribute, having servitude in ceased pay to nians 108 thirty years." brief After a for spell of total independence under 9 prince Ashot the Byzantines and Arabs fought for control (685-89),1° 105 John History of Armenia, XX (tr. Maksoudian, 106-107). Catholicos, 106 the of Passion, 240; David the etymology of tajfk-from Dwin, Arab tribe for 'fayyi'-see Hiibschmann, Armenische Grammatik, 86-87. 107 For these and other details see the translation of the Passion by Professor Robert Thomson Excursus D below. in 108 IV (tr. Arzoumanian, 54). Lewond, 109 'fabari has the rebel leaders Mukhtar and Mu~'ab appoint 'Abd Allah ibn al- $ufra I:Jarith and Muhallab ibn Abi (2.634) (2.750) respectively as governors of

391 Martyrologies 372 of the II sent an expedition and installed Nerseh 'country. Justinian prince of Kamsarakan as Armenia Mul)_ammad In (689-92). ibn 692 Marwan, by of governor appointed Mesopotamia 'Abd al-Malik, cam- defeated and against paigned the Byzantines at Sebastopolis; "Sm- the prince of Armenia, on being informed of the de- bat (Bagratuni), 110 the delivered Romans, to the Arabs." Armenia The emperor feat of 1 Tiberius, seeking another to in 698.U lauched Smbat, arrest assault invasion led by Mul)_ammad ibn A in 701 resulted in the full Marwan annexation Armenia, and thenceforth of country was ad- formal the by a representative of ministered caliph the than a local sov- rather ereign.112 The would seem to have been Nab!})_ ibn 'AbdAllah al- first governor whom while ibn Marwan left in charge nazi, he was away ' A Mul)_ammad 113 helping fight Syria to in al-Ash'ath. the In Ibn year 703 the rebel the nobles under the leadership of Armenian Bagratuni (692-726) Smbat rose against the Arabs and inflicted a severe defeat upon them at up battle Vardanakert. 'Abd al-Malik immediately prepared a re- the of attack to be led by Mul)_ammad taliatory Marwan. Hearing of this, ibn the of Armenia empowered nobles catholicos Sahak (677-703) to the I:Iarran at their behalf and avert the reprisal. Sahak died on negotiate meeting Mul)_ammad, before letter his submis- offering but Armenia's in sion general, return to the peace who accepted and for was handed these were unlikely Armenia, have been more than nominal. Hinds, Awtab!'s but to of Muhallabids, nowhere has Muhallab the Armenia, and in Dlnawarl, Account in 300, Akhbiir, appoints 'Abd Allah over Mahayn and Ramadan. Mukhtar 110 366; the with the Byzantines at Sebastopolis (Sabfs!a) Theophanes, encounter reported by 1\hallfa, 270 (summer AH 73/692). is also 111 VI Lewond, Arzoumanian, 56). (tr. 112 (tr. (AH 82/701); 1\hal!fa, VII 288 Arzoumanian, 57), who puts it Lewond, "after the sixteenth year of 'Abd al-Malik's reign" (February 700-February 701). On the of Muslim hegemony in Armenia see Manandean, "Les inva- establishment stage); arabes (only deals with the earliest Armenie" Laurent, "L'Armenie sions en sur Ia situ- esp. 400-62; entre "Observations Byzance et !'Islam," Ter-Lewondyan, ation et economique de l'Armenie politique VIIe-IXe siecles," 197-200; aux idem, "L'Armenie et Ia conquete arabe." 113 Lewond, (tr. Arzoumanian, 59); Khallfa, 288, VIII says that the Armenians who killed him and that he was subsequently replaced by Abu Shaykh ibn 'AbdAllah al- who also ibn al-$uddi al-Ghanawl, 'Amr were killed by the Armenians and Ghanawi (ibid., 289).

392 Martyrologies 373 4 its From 703 to 704 Mul;lammad was gover- observed conditionsY but at the beginning all and Azerbaijan, of Mesopotamia, nor Armenia over Allah I:Iatim al-BahilT was given control 'Abd the two 705 ibn of 5 This might be the 'Abd Allah mentioned by provincesY northern John Catholicos executioner of David, in which case the latter as the 705. in 23 Areg was not a Monday in that year; it was so in But died Abu perhaps ibn 'Abd Allah or NabTl;l Shaykh ibn 'Abd Allah so 703, meant; otherwise the day (Monday) or is date (23 Areg) given in the 6 wrongY be the may Passion (d. 737) Vahan Marwan ibn Mul;lammad the agreement of the abided terms had by by up drawn Sahak. The caliph the however, "in catholicos WalTd, plotted princely the uproot (705-706), to year reign his of the first and their cavalry families account of on the that he held against grudge 117 latter obtained reinforcements from the Byzantines and The Smbat." against the Arabs, but Mul;lammad marched Marwan quickly rallied ibn an and defeated the rebels. army this time was severe. Retribution a assembled Mul;lammad, of orders the on acting certain A Qasim, the doors of two churches, locked high-ranking in number Armenians 114 VIII Arzoumanian, 59-61); John Catholicos, XXI (tr. Lewond, Maksoudian, (tr. 107-108). 115 died who says that 'Abd Allah Khalifa, and was replaced by his Thus 298, 'Abd al-'Aziz; Baladhuri, Futii~, 205, has Armenia as governor of 'AbdAllah brother certainly but this is too early. Azerbaijan Mu'awiya, and for 116 the dates out from Grumel, Chronologie, 306 1 work Table 7), and Cae- (3.IV, tani, s.a. AH 83, 85. Peeters, Chronographia, 57 (no. 246), following Dulau- BHO, early Chronologie armenienne, 183, gives a date of 31 March 693, which is too rier, and correspond to any of the Armenian not that it mentions (18 Arats, does dates and 23 Areg); they cite another version of the Passion not available to me. 22 117 Lewond, (tr. Arzoumanian, 64). The following account of the murder of the X in is similar in its details very Lewond, X, and Baladhuri, Futii~, Armenian nobles was 205. a victim of this reprisal also the princess Shushan, wife of Presumably the of 155 at l:larran according to a colophon dated martyred Nerseh Kamsarakan, [Ms. n. 51 849]). Dzeragrats', Yishatakarank' (Yovsep'ian, era/706 Armenian

393 Martyrologies 374 8 burned them Other nobles were tortured so that they and alive.U would reveal their wealth, then were either killed whereabouts the of Damascus. at Dwin, then at captivity, into or led first those Among Vahan, mayyad capital was taken son of Khus- to U the of Golt'n, then about four years old, of whom rau, story of his lord the 9 passion still is By command he was converted "from .U royal extant of our great mysteries to error" and was the Wahhab. truth renamed was He as the sciences and educated Arab a scribe in the in worked chancery" until the time of 'Umar (717-20). This ruler deter- "royal to mined those who had been taken and, though unwilling to release so talented youth, he eventually agreed to allow Vahan to go with a lose for always "saw to the strict them, of his orders and was execution he 120 the He returned to nature." region of Golt'n which excellent of an conceived until the death of 'Umar, whereupon a desire he governed he in confess six years he lived as a monk For the desert, then to Christ. martyrdom. to seek resolved Edessa and Callinicum Via journeyed to the royal palace Vahan at the residence of Hisham, king of Ru~afa, Arabs at that time. the He went to the chief secretary and the chief executioner, who was Qarsh was governor of I:Jama, seeking an introduction to and called tyrant." Finally, was granted an audience with the caliph, who "the he riches return political power if he would him to Islam. But and offered things be won over by "the Vahan of this world" and was would not imprisoned. A Muslim scholar was sent to consequently debate with After each failed to persuade him. but eight days he was again day, him "You the caliph, who asked him to recant, saying: have before brought also for us, since others, imitating you, will example given a dangerous unrepentent and Hisham ordered the rebellion." Vahan was into fall executioner to take him outside and to try to win him round by ap- 118 Theophanes, has reported this together with the earlier battle of Var- 372, 205, Futu~, read ~arraqahum ("burned them") instead of In danakert. Baladhuri, ("frightened them"); cf. Khalifa, 290 (AH 84/703). khawwafahum 119 If the same as the "account which has been composed about him" used by was Stephon Taron, Universal History, 2.1V (tr. Dulaurier, 156), then it of Asolik written before 1004, when Stephen finished his chronicle. 120 Vahan of Golt'n, Passion, IV (tr. Gatteyrias, 187-89). 'Umar's release of the XIII, prisoners also reported by Lewond, is XV (tr. Arzoumanian, 70, 106).

394 375 Martyrologies But, frustrated by Vahan's implacability, or frightening peasing him. eventually the This occurred on 17 March, dur- slew executioner him. on hour, at the ninth week, which allows us to a Monday, Easter ing 121 death in the year 737. the place the earliest references to Vahan's martyrdom is One in the of found of Catholicos, but this has compressed events to the point History John distortion: of became son Walld al-Malik, caliph and after his 'Abd After brother Sulayman ruled for a short time, and after Walld his 'Umar ruled, in whose time Vahan, lord of Golt'n, him was put the torture by the same ('Umar?) and, suffering a to name of Christ, was adorned by Christ the deal great in 122 unfading in the city the Ru~afa in Syria. of with crown itself inspires much greater confidence. It opens with The Passion lament for Armenia, which had endured the invasion of a Arabs the latter decimation of its elite, the the account given of this and and now accords by with that presented tragedy Lewond, our earliest chron- well 123 with events. of It displays familiarity the names of offices in the icler Muslim government and with the geography of northern Syria, and is correct on details as the location of Hisham's capital (Ru~afa) and such identity of governor in Mesopotamia (Marwan ibn Mul:;ammad). the his also on to be based work eyewitness testimonies. Seven The claims Vahan's death, an Armenian monk accompanied his years after abbot on a visit to the chapel which had been erected Abraham house the to martyr's They met those who were well informed about the corpse. and Greek, from them an account in events which the monk received fashioned into a martyrology. subsequently 121 Calculated by Dulaurier, armenienne, 242; confirmed by Thomas Chronologie Artsruni, 3.XXIX (tr. Thomson, 314-15), and Stephon Asolik of Taron, Universal History, 2.IV Dulaurier, 156), specifying 186 of the Armenian era/737. Peeters, (tr. John 267-68 1235-36) gives 717, BHO, misled by the account of (nos. presumably Catholicos cited below. 122 John Catholicos, (tr. Maksoudian, 109). XXI 123 Vahan ofGolt'n, Passion, II-III (tr. Gatteyrias, 182-87), is, however, confused sixteenth over puts the massacre in the it year of dates; 'Abd al-Malik (700-701) ofWalid's AH 85/704, and the transfer of prisoners to Damascus in the first year and reign (705-706) and 152 of the Armenian era (703-704).

395 Martyrologies 376 Texts Syriac' numerous accounts of martyrdoms undergone by Nestorian We possess Sasanid for Muslim times almost none would rule, under but Christians 124 to been A similar dearth is have be found among to composed. seem who were, however, able to come up with one the Jacobites, example, late Syrian martyr named Cyrus of I:Iarran. In- the eighth-century formation his is preserved in about chronicles, though the two ordeal Syrian of patriarch Michael the twelfth-century is extremely notice the brief: ), Qiirils ( name apos- Cyrus was whose Christian A person, ~ashii) ( of some whim ( account and later on a~nep) tatised was seized by 'Abbas and judged. For refus- repented. He was submit the latter's will, his head to cut off and to ing 125 burnt with his body fire. The of the monk of Zuqnin monastery (wr. 775) is far longer, version 126 very begins It but by drawing attention to the eminent fragmentary. ( of "beautiful shoot." Cyrus this background Qiirfs) was from I:Iarran priest, "a "the famous people of the city." His father was among from and full all virtues and all divine graces." His mother was of chaste to mother of the baptist, in similar alms every day [giving] "Elisabeth, which in and in all those virtues faith befit women." So "from and her a good such as this one a blessed fruit was born." Though a couple native "the land of paganism," he was a "light of beautiful blaze" of road the shades," for "he walked on the Christ that "dense illuminating paved for us." 124 A thorough search through manuscript collections would probably throw up the odd one-e.g. eulogy for Joseph of Mo~ul, martyred by the Muslims in Lent of the 842/1439 very Catalogue, 1.961-62}-but certainly AH few. (Mingana, 125 Michael Syrian ll.XXVI, 476/527. the 126 Zuqnin, quotations Ensuing from Chron. are 395 (upbringing), 396 (bat- drawn tle), 396-97 (trial), 398 (imprisonment and escape), 399 (passion). Curly brackets "The indicate any letters therein are conjectured. Harrak, so Fragmentary a gap, of I:Iarran," painstakingly reconstructs the Cyrus Account of the Martyrdom of details of the account from this often unintelligible document.

396 Martyrologies 377 Next we a military scenario. Besides the occurrence of move to as words and "commander of "victory," such "battle" ri:sh the ( cavalry" there is the following comment: pariishe), strong a{ ... } man, swift of movement, This holy was Cyrus in body {in deed}. And and the time when courageous at was battle {of} Mul_tammad and of' Abbas and Su- there the { was a}s Hisham, mentioned above,{ ... C}y- laymanibn ... rus to be {in} that bat{ tl}e. happened with is intended is not easy to certainty, determine confrontation Which the mention "their lord Marwan" a little further on makes it clear but of are 740s with the late we and the Abbasid struggle for that dealing very Cyrus power. likely a in capacity, since the participated military on his physical prowess observations otherwise be rather out of would place in Marwan's portrayal martyr. Being in I:Jarran, a capital, the of would have Cyrus ample opportunity to had in this caliph's army. enrol time" had elapsed "much After and Abbasids come to power, the Cyrus found himself the victim of perhaps because of his "slanderers," Umayyad associations: former of him things before I:I umayd {son many of They accused was who Qal).tab}a, then the Jaz{ira}. {He}, em{ir} of he when heard these things from perfidious persons, took to a man, who asked him him "Are you a Chris- {saying}: tian?" (Cyrus) said: He "Yes." said: "{H}ow judge The it possible} for a Christian {was {that he man pay} not 127 }ax (g{ zz}ta)?" the Cyrus po{ll-t him the reason {told} without dissembling and how he {was} registered without his consent. you judge is not possible that "It The said: registered for be poll-tax {after} you have become the a Muslim lak)." (mhaggar protestation that he had not Cyrus' goes against the account converted of Michael, but since the version of the Zuqnin chronicler is contempo- rary it be favoured. should 127 sense, is conjectured This the general sentence not from the text, which from is totally corrupt here; presumably the slanderer had pointed out to J:lumayd that a Muslim should not be registering himselffor poll-tax.

397 M artyrologies 378 trial continues the judge urging Cyrus to "pray and confess The with is God has no {associate and that M ul).ammad is the one that and 28 and ( rasiilii) and prophet messenger God," for otherwise P of servant "If affirming: by The saint responds punishment. face would he severe }ed every tartur{ e} {against} me, you would not {be ab} le to you {order from The faith." me judge changes tack and instead promises turn {my} "If but Cyrus remains adamant: you give me a{ll} and rank, gifts high {is in the worl { d}, a{ s} I told that before and am telling you now, you ... not deny my faith, because if I destroy my soul {gifts} will I shall begins The at this point judge to taunt him, saying: me naug{ht}." avail those according your argument, all to peop{le who were} "Well then, and were made Muslims ( mashlmiine) have destroyed th { eir} Christian apostatised}, ... }for man{y even old people." souls { was matters on until eventually Cyrus went put in prison. And so from the changeover of governors Qal).taba J:Iumayd ibn However, during managed 'Abbas Mul).ammad in 759, to ibn to escape and "fled Cyrus solitude," "in and spent "about years" in hiding He J:Iarran." from four little then martyrdom and "little by seek made his way resolved but to he where at many places, for example Edessa, stopped to J:Iarran." He the many of his friends, who tried to dissuade him from by seen was my brothers and the members behalf sacrifice he wished to make "on of my But he continued on faith." way, his countenance cheerful, his of by and he replied, "when all he was adjured for "prepared suffering," everything not {J:Iarran}," that "{for} me enter is of no account ex- to cept that I complete my course { ... and be delivered from} this { w }orld the that be with Christ." Here may account of the chronicler of I so breaks and Zuqnin off must accept the word of Michael the Syrian we and Cyrus tried that sentenced to death by 'Abbas, was that this and 129 took place in 769. 128 Reading: w-layt leh shawtiipii wa-M~amed 'abdeh hwii d-Alliihii, rather than Chabot's wa-Mhamed d-Alliihii. hwii 129 1080/768-69, chronicler The AG Zuqni~ Michael 1081/769-70. This dis- has may plus the disagreement over whether Cyrus had apostatised or not, crepancy, Michael that the two chroniclers have different sources, or else mean may have distorted/have in a distorted form the same original source.

398 Martyrologies 379 Dubia the Sabaite Michael an Michael both Greek, preserved as in episode Passion The exists of of S. Theodore of Edessa, and the which is itself a Life Georgian, in The Greek version is Arabic. an adaption from translation from only 130 is This the original. which Arabic, opens with a prologue the clearly 131 Saba." of Emesa, "priest of S. Basil the He tells how by narrator given feast of the Annunciation he the the monks had proceeded to a and on the Virgin close to the of On the return journey sanctuary monastery. had made a visit to the nearby cell of Theodore Abii Qurra (d. ca. they who, 820s) the desire of his guests for edification, related responding to of martyrdom. Upon its conclusion Basil resumes tale Michael's the with a eulogy to the the of Mar Saba and to some narrative monastery 132 its more illustrious members. of Passion itself describes how "in the days of 'Abd al-Malik son of The amir-mumli), the the faithful ( of there was great commander Marwan, and calm." Once the caliph "went up to Jerusalem from Babylon peace with wife his child in a great throng with a select army in decorated and and camels," "search- horses, colts, elephants chariots, on thoroughbred Christian man knowledgeable about the Law" (§2). During ing for a same time a native of Tiberias and monk at Mar Saba, this Michael, off sell the holy city to set certain artefacts that he had made, to had master provide himself and his for Moses, a fellow Tiberian to thus inmate of Mar Saba. In and reminiscent of the Old Testament a scene story Joseph and the Pharaoh's wife, the eunuch of the caliph's wife of ( a spots Michael as Sa'ida man of intelligence and brings him to Seida) his mistress who, entranced by (§3), youthful good looks, attempts his to seduce the young monk, but without success (§4). Furious at his 130 Peeters, de S. Michel," 65-66 (the Georgian is a translation from "Passion Arabic), 84 Arabic is primary). A thorough discussion of the work is given (the Mar by the Martyr and Monk of "Michael Saba;" accompanying this is a Griffith, translation by Monica Blanchard, from which the citations below are taken. 131 the be the Basil who was hegumenos of Mar Saba in might late eighth This Greek Life XV, 610; Arabic Life II, 27). century (Stephen the Sabaite, 132 Michael the Sabaite, Passion, §§I (prologue), 14-15 (eulogy).·

399 Martyrologies 380 she rebuff, and dispatched to her husband along with has him whipped her (§5). 'Abd al-Malik, of insolence a message accusing him towards truth and, after interrogating Michael, soon per- the however, discerns ceives the A Jew, knowledgeable in the Law, wisdom (§§5-6). monk's first a debate Michael wins the ensues. round, where- summoned is and learn that the debate has an audience, for we are told that upon we were "the shame, anger and indignation, while the Saracens filled with physicians were filled with joy" (§§7-8). scribes Christian and then dismissed the Jew, vowing to defeat Michael on 'Abd al-Malik the question: "Did not Mul:;ammad convert his with own. He opens the ( sparsni) and the Arabs ( arabni) and smash their idols to Persians But Michael out that he had relied on inducements and points pieces?" and Paul came in peace whereas "was commanding fasting the sword, holiness, not abominable fornication." And he clinches the argu- and by had out that whereas Christianity ment spread throughout pointing for world, hold only their peninsula, Arabs many in their numer- the the those as such eminent the most particularly ous are lands Christian, (§§8-9). and at subjects court scribes The caliph next the doctors his without water boiling standing in a bath of ordeals: two Michael to and a measure of poison. When he survives both, drinking sandals on to are the Arabs cry out but the caliph: "You the Christians ecstatic, the Christians and destroying the Saracens. Either kill magnifying are or we Saracens will be monk (§10). Michael is taken to the exposed" executed at the be of the city before a large crowd of weeping gate The who take him away to monks buried at Mar Saba are be believers. fiery "a cloud like a pillar of light" which illumi- aided task by in their by the sky (§§11-12). A brother evening the name of Theodore, nates and Michael upon attending the funeral, calls prevents infirmity whom praising cured to the ceremony goes his name (§13). and is late number of reasons this work is unlikely to antedate the a For or early ninth century, when lived the characters who introduce eighth to recount 'Abd al-Malik is made it. proceed from Babylon to and Persians. and is said to have converted Arabs Mul:;ammad Jerusalem. al-Malik 'Abd the period of the of are cited besides No personalities caliph himself, Moses and Theodore being unknown, and no detail is given knowledge of that time. The presence of Christian betraying colour and scribes, which Peeters considered a "touch of local doctors

400 Martyrologies 381 even of history," fits as well, if not better, the Abbasid and sincere Christian many and highly esteemed. That doctors were where court to than from Tiberias, rather said from a renowned Michael is come his appearance in Melkite synaxaries suggest that and city, Christian a historical figure, but it he be rash to reconstruct his life was would 133 our from text. story skilfully composed, for in a short space it provides both is The edification, the former by a seduction scene and two and entertainment by ordeal, the a by means of disputations, miracles and latter trials which demonstrate truth and glory of Christianity. martyrdom, the dialogue aggressiveness fictional is evident from the the of the That is that 'Abd face Michael asserts al-Malik's "Paul saved the polemic. To but Mu}:!ammad led the Saracens astray," that gentiles, "Mu}:!ammad is an apostle nor is he a prophet, but rather a deceiver," and neither its his the devil, is that caliph's friend (§§7-8). It is, as enemy, the translator "a hagiographic novel," and says, inspired a number of it more elaborate successors, such as the Lives of Theodore of Edessa and John Edessa, who are made to dispute with Ma'mun and Harlin of 134 Rashid al- respectively. al-Najriini 'Abd al-Ghassiini al-Masi~ Na- of YazTd al-GhassanT was an Arab Christian ibn ibn Qays RabT' Arabia, who joined some jran of his locality on a raiding in Muslims remained he years thirteen For expedition Byzantine into territory. year" them, to raiding every himself and even "prayed with "devoting them." While wintering in Syria, he with to enter a church in chanced Ba'albek saw a priest engaged in and the Gospel. When, at his reading request, the cleric to him a passage from the holy book, RabT' recited being "wept, of what he had been and to what he had now reminded had at once repented, gave away all he set to the poor and come." He 133 References to Michael in synaxaries are given by Nasrallah, "Dialogue islamo- Passion's chretien," defence of the his authenticity is unconvincing. 132-33; 134 Peeters, "Passion de S. Michel," 81-91; Abel, "La portee apologetique de la "Dialogue 'Vie' saint Theodore d'Edesse;" Nasrallah, de islamo-chretien," 133-34 (on John of Edessa).

401 Martyrologies 382 Jerusalem. out visited the patriarch, Abba John, who sent There to he there a monk Saba. After five years Mar he transferred him be at to where he spent "some years Mount rigorous devotion" and Sinai, in to steward ( uqniim, i.e. oikonomos) as the monastery. Then, five years of an urge to seek martyrdom, he went taken Ramla and left with to a its mosque explaining his situation and where to find him. note in some did of the city set out in his pursuit, "they when But Muslims him blinded God had see them to him." Accepting this not because was decree, returned to Sinai, Rahi' subsequently made ab- as God's and adopted the name 'Abd al-Mas11).. After about seven years it bot that, happened of harassment by the one in charge of taxes as a result "at he go again to Ramla, for to that time their al-khariij), had (.~ii~ib 135 Palestine." tax On the way went was recognised and denounced to he "one his companions from when he of been in the raiding party by had before." He was brought twice before the governor ( wiilt) of Ramla years given and to extricate himself by becoming a Muslim, but the chance is that from my God, Christ, replied more imperative than life he "life you" from made remarks, whereupon the governor gave offensive and order for him to be beheaded. the 'Abd al-Ma~Tl). is found in four Arabic manuscripts, of This account the earliest is dated on palaeographic all of which from Sinai, Mount in the The only indications century. the text for the ninth grounds to the of are the existence of Ramla, built for the caliph date martyrdom patriarch 717), the mention of and John of Jerusalem, Sulayman (d. we be either John V (705-35) or John opt (839-43). If VI could which 36 John must suppose either a Greek originaJ1 we or a gap of some V for Christian the martyrdom and its narration, Arabic for between decades 137 end begin to be composed texts the not of the eighth century. do until 135 'Abd al-Mas!J.:t, Passion, 367/373; Griffith, "The Arabic Account of 'Abd al- Mas!J.:t," 356-57, that the author may be writing shortly after AJ.:t.mad ibn suggests which tax in 877, after Egypt Sinai's would presumably have of annexation 'fiiliin's to Egypt. gone 136 who was opinion ofGraf, This 1.517, the cited as evidence the presence GCAL, of some Greek words in the text (though only ecclesiastical terms) and the fact that the account in a compilation of Greek stories translated into Arabic (but survives were then early Christian Arabic writings all works of translation). almost 137 The earliest dated Christian Arabic text is the account of the Sinai martyrs of "translated Arabic from Greek in the month into Rabi' of the year 155 of the

402 Martyrologies 383 absence The of the martyrdom in Greek synaxaries of any memory but solution second is not impossible, the unlikely; former the makes 138 plump speculative. John VI, we are for a time when many If we in writing Arabic; the martyrdom, allowing in 'Abd al- are Christians for at Mar Saba and Sinai, probably fell in the 860s and the Mas!}:!'s stay it of the 870s. account penned in 139 Diospolis Muslim A at is found in two slightly different versions in two manuscripts: This story sixteenth dated and Vatican 1130 of the 1568 or seventeenth 1190 Paris 141 140 told how the caliph in Syria his sent century. It is to nephew 142 lands at Diospolis. There the Saracen insolently certain administer his camels the church of S. George, ignoring the pleas of the tethered in But herded had the beasts been priests. into the building local scarcely Account the (772); see Griffith, "The Arabic of of 'Abd al-Maslh," years Arabs" 337-39. 138 note that the copyist of the Though contained in the eleventh-century version Ms. Or. 5019 added to the title: "(who sought martyrdom in Ramla) during BL presumably Umayyads." This is why Hajjar, Chretiens uniates, 100, the the rule of places this he in time of Hisham, martyr the gives no explanation. though 139 This account is found in the collection of the miracles of S. George, on which see the Chapter 3 above. entry in 14 Vat. Paris 1190, "Ameroumnes" in Ms. 1130. Both are "Mermnes" in °Called 'min!n), al-mu am!r though of the faithful" ( title the convey to trying "commander no. is name it Miracles of S. George a personal 6 [Paris 1190], 88: ho assume (cf. ho basileus tou sarakenon; and ibid. no. 6 [Vat. 1130], 81), so claiming Mermnes the that in Umayyad times, when the caliph resided in Syria. incident occurred 141 was (Paris 1190), Ibid. names him Malmeth and says he 6 fleeing no. 64-66, him hekatontarch. Except for this one use his uncle, who wished to appoint from the theios), subject of the tale and the caliph refer to each other as ( of "uncle" anepsios; one avoid confusion by translating "cousin," but the statement could the idion of Syria sent ton that anepsion implies greater proprinquity. caliph 142 Diospolis written Ampelos, a corruption is Rempli, a Greek rendering of of Ramla; that Diospolis is meant is confirmed by the mention that S. George's church means of Jerusalem." Ampelos "grapevine" and PC 100, 1201A the district was "in n. has connected this with "Alkarem in Thebaid" (karm means grapevine in Arabic), 50 and n. 15 Dekapolites "Gregory and Islam," been followed by Sahas, which has thereto.

403 Martyrologies 384 all than fell down dead. Impressed by this miracle, the of twelve them the removed by his servants. Since had carcasses Saracen immediately about to be celebrated, he decided to stay and just communion was the the time came for the consecration of the As ceremony. observe take horrified to see the priest was in his hands the Saracen eucharist, child, rip its throat out and pour the blood into a chalice. At male a end liturgy the priest approached the Saracen to present the of the piece was the sacrament and a choice asked by the furious with of him the meaning of this abominable act, his slaughter was what onlooker Saracen baby Realising that the boy. had witnessed a vision of the of a had priest instructed him in the significance of what he the infant Jesus, seen. The greatness of the the belief and Saracen recognised Christian be baptised. The priest was afraid to comply because of the to asked patriarch and sent him to the standing of Jerusalem, who Arab's high 143 recommended that he become a monk at Mount Sinai. and obliged, After years of the eremitic life the Saracen returned to the three Christ. at and inquired of him Diospolis he should do to see what priest before priest that he The suggested his cousin, proclaim Christ go and "anathematise the cult ( threskeia) of the Saracens and their false prophet Mu}fammad." he did and, despite the entreaties and en- This by cousin and the beating administered by the his ticements proffered he he firm to Christianity, for which entourage, was stoned caliph's held star death. subsequent 40 nights a the appeared, illuminat- to During 44 ing where lay the martyr's body.l the Vatican 1130 attributes spot this "historical to a certain Gregory, who is called more explicitly tale" 145 a closely in the Decapolite. recension The latter was Gregory related prominent figure in the fight against a reasonably and he iconoclasm, 842, to have died in November the which would then place known is 146 century. the text in the early ninth of composition 143 1190), Miracles S. George no. 6 It of 74-76, that has the Saracen is only (Paris Sinai. to ibid. no. 6 (Vatican 1130), 75-77, has him proceed directly Jerusalem; to go 144 the end the martyred Saracen is referred to as Joachim by ibid. no. 6 (Paris At ibid. no. 6 (Vatican 1130), 89. 1190), 86-88, and as Pachomius by 145 This which is almost the same recension, that in Vatican 1130, was published as I the Acta sanctorum and reproduced in the Patrologia groeca (see Bibliography in of Gregory. references), presents it as a sermon below for which 146 Discussion by Sahas, "Gregory Dekapolites and Islam."

404 Martyrologies 385 this collection the miracles of S. George there are two other In of involve a Muslim the church in Diospolis. In one a accounts that at Saracens carouse group of sanctuary and at of them saint's the one at an icon of the martyr, which returns to pierce him in throws a lance at time same heart; all the others are struck dead. In the other the the is recounted how a group of Saracens enter it church and one the again of it arrow at the saint's image, but them is diverted and comes fires an injuring back, Saracen's hand. He then calls upon the local the priest, instructs and heals him by means him oil from a lamp lit above of who 147 saint's The Saracen is astounded, has himself baptised the image. next martyred gets himself the by proclaiming Christ and day and 148 religion before a crowd of Saracens. Mu}:tammad's anathematising only do these three narratives have similarities with one another, Not they resemblance bear but to other tales. also S. the church of Theodore near Dam- in Saracens Some revelling all die shortly after one of them shoots ascus arrow at an icon of an the and Raw}:t al-Qurashl, when he saint, this action in the repeats 149 church, is impaled in the hand by his own deflected arrow. On same the feast S. Theodore the eucharist appeared to this same Raw}:t of a lamb the priest subsequently dismembered and distributed as which manifested the as the eucharist was much to to congregation, piecemeal 150 cousin as the infant the aforementioned Also like the emir's Jesus. cousin, and 'Abd al-Mas!}:t Raw}:t visit the patriarch emir's al-Najranl Jerusalem when they wish to commit of to Christianity. themselves 'Abd and the emir's cousin both do a stint at Sinai, then go al-Mas!}:t Diospolis/Ramla. whereas 'Abd al-Masl}:t and the aforemen- to But Saracen whose tioned is oil by holy hand seek their martyrdom cured Raw}:t Diospolis/Ramla, emir's cousin and in head for Damascus. the 147 The lesson given to the Saracen by the priest seems inspired by the Second Council of of 787, as is pointed out by Festugiere, Collections grecques de Nicaea 271. miracles, 148 of S. George, nos. 2 (lance) and 7 (arrow). No. 2 is related Miracles fully more in the on miracle entry in Chapter 3 above. collections 149 Anastasius of Sinai, Narrat., B2 (= Nau, XLIV); Anthony Raw!)., Passion, §2. shrine In the miracles told about S. George's of by Arculf a man hurls a lance one become hand man's the and lance the and church, in George of a stone image at his stuck in the stone (Adomnan, De locis sanctis 3.1V, 229-31). 150 Anthony Raw!~, Passion, §2.

405 Martyrologies 386 be latter transferred to Raqqa, there to however, interrogated The is, Harlin al- Rashid by there, like Roman us and N eomartyr, is cruci- the The the bank of the Euphrates. on exact relation of these accounts fied to one another is impossible to determine, but it is clear that by the ninth time composition, in the early their century, there existed a of martyrographer a narrative themes and motifs upon which of reservoir could draw when putting together such stories.

406 CHAPTER 10 AND HISTORIES CHRONICLES of HISTORIOGRAPHY to sixth centuries is usu- the BYZANTINE fourth 1 assessed ally classicising first is secular under his- three The headings. and Thucydides, for inspiration to Herodotus which looked tory, back warfare politics, and ideally was based and the author's own treated on experience the field or in office. It was expected to explain the causes in events of actions, to provide personal commentary and learned di- and and encouch all this in appropriately dignified language. to gressions, ges- res the the recent past and its subject was chronological Its scope of the empire. This was in marked contrast to the tae genre, second the chronicle, which covered all world human history and considered of the deeds of many peoples. It had grown out of a concern to harmonise establish the relative chronology of nations, and in and local records Plato, to priority of Moses over the so of Bib- demonstrate particular chronicle world Christian first The philosophy. over lore lical Greek was provided by Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea (d. proper whose 339), diversity accord- to correlate a great material of achievement was great ing to a single measure of time, the year of Abraham. He realised by of synchronistic tables which listed in parallel columns means this and their rulers, nations and their patriarchs, and recorded kingdoms relevant the to attached and profane history sacred of select events 1 for non-Muslim histories The chronicles only this period are by Christians, and though for some hints of Jewish historical activity see the entry on "Jewish Texts" in this chapter. 387

407 Chronicles Histories and 388 2 Few the format of Eusebius, but in composing their year. continued human history chroniclers made extensive use accounts of subsequent chronology was international scope. It material, Eusebius, and his of history, third genre, ecclesiastical inaugurated the subject who too, the was the struggles of the Christian nation against persecutions of which It avoid to heresies. the personal opinions and anecdotes so and tended on feature history and to rely much classicising documents, of a much 3 a consequence for the accuracy of the account. its concern of categorisation of course never intended was embrace all the This to forms different history writing by the Christians of that time, but for of our it becomes almost redundant. In Greek the genres of eccle- period and siastical secular history ( wr. petered and Evagrius out after 590s) 4 630) respectively. languages In other Theophylact secular his- (wr. ca. continued tories treated but though they be the traditional to written, 5 politics and warfare, their subjects was wholly Christian. of outlook Ecclesiastical were also still composed, especially in Syriac, histories only Eusebian author adhered to the but principle of reliance upon one 6 because The world chronicle, evidence. it had to bear documentary much of the responsibility for conveying the past to future generations, 2 Eusebius many forerunners, in particular Julianus Africanus, but Euse- had originality seems (argued by Croke, "The Origins of the Christian bius' evident Chronicle"). World The called "chronological canons," are tables, synchronistic consisted second of the work; the first part of the raw material for only Eusebius' peoples of various the for office and holders lists notables kings, of canons: the and states. 3 historiography of this period see the The First Christian Histories, For Chesnut, Hadrill, Christian Antioch, and (on ecclesiastical history); Croke and Em- 52-66 mett, in Late Antiquity;" "Historiography "Byzantine Chronicle Writing: 1. Croke, The Early Development;" Winkelmann, "Kirchensgeschichtwerke;" Whitby, "Greek Historical Writing Procopius;" and more generally, Momigliano, "Tradition after idem, "Pagan and Christian Historiography." the Historian;" and Classical 4 history made a return with the work Secular Leo the Deacon (covering the of period and was thereafter 959-76) continuous until Laonicus Chalcocondyles fairly differences significant are there but (1451-67), Critobolus and (1298-1463) Michael "The Scott, compositions and earlier classicising between (see later these history Classical Tradition in Byzantine Historiography"). 5 Cf. Sebeos and Lewond (for discussion see the entry on "Armenian Texts" in this chapter). 6 Namely Dionysius of Tellmal:u'e (see the entry on him and the introduction to "Syriac Texts" in this chapter).

408 Chronicles and Histories 389 also its original format. There had been consider- had to transcend Paschal the Chronicle, a from in even early stages: able variety its to and record of events, the more of chronology outline cursory world of the past produced by John Malalas. But in the narrative exposition it centuries further. There are the concise annals ensuing diversified the Chronicle and that of 84 6, 819 narrative annals of the the of of and Theophanes, the Zuqnin chronicle of Diony- chronicler universal of sius Tellmal).re imitators, the his chronicle of George and didactic 7 the ecclesiastical chronicles of the Nestorians, the and many Monk, more. Indeed, doubtful whether one should constrain all these very it is 8 under rubric of chronicle. the Those usually so termed works different begin common features: all do from some point in there- certain exhibit past, most often Creation; they arrange their material in chrono- mote order logical to date at least attempt events; they record and major secular and ecclesiastical affairs and treat the history of other na- both Christian one. Nevertheless, they are very different the tions besides and scope, and one should evaluate each example on in language, form its own merits. their style approach may differ substantially, the au- Though and in are, however, united chapter one respect, in assembled this thors their acceptance of Muslim namely as a long-term fixture, so in rule some sort of explanation or rationalisation. Earlier histories, requiring as those such Sebeos of and bar Penkaye, do present a view of the John of emergence, have no conception they an enduring Mus- Arabs' but state. The works described here, distinguish the other hand, on lim by deliberately setting aside entry for Mul).ammad and an themselves the rise of Islam, and/or by having as their aim to treat the progress of Islam's hegemony. 7 for to "Syriac Texts" in this chapter introduction explanation of the See the "ecclesiastical chronicle." term 8 discussion For Beck, "Zur byzantinischen Monchschronik;" Ljubarskij, see "Neue in der Erforschung der byzantinischen Historiographie;" Afin- Tendenzen ogenov, "Some Observations on Genres of Historiography" (contrasting Byzantine Byzantine of Study the in Trends "New Ljubarskij, Zonaras); Monk the George and esp. 133-34 Historiography," ("histories disappeared, but chronicles remained and began developing in the direction of histories").

409 Chronicles and Histories 390 9 Texts Syriac was history by its pagan past and too Secular too classicising tainted 10 Christianity, milieu of Syriac the in win to anthropocentric favour but maktbiiniit zabne) enjoyed great popularity. It was the chronicle ( that system of Eusebius was the closely followed: by most Syriac in 11 in Khusrau days of Barqa II, the by Jacob of Edessa, who Simeon of to 692, by his disciple John on Litarb, who continued until it of carried 2 much later 726/ the Nestorian metropolitan Elias of by and Nisibis 9 texts are surveyed by Duval, La litterature syriaque, 187-224; historical Syriac litterature historique des Syriens;" Czegledy, "Monographs on Syriac "La Chabot, Muhammadan Sources of Kmosko," 41-50, 53-63; Segal, "Syriac Chronicles;" and Hage, Die in friihislamischer Zeit, 4-7; Fiey, Jalons syrisch-jakobitische I

410 Chronicles and Histories 391 (d. commonly, however, Eusebius' work was excerpted 1049).13 More for adapted of chronicles, which in their earli- the and composition to typically annalistic format. Notices, adhered terse, of est stages an church each placed together under were year beginning and civil affairs suitably inaugural point such as Creation, Abraham, the some from Incarnation the Great. Commencing with the various Constantine or the had their roots in ultimately archives Edessa, chronicles of which 14 court of the Abgarid kings of at city (132-244), the this that ·kept presentation remained in vogue of least until the mid-ninth method at Already by the late eighth century, however, there century. a grad- was narrative approach. In style, towards a more ual towards a new move Chronicle the the notices for the eighth century are often of Zuqnin pages; to a few it is still con- occasionally substantial, quite running just. an frame, but only annalistic With Dionysius of tained within of the annalistic fetters are broken and a new type work Tellma}:lre's 15 The chronological taken of events is still order is born. chronicle world excludes the but it no longer point, occasional digressions or as starting divisions of material, such as by further and chapters, and there books is a separation of subject also into sacred and profane history. matter in as Syriac not so well defined a genre in was history Ecclesiastical of the work of John the Ephesus (wr. 580s) is Jacobites Greek. Among 16 in and heavily embroiled secular affairs; documents its of in use limited Daniel bar Moses ( wr. ca. 750) that seem to have relied more on of would 17 than Dionysius of documents. tried to advance Tellmal).re anecdotes 13 the See on him in this chapter. For illustration of the use of Eusebius entry Syriac syrischen see Keseling, "Die Chronik des Eusebius in der by chroniclers Uberlieferung." 14 reliance of the mid-sixth-century Chronicle of Edessa and later works The on earlier material from Edessa documentary demonstrated by Witakowski, "Chron- is icles of Edessa." 15 Witakowski, distinguishes between the short chronicle Pseudo-Dionysius, 83, call developed Conrad, the Perspectives," 9-10, prefers to chronicle; and "Syriac the latter "universal history." 16 van Ginkel, John of Ephesus, esp. 77-79, 83-85, though this judgement Thus his be if we had the first two parts of different Ecclesiastical History; these might part was only added in response the third were published as a complete work, and which 570s, affected in the to Monophysite persecutions the John directly. 17 0r so we are told by Dionysius ofTellmal:n'e, cited by Michael the Syrian IO.XX, 378/358. of Cyrus Batna is also said in have written an ecclesiastical history to

411 Chronicles Histories and 392 genre the from church history, granting the latter pri- by separating civil unequal the this are illustrated by the in use but mary difficulties place, 18 parts by later writers. made of Nestorians came up with the two The of one might call the what chronicle. This solution the ecclesiastical material arranged according to the succession of catholici might have entries as holy or on various was attempt to there a definite men, but and maintain amount of attention a chronological order a considerable 19 secular affairs. assessment Unfortunately a detailed was is devoted to authors the extant texts, the majority of of being scarcity by hampered Maryam bar citations: Allahazeka, Mika, Daniel known only from brief 20 of Merw of the and century; Elias Simeon bar Tabba}:la of seventh Mar George of Shushtar Athqen, Theodore bar Koni of and Kashkar, but we nothing of it except that it was in fourteen books and stopped Syriac, know (ibid. 10.XX, 377/356-57). at 582 18 in on See of Tellma~re" entry this chapter. the "Dionysius 19 is stated explicitly in the title of the Chronicle of I

412 Chronicles and Histories 393 21 the a certain Pethion and lsho'dna}f of Ba~ra, both eighth century; 22 in half of the ninth century. probably the writing first 23 Short Chronologies A chronologies, as I call them, are to be found in Syriac of short number a like first two examples below, are the mere list of Greek. and Some, of the currently prevailing dynasty; the like the one ad rulers others, 775 annum Greek, and annum 818 in ad comprise lists Syriac that in as well past present, as secular of as well as religious of authorities, include events. even and a few been has study of them, but There no assumes them to be the one material for chronicles proper, much raw like first part of Eusebius' and Elias of Nisibis' chronographical the The longer may rather/also have been intended as opus. examples for path where one was on the guides to salvation or handy reckoning following sketches human history. The of example and as thumbnail 21 BO 3.1, 215 (Simeon: Marl, I

413 Chronicles Histories and 394 short chronologies that such lists were periodically other demonstrate only insofar they were still of interest or relevance as updated, though 24 to and his community. compiler the 705: A report giving information about the AD ANNUM the of and how many kings there were from kingdom Arabs, after them held his of how and much each them, territory before he died. predecessor came upon the Ml).mt in 932 of Alexander, son of earth Philip Macedonian (620-21); then he reigned 7 years. the Bakr for 2 years. Abu there Then him reigned after 'Umur for 12 years. there after him And reigned and years, they 12 'Uthman for him after there And reigned without during the war of $iffin were a leader for 5~ ($eje) years. Thereafter Ma'wiya reigned for 20 years. And after him IzTd the son of Ma'wiya reigned for 3~ years. {In margin: after lzTd for one year they were without and a leader} And him after 'A bdiilmalik reigned for 21 years. the at 1017, AG Walld power in son his him after And took 25 first Tishrln (October 705). beginning of manuscript list This rulers is found in a late ninth-century of Arab of very varied contents, sandwiched between "select sentences from the proverbs of Solomon" and "extracts from the discourse of Isaac 24 Thus Chron. 818, cited below, ceases to record the patriarchs of Alexan- Short and seventh after the early Antioch century, and Jacob of Edessa Jerusalem dria, omits the names of the Chalcedonian patriarchs in Constantinople, Alexandria, Jerusalem and after the Antioch sixth late (except for Cyrus in Alexandria, century a factor. Of course availability of information could also have been 631-42). 25 Short Chron. 705, 11.

414 Chronicles and 395 Histories 26 Antioch on Its provenance is thus unknown and it is pre- of prayer." since sumably statistics regarding Muslim- the incomplete promised years not granted than the ten appear. apiece Rather do lands occupied Muslim sources, Mu}:tammad is given a seven-year reign them by and 27 make up the shortfall, is accorded twelve years. possibly 'Umar, to which date provided for Walld alone, is suggests that the An accession did end with him list that this event was recent. Hence October and 705 shortly after is the most probable time of composition. or M}:tmt ANNUM notice of the life of A the mes- AD 724: 28 ( senger a) he of God, after r had entered his city and ... months three he entered it, from his first year; and before him long king lived who arose after how over the Mus- each lims once they had taken power; and how long there was 29 (ptna) among them. dissension months before came. Three M}:tmd lived years [more]. M}:tmd ten And Bakr bar Abu Qu}:tafa: 2 years and And months. Abu 6 'Umar bar Kattab: 10 years and 3 months. And 'Uthman bar 'Afan: 12 years. And dissension And 'Uthman: 5 years and 4 months. after Ma'wiya Abu Syfan: 19 years and 2 months. And bar lzid bar Ma'wiya: 3 years And 8 months. and And after lzid: 9 months. dissension Marwan bar I:Iakam: 9 months. And And 'Abdalmalik bar Marwan: 21 years and 1 month. 26 Wright, 2.992-93 (no. 861); see also Palmer, West-Syrian Chroni- Catalogue, 43-44. cles, 27 is also assigned seven Mu}:lammad by Jacob ofEdessa, Chronicle, 326, and years Chron. Zuqnin, 150; and 'Umar twelve years by Chron. Zuqnin, 150, and Syriac cs, v. 644. s. 28 A later hand has tried to erase this word, which is clearly meant to represent the rasiil. Arabic 29 This represents the discord. word jitna, which denotes civil Arabic

415 Chronicles Histories and 396 bar 'Abdalmalik: and 8 months. Walfd 9 years bar 'Abdalmalik: and 9 months. SUlayman And 2 years 'Abdal'azTz: and 5 months. bar 2 years And 'Umar 'Abdalmalik: 4 years and 1 month and 2 days. And lzTd bar 5 all years is 104, and these months and 2 of total The 30 days. list This the last folio of an eighth-century manuscript, on appears Chronicle Thomas the Presbyter described in Chapter the of following "three months before Mu}_lammad" presumably The to refers 4 above. between the beginning of the interval calendar on 16 July the Islamic and the date of Mu}:lammad's September in Medina on 24 arrival 622 31 And seem that the Islamic lunar calendar is being used, it would 622. Medina would take us arrival in for 104 years after Mu}_lammad's solar 32 January YazTd II died in whereas AH 105/724. February One to 727, that the list was drawn up The or soon after YazTd's death. on assumes employment to calendar, the attempt lunar be accurate regarding of the and terms of office and the use names the Arabic words rasiil and of fitna that the above was suggest from an Arabic original. translated There may, then, be some relation between these short chronologies and the of caliphs, governors, judges, secretaries, scholars and the lists 33 that backbone of Muslim chronicles. form the like 775: generations account of how the ANNUM and AD An ... years from Adam until today and We there- races were 34 Creation: of beginning the from our begin fore discourse 30 Short 724, 40. Chron. 31 Tabari, 1.1255-56, where it is explained that though Mu}:tammad's emigra- See tion the is the starting point of Muslim chronology, to fact that he made it Medina in the third month of the year means that "year 1" begins 2~ months earlier. 32 Ibid., who corroborates that Yazid reigned 4 years and 1 month. 2.1463, 33 it in chronicles under each year or That the end of each caliph's reign is, at will reported who held office, who be etc. (see Schacht, flourished/died "The Kitab a!- Tarikh of Khalifa b. Khayyat"). 34 This the start of the preface, which is addressed to "the servants of truth" is ( mshammshane da-shrara) and "my brothers and beloved," whom the author feels for "should instructed about all that is fitting be the truth" and for whom he will

416 Chronicles and Histories 397 Biblical figures and events are briefly noted from Adam ---+ Flood ---+ Abraham---+ death of Joshua bar Nun---+ reign of king David---+ Baby- 35 lonian captivity ---+ birth of Christ. Then comes a list of Roman and Byzantine rulers with the length of their reigns until: Maurice, 27 years and 6 months; Phocas, 8 years; Heraclius, 24 years. In 930 of Alexander, Heraclius and the Romans entered Constantinople, and M"Qmt and the Arabs went forth from the south and entered the land and subdued it. The years of the Muslims and the time when they entered Syria and took power, from the year 933 of Alexander, each of them by name, are as follows: M"Qmt, 10 years; Abu Bakr, one year; 'Umar, 12 years; 'Uthman, 12 years; and without a king, 5 years; Ma'wiya, 20 years; YazTd, his son, 3 years; and without a king, 9 months; Marwan, 9 months; 'AbdalmalTk, 21 years; WalTd, his son, 9 years; Sulayman, 2 years and 7 months; 'Umar, 2 years and 7 months; YazTd, 4 years and 10 months and 10 days. And in the year 1035, which is year 105 of the Arabs, Hisham son of 'Abd al-MalTk took power in the month of latter Kanun (January). And in the year 1054 Hisham died and WalTd son of YazTd took power and he was killed. And after him there arose Marwan son of M"Qmt. And in the year 128 of the Arabs he (Marwan) destroyed J:Iim~. And in the year 129 he marched against Da"Q"Qak the J:Iarurl. And in the year 130 of the Arabs he marched against the Wearers of Black ( msawwede, i.e. Abbasids) and was de- "sum up briefly from the holy books that which is suitable and will build up your zeal." He is perhaps an abbot writing for his brethren. The preface is translated and commented upon by Riad, Studies in the Syriac Preface, 100-102. 35 This earlier portion is based on Eusebius; see Wright, Catalogue, 2.611 (no. 714).

417 Chronicles Histories and 398 by them fled, and in Egypt he was killed by the .feated and 'Awn. general this year Abu 1-'Abbas son of And Abu in took Hashim! power. M}:tmt the year 1065 'AbdAllah son And M~mt, his brother, in the of power. took the year 133 the city Circesium And destroyed by in was Na~r, in this year all the cities of Mesopotamia Abu and destroyed. were TishrTn year And in the month of latter in M~mt the 1087 36 his son, took power. al-MahdT, list The Muslim rulers from Mu}:tammad to YazTd II gives a total of of 104 6 months and 10 days, only one month and 8 days off the years, given figure in entry. So again the Islamic calendar is being previous the traditional the regnal years diverge somewhat from the though used, which rulers, the lists of Byzantine and Arab After Muslim estimates. which the name and length of reign of the monarch are and only give independent units, the presumably continues with notices of compiler These 775. in MahdT caliph the coming to power of the as far own his as notices are in subsequent more of the and a chronicle, fashion longer regnal lengths. information comprising beyond connecting the two lists of The probably inserted paragraph rulers, the contains a number of compiler, Heraclius' reign is by oddities. from cut usual 30 years and 5 months to 24 years, which takes the to the date of the 633-34, of the Arab conquests, perhaps start us end by compiler to mark the the of Byzantine dominion over the seen with link There is no obvious event in AG 930/618-19 to East. Near Byzantines' into Constantinople and the Arabs' emigration. the entry entered the capital upon his accession in 610 613 also in and Heraclius Persian his attempt to halt after failed advance in Syria; but one the after that the notice would refer to his triumphal entry in 628 imagines 37 the Persians. of his defeat 36 end). Short 348-49 (Maurice --+ Chron. Note the alternation between 775, Seleucid and Hijri dates in the last sectiori of work. this 37 Stratos, Byzantium in 42). Seventh Century, 1.237-40, 383-84 (n. the

418 Chronicles and 399 Histories 38 might error and assume AG 940 was meant, postulate One scribal the mention Arab mobilisation intended the battle of Mu'ta, that and of 39 629 did find its way into in sources. non-Muslim which occurred and inscription reference 930 is not isolated. An AG of 780 carved this But to wall of a church at Ehnesh in the Syria notes: "In the year northern on Arabs came to the land." Jacob of Edessa has Mu}:tammad 930 the Syria of years before "the beginning to the kingdom of three travel AG the 933), so again in (in 930. And a Chinese source Arabs" AG AH 34 with 651, which is 618- correct if one counts from only equates A major incursion into Syria is recorded by Theophanes 19.40 Arab eclipse the it soon after a solar places which must Michael; latter and of 4 November AG 929/617.41 To some Syrians be event could that this have seen in retrospect as the been of a long run of attacks perhaps first brought about which domination of the Middle East. Otherwise Arab the may be due to a misunderstanding of the lunar calendar used error 42 the or due to some quirk in Muslims chronology, Christian but by is worth it that the same three-year discrepancy is sometimes noting 43 encountered in Muslim sources too. 38 Both Lewond, I, and Eutychius, Annates, 2.1, are eleven years out at this point, placing death in the eleventh year of the reign of Heraclius Mul;lammad's (620-21). 39 commented upon by Conrad, "Theophanes and the Arabic Theophanes, 335; Tradition," Historical 21-26. 40 s.a. AG 930 (see Ehnesh entry thereon in this chapter); Jacob Inscription, the Edessa, Chronicle, 326 (though it is difficult to be certain of dates in this work); of Ou-yang, Hsin shu, CCXXIb (cited in Chapter 7 above). T'ang 41 Eclipses 610-11; Schove, Chronology of s.a. and Comets, 115. Both Syriac CS, and Michael date the incursion Theophanes the first year of Heraclius, so Michael to may have wrongly connected it with the eclipse. 42 E.g. many Jacobites placed the birth of Christ in AG 309 rather than 312 (see Jacob of Letter to John the Stylite, no. 6); Short Chron. 705 and Michael Edessa, Syrian, with their source together the of Edessa, assign to Mul;lammad a Jacob of years, rule whereas seven Chron. dependent evidently Short upon a Muslim 724, source, has ten years. 43 Mul;lammad is said to have spent 10 or 13 years in Medina, to have lived to the Mahomet age or 63 etc. (Lammens, "L'age de 60 et la chronologie de la sira," of 219; Rubin, Eye of the Beholder, 203-209); see Crone and Cook, Hagarism, 157 n. 39, for further examples.

419 Chronicles and Histories 400 Edessa Theophilus Syriac Common Source and of the Theophilus of a rather obscure figure is Late of Thomas Edessa bar are hints that he was quite an but one. If there important Antiquity, an anecdote that relates how he believe within a few days we can died Abbasid caliph Mahdi (775-85) at the age of ninety, then of was the he in and, as his name suggests, at the city of Edessa in northern born 695 44 We hear of him in the late 750s when he was accompany- Syria. first ing on in the East, Mahdi acting as the future presumably a campaign 45 astrological caliph's adviser. remained in he service Thereafter the and taking up astrologer during his reign of Mahdi, becoming chief 46 in residence Baghdad. writings His fragmentarily have scientific been preserved certain so we very yet be studied, of what he and little cannot 47 popular was his Peri katarchon polemikon ("On Military Very wrote. Muslim chapters by later and astrologers was cited Forecasts"), which a made their way to Byzantium to become incorporated in which of 48 collection astrological writings. Astrology was century of mid-ninth passion, for evidently the preface to the second edition of the his in 44 Hebraeus, Chron. syriacum, 127; Mukhta~ar al-duwal, 219-20. Bar 45 was 5.1, 234; Theophilus addresses his son Deukalion: "I CCAG urged, Cumont, to undertake these things (i.e. write a trea- as you know, by those holding power tise on forecasts) military time when we made the expedition with them to at the in the province of Margianes" (i.e. Margiana, East Merw oasis). A sec- the the De this work contains a chapter ond stellis fixis which gives a planetary edition of campaign there- 768 (Cumont, CCAG 5.1, 212). The must, for conjunction correct be before fore, very likely refers 768 Mahdl's activities'in AH 141/758-59 and to Khurasan, quelling the revolt of its governor 'Abd al-J abbiir with in help of the Khazim Khuzayma, and in ibn (Tabar!, Tabaristan 3.134-37). 46 al-Qifti, lfukama', 109 Ibn wa-kana hadha 1-munaJjim bi-Baghdad · wa-huwa ( ra 'Is munajjimll-Mahd!); Cumont, CCA G, 1.130 (an astronomical calculation made Baghdad). at by Theophilus 47 Still survey is Cumont, CCAG 5.1, best See also Breydy, "Das the 229-32. on views his though Theophilus' ibn Tuma," Maroniten des Chronikon Theophilos to the idea that Theophilus is holds still are writing of no use, historical he since to be identified with the Maronite chronicler (see the entry on him in Chapter 4 above). 48 is the from Synatagma Laurentianum, which can be reconstructed This so-called manuscripts in Florence, the earliest of the late three tenth or eleventh century; see Boll, der griechischen Astrologie und Astronomie," 88- "Uberlieferungsgeschichte 110, writings in particular 92-95. Brief comments on Theophilus' astrological and

420 Chronicles and 401 Histories astrological work, to his son Deukalion, he aforementioned addressed its science those who would slander this vociferously defends against being, of he says, the most conspicuous leaders" such name, "church so 49 detractors. said Theophilus is also scientific to have trans- Besides output his 50 Health, Galen's Method of Maintaining Good the Syriac into lated On 51 penned a "fine work of history." Homer's It has been sug- Iliad, and the be work is to that identified with the Syriac Common latter gested that used by Theophanes, Dionysius Source Tellma}:lre (partially of was the the Syrian and chronicler of 1234) and us for Michael preserved by of Agapius for much of their information on events in the Mus- Manbij 52 lim realm. careful comparison the chronicles of these three au- A of demonstrated is most clearly It by the this confirms hypothesis. thors Agapius, who relies almost exclusively upon fact Syriac Com- that the Source the period 630-750, states at for end of this section mon the he that drawn upon the "books" of Theophilus of Edessa. That has Dionysius, the preface to his chronicle, also names Theophilus as a in citation writers them by Muslim and are made by Sezgin, GAS, 7.49-50, from im Natur- und Geheimniswissenschaften Die Islam, 302. See also Ullman, and Rosenthal, "From Arabic and Manuscripts," 454-55, which describes a ninth- Books list of books that includes Theophilus ( cf. Cuinont, CCA G, century astrological 1.83). 49 Cumont, 234-38. Beck, Vorsehung und Vorherbestimmung in der 5.1, CCAG, theologischen der Byzantiner, 70, briefly discusses this preface. Literotur 50 lfunain ibn Is~tiq iiber die syrischen und arobischen Galen- Bergstrasser, Ubersetzungen, §84. calls it "a dreadfully bad translation," but then he I:Iunayn practice so may be indulging in the common and translate work himself did the disparaging could forerunners. Otherwise, of this be a different Theophilus one's al-qahromtin) ," whom the "Theophilus of Edessa steward ( of the Edessa, perhaps ibn I

421 Chronicles Histories and 402 gives us clinching proof. The question is now can we say source the this about work? anything on affairs in Theophanes and Agapius The Eastern common notices occur in almost sequence. Michael the Syrian, too, same the exactly this order in his civil history column, though a number of follows largely drafted to one of the other two columns. From a comparison reports are three immediately it becomes authors apparent that the notices these of but the intention are misplaced, a chronological follow A few order. clearly was progress through history from some point in the past up to until the own day. Yet it is also evident from the frequency author's which Dionysius Agapius either begin a notice with "at this with and else dating with each other on or that Theophilus' work time" disagree 53 was with indeed rather sparing and dates. not This was annalistic an important point, for Theophanes is very is relied upon for often the of an event. But it date because he is writing an is ascertaining notices he puts under specific years, not necessarily that work annalistic because these were originally notices And dated. the case of the in notices on Eastern affairs, Theophanes has often had simply to place them where thought best. he the start end point were for Theophilus is a difficult What and recourse his him is made by all Constant dependents to question. four the Abu Bakr's despatch of notice generals onwards ( s. a. on from Before this time Theophanes is able to obtain fairly full 634). coverage sources, and therefore only very occasionally turns to Byzantine from to The at which he appears point do so concerns Theophilus. earliest Persians' crossing of the Euphrates the capture Syria, Palestine and to Phoenicia 610). Dionysius and Agapius (s.a. share some notices for do the years 589-610, those on the revolt against Khusrau ( s. a. 589-91) and the of Maurice ( s.a. 602) being recounted in a very simi- deposition not manner. common source need their be Theophilus, for lar However, could both here be drawing they Sergius Ru~afaya, a nobleman upon 53 narrating may proceeded by Theophilus have events, arranging his en- simply tries in chronological order as far as possible and occasionally giving synchronisms 34/35/37 the of Eusbius; e.g. "In the year fashion of the Arabs, 10/13 of after Constans and 9 of 'Uthman, Mu'awiya prepared a naval expedition against Con- Chron. 1234, stantinople" (Theophanes, 345; Agapius, 483; Michael11.XI, 430/445; 1.274).

422 403 Chronicles and Histories Edessa, whom of Dionysius to is as a source for be explicitly said using to would Agapius, as bishop of nearby Manbij, and whom this period 54 access. had have probably give different accounts of Mu~ammad dependents Theophilus' very rise of Islam, so it is difficult to be sure of Theophilus' and the own matter. Dionysius and Agapius do, however, follow the the opinions on 55 outline, is almost certainly that of Theophilus: basic which same the year 933/935 of the Greeks, 1. of Heraclius, 30/31/33 In 11/12 56 appeared in the Mul;tammad of Yathrib. Khusrau, of land On journeys to Palestine, he 2. gained some religious know- had 57 ledge. He now the Arabs to the worship of the one God. 3. called gradually the over all Mu~ammad Arabs. 4. won followers beyond campaigns Mu~ammad's Arabia, while 5. waged 58 in Yathrib. he remained 54 the Syrian 1l.III, 409/411: "From this nobleman Sergius is derived [a Michael of) part chronicle of Dionysius of Tellma4re [which extends) over six genera- the See 308. West-Syrian Chronicles, 98-99, 134 n. 306, 135 n. tions." Palmer, 55 at this point 1 Conrad, Muhammadanea Edessensis, who discusses owe length to the notices on Mu4ammad of Theophilus' dependents. 56 Dionysius in Chron. 1234, 1.227, and Michael the Syrian 11.11, 405/403 (nfaq bi- d- 456 ( ta~arraka al- 'arab Agapius, Yathrib); cf. Chron. Siirt Cl, Yatrib); b-ar'ii 13, PO bi-ar¢ Tihiima). Theophanes, 334, says: "This heresy prevailed 600 (?ahara region Ethribos." the in of 57 to in 334 is he came Theophanes, Palestine, he consorted This ("whenever matters") and and Jews sought from them certain scriptural Christians with and Syrian as Chron. 1234, 1.227 /Mir.hael the in ll.II, 405/403 Dionysius preserved ("He began to up and down from go town ofYathrib to Palestine for the business his of and selling. While buying engaged in the country so /with the Jews, he saw /learnt from them belief in one God"). the 58 had ll.II, 405-406/404 ("when many Syrian submitted to him, Michael the no longer he out in person at the head of those going out to plunder, but went sent others at the head of his armies"); Chron. Siirt CI, PO 13, 601 ("when Islam person became refrained from going out in he to war and began to despatch strong, his of The Muslim tradition, too, has Mu4ammad, at the end companions"). his life, sending commanders out on these while he remained in Medina, but campaigns

423 Chronicles Histories and 404 Mul).ammad's teachings. 6. section last a description of paradise, which was concludes The with and dependency makes clear their all upon a common retained by which source: one this paradise was that of carnal Theophanes: He said drinking and intercourse eating women, and had and with of honey and milk, and that the women were a river wine, the the down like but different ones, and that ones not here, was longlasting and the pleasure continuous. intercourse They say that there is carnal eating and drink- Dionysius: and copulation with glamorous courtesans, beds it, in ing to upon with mattresses of gold and topaz, and lie of gold 59 milk of honey. rivers and mentioned that He paradise there is food and Agapius: in marriage, rivers of wine, milk and honey, and black- drink, man or spirit. women by eyed untouched for extract, Theophanes almost totally ignores Theophilus Except this his notice on Mul).ammad, drawing instead, for on Jewish and indirectly, 60 Theophilus, Agapius abridges acknowl- as he himself sources. Muslim never got beyond southern Palestine and the Balqa' (thus Usama ibn Zayd's raid noted in Hisham, 970, 999), and most remained in Arabia, whereas Theophilus Ibn that they ranged much further afield (see Crone other non-Muslim imply sources and Cook, and Hagarism, 4, 24-25, 152 n. 7). 59 is what is common to Michael the Syrian 1l.II, 407/405, and .Chron. This 1234, 1.229, both say more. but 60 His breaks down into four parts: MuJ:!ammad's dealings with "the account Wise Jews" the entry on the Ten misguided Jews in Chapter 11 below), a (see summary of the ancestry of the major Arabian tribes (see Conrad, "Theophanes and the Arabic Tradition," Historical a distorted but version of 11-16), well-informed ofMuJ:!ammad biography Muslim the teachings of (largely only the the MuJ:!ammad, on passage cited above). See further Conrad, Muhammadanea Edessensis, paradise who Theophanes' account with compares in Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De that administrando imperio, XIV, XVII, and concludes that the latter is dependent not on Theophanes, on the same continuation but Theophilus used by Theophanes. of The whole section on the Arabs of the De administrando imperio (XIV-XXV) is discussed by Bury, "The Treatise De administrando imperio," 525-33.

424 Chronicles and Histories 405 61 edges, and supplements him with material from the Muslim tradition. That leaves Dionysius, who seems to me to preserve best Theophilus' 62 entry, but confirmation of this will require further research. The last notice of which we can be sure that all have it from Theophilus concerns the manoeuvres of the caliph Marwan against Sulayman ibn Hisham and OaJ:t~ak the Kharijite in 746. Thereafter Theophanes begins to adduce new material, and we can conclude that this point marks the commencement of the activity of Theophilus' con- 63 tinuator via whom Theophanes uses Theophilus. Agapius and the chronicler of 1234 correspond very closely in their narratives-to the extent that one could often pass for a translation of the other-from 744 to 750, then with some divergence until 754. The final notice which our three authors might plausibly all have in common is that which re- lates how 'AbdAllah ibn 'All, upon the death of Abu l-'Abbas in 754, 61 Agapius, 457, gives two lists of Mul~ammad's teachings, of a very different nature (the first enumerates practices, the second mostly details beliefs) and both mentioning the requirement of prayer, and so unlikely to be by the same author. The elements of the second list (belief in the prophets and what God revealed to them, Christ, the Gospel, Judgement and paradise; also fasting and prayer) are all found in much the same order in Dionysius (Michael the Syrian ll.II, 406- 407/404-405; Chron. 1234, 1.228-29). This second list must, therefore, be from Theophilus. For the first list, and for other parts of his account of Mu}:lammad, Agapius would seem to have drawn on his Muslim source (see the entry on "Agapius" in this chapter), as is suggested by the classical Islamic phraseology of Mu}:lammad's prescriptions (an yuq!mii al-§aliit wa-yiitii al-zakiit ... an yu 'addii ilayhi al-jizya wa-l- khariij). Theophilus himself does not seem to have drawn upon the Muslim tradition (see Excursus C below). Conrad, fl.fuhammadanea Edessensis, states the opposite, citing the material of Muslim origin in Theophanes as proof (see idem, "Theophanes and the Arabic Historical Tradition"); but none of this material is in Dionysius or Agapius and so is almost certainly not from Theophilus. 62 1 have two small pertinent observations to make. First, the notice of Mul~ammad going to Palestine for trade comes fwm Jacob of Edessa, Chronicle, 326, which would presumably have been readily available to Theophilus of Edessa, who might then have expanded this notice into an account of Mu}:lammad's discovery of monotheism. Second, the correspondence between Dionysius and Chron. Siirt in article no. 5 of the outline of Theophilus given above would provide confirmation of Dionysius' use of Theophilus' account of Mul~ammad if it could be shown that Chron. Siirt had access to Theophilus independently of Dionysius. For a compar- ison and discussion of the two versions of Dionysius account, that of Michael the Syrian and the chronicler of 1234, see Conrad, Muhammadanea Edessensis. 63 This point is explained in the entry on "Theophanes" in this chapter.

425 Chronicles Histories and 406 to claim caliphate for himself and had his Khurasani troops decided the responded by having himself proclaimed Man~riir to him. allegiance give and 'AbdAllah. Abii Muslim to fight despatching The caliph Kufa in revolt was suspected of but by Man~ur, who was victorious, former him killed. This entry is recounted therefore the same order had with and Agapius. The latter gives a events Theophanes, Dionysius of by the same version before him, account; evidently has full very Dionysius it somewhat. Theophanes also has a long account, but but abbreviates numerous additional details show that it is not the same as the that available Dionysius and Agapius. Nevertheless, there are a num- to of ber of contact between the three chroniclers. All revealing points Man~ur 1-'Abbas in Mecca when Abu that died, that Abu know was that 'Abd near Nisibis, and Allah he was persuaded Muslim engaged blandishments and ruses to appear before Man~ur. On balance, by then, might say that this notice is taken from Theophilus, but that we has via the Greek continuation. Hereafter the content Theophanes it Muslim of actions The appreciably. of chronicle Dionysius' changes or are but only authorities briefly noted, only insofar as they im- very no upon the Christian population. And Theophanes' account pinged longer any resemblance to that of either Agapius or Dionysius. bears that Theophilus stopped at this point, with the con- it would So seem the caliph of the rule Man~ur. of solidation 5197 quoted Since a figure of he years for the interval from is for to Seleucus, Theophilus is usually thought to Adam made Cre- have 64 point. as- But this starting hardly cogent, for as an is ation his he often trologer would been obliged to make chronological cal- have he it could well be that with prefaced his chro~ography culations, or 65 the computation. of When one examines the content Syriac such some Source, Common at once struck by its concentration on secular one is warfare and diplomacy between the emperors and caliphs and events, 66 interest particular. the lack of plus in dates noted above, This, in intention speculate whether Theophilus' to might have been one leads 64 See the entry on the "Maronite Chronicler" in Chapter 4 above. 65 Agapius, gives a calculation of the years from Adam before proceeding 455, to relate amr al- 'arab, but it seems somewhat corrupt. 66 1 give reconstruction of the Syriac Common Source in Excursus a provisional C a church Occasionally Theophilus reports such matters as the collapse of below.

426 407 Chronicles and Histories This would certainly be in keeping compose a classicising to history. with impression have of him, namely that he was something that the we his Greek, works in writing translating of a Hellenophile, astrological out and his son Deukalion. Moreover, Galen, of the and Homer naming covers Theophilus devotes by far the most attention to period he the of last decade, from the murder of Walid II in 7 44 to the events the the he in 754, and of states clearly: "I was myself triumph Abbasids a to these conflicts and I used of write things down constant witness 67 none of it escaped me." Thus so we that also the element of have 68 was so important a feature of classicising history. autopsy The which notice shared Dionysius and Agapius concerns the revolt earliest by and 589-90, flight to Byzantium in Khusrau so Theophilus his against the been seeking to continue may History of Menander perhaps have (ended in 582) or John ofEpiphaneia (572-91). Any solution Protector conjectural until more work has been done on the remain will, however, of and Agapius for the pre-Islamic period. sources Dionysius we cannot be sure of Theophilus' personal ambitions If his com- for report do at least have the we of what someone else thought position, he was doing. In the preface to his own work Dionysius gives some 69 attention predecessors "who have written about earlier times." to his reviews chronography ecclesiastical history, then goes on to He and type, there emerged a third recently namely "nar- that suggest had ratives ( resembling history." 'yiiN) What united such tash ecclesiastical was accounts not content; of the examples Dionysius cites-Daniel their Moses of 'fur 'Abdin, John bar Samuel bar the West country, Theo- of philus Edessa and Theodosius, metropolitan of Edessa-we know of 0 Theophilus church matters/ Daniel on on secular events. that wrote an earthquake, but there is after ecclesiastical material proper; note especially n(\l campaikns given to Arab attention in Asia Minor. the 67 Quoted by Agapius, 525. 68 What is any evidence of that other notable trait of classicising history, is lacking Nicephorus's This also absent, however, from is work and he was the digression. chapter). to write a classicising history (see the entry on him in this striving certainly 69 Dionysius' preface is preserved Michael 1l.XX, 378/357-58. in 70 cited He is · by Elias of Nisibis for the election of the patriarch Athanasius Sandalaya (Chronicle, = AH 122), the appearance 168 an unusual star (ibid., 170 of == AH 127), the occurrence of an earthquake which destroyed the Jacobite church at and Manbij 171 = AH 131); (ibid., by Dionysius himselfregarding the generosity of

427 Chronicles Histories and 408 they were distinguished, according to Dionysius, by their Rather all maintain failure chronological rigour of the chronicle or either to the causes characterised interrelationships that of ecclesi- the pursuit and set whom have mentioned here "Those forth their history: astical we a compartmentalised and discontinuous fashion accounts msaykii'lt in ( without strict heed to chronological accuracy or wa-mfasqii'zt), paying of aw of events ( l-~attztiitii d-zabne order l-naqzpiitii d- the succession a chronological So narrative histories, but lacking were sii'riine)." they thematic thread. or perhaps a little harsh, this is a relatively apt characterisa- Though tion of Theophilus. is true that he does present his information in a It chronological order, largely makes effort to establish firm but little he each entry. For the seventh century in dates he makes for particular use anecdotal material: the of of Heraclius' brother heavy encounter with a sty lite near J:Iim~, Mu'awiya's Theodore of the Colos- demolition of Constans dream that he Rhodes, lose in a naval engage- would sus with the Arabs in 654, ment rebel Shapur and the imperial envoy the of at court, the election Mu'awiya's Marwan ibn al-J:Iakam in Sergius 684 and so on. Each of these accounts constitutes a self-sufficient narra- tive unit little connection with any other, which, as Dionysius bearing has the of making Theophilus' writing seem somewhat seg- effect says, Only the description of the mented. of the Umayyads overthrow with where given more continuous relation a causal links between are we are brought out. But this is events really Theophilus' fault; as was not pleaded a contemporary of his, who was also attempting to write by "We a chronicle: traversed many places and not found any accu- have 71 composition, only miscellany." If Theophilus failed to produce rate of narrative of events from 630-740, it was for lack a comprehensive material, of industry or talent. Despite his disparaging tone Diony- not did his heavy use of Theophilus in make own work, certainly for sius played it is also likely that it information, a part in the adoption by and him and others of a narrative format in place of the staccato annalistic bulletins were so much a feature of earlier Syriac chronography. which the Edessan magnate Athanasius bar Gumaye towards the church, a report which build includes anecdotal account of how Athanasius came to a long a baptistery at Edessa (Michaelll.XVI, 447-49/475-77). 71 Chron. Zuqnin, 146-47.

428 Chronicles and 409 Histories is to hoped that the debt which the genre owes to Theophilus will It be to now begin recognised. be fully more Chronicler The Zuqnin monastery This from the author in north Meso- receives his appellation 72 he was a resident. His potamia chronicle is frequently re- of which to as "ps.-Dionysius," since it was once attributed to the the ferred 73 patriarch Tellmal;re. all Almost Jacobite the opening of Dionysius author's is the statement of the bar intention to be- missing preface "in the Creation of the world and to arrange the material from gin reader that reasoning of the the nor the hearing of neither such a way will sacred disturbed." Events hearer and profane are presented the be until with from the author comment the reign of annalistically little Justin (565-78), after which he seems to have had problems with his II sources, he tells us: as chronology this Q,ushbana)-that is to say, This composi- ( maktbanuta)-begins from the very beginning of Cre- tion ( ation and proceeds up to the birth of Abraham and the kingdom of ... .In the 42nd year of Ninos the patri- Ninos Abraham was as Eusebius testifies, for from him arch born, to the of this history up taken the time of the is content Constantine. From this point up to Theodosius believing Younger is the taken] from Socrates ... , then from Theo- [it [it the emperor Justin is taken] from the holy dosius up to the bishop Asia, that is of year 885 (573-74). From John, this point until the present year, which is the year 1086 of Alexander and year 158 (775) of the Muslims, we have the found concerning [men's] actions ( dubbare) not [anything] 74 composed as carefully as the which aforementioned. is ones 72 205-206, speaks of Ibid., monastery of Zuqnin." "our 73 For discussion of the authorship and of the chronicle in general see Witakowski, Pseudo-Dionysius, Palmer, "Review." and 74 Chron. Zuqnin, 145-46. The division made here by the chronicler(--+ Constan- today) of Theodosius II, --+ Justin, --+ --+ is the basis for the characterisation tine,

429 Chronicles Histories and 410 iRdeed it this deficiency that prompted him to· take up his And was pen: we many places and not found any have traversed Since only ( ellii d-meddem writing, ), accurate meddem miscellany order to set down in and what we determined we collect from old men of have things which they saw heard those came and also those affairs to which we have and upon, 75 witness. been his own failure to produce an Aware writing," he excuses of "accurate by saying: himself does no harm to the discerning and It God-fearing if the a is one or two years too early or too late. Let it date enough for God-fearing to see the chastisements of be the and away turn generations from evil, lest those to former 76 visited upon them too. be chastisments second preface makes it clear that the ensuing portion This the of Chronicle Zuqnin, known by modern scholars as the fourth part, of di- the of one person is has endeavoured to weld together work who verse into an ordered material Conrad has proposed that narrative. it divides into four layers, each composed by a different author, but 77 this under scrutiny. theory In the midst of the narrative collapses work this scholars as being in four parts. The sources listed (Eusebius, by modern Socrates, most are, however, only the Ephesus) major and many others of John be Chronicle seems Stylite incorpo- of ps.-Joshua the to the in used; are particular, the in a discussion of the sources for For first three parts see Witakowski, rated full. 124-36, and Pseudo-Dionysius, "Sources of Pseudo-Dionysius for the Third idem, Part of His Chronicle." 75 Chron. Zuqnin, 146-47. 76 /bid., 147; note that anticipation and refutation of blame for inexactitude in Studies in the Syr- dates historical prefaces (see Riad, etc. commonly found in is Preface, iac 107), for example in that of the eleventh-century chronicler 103-104, 13.1, 546-47 /115). of Melitene (Michael the Syrian Ignatius 77 Conrad, "Syriac Perspectives," 24-26. He says that in the period AG 1029-60 he author to "the present day;" but refers only uses the expression "at this the He described. b-hiinii zabnii), i.e. in the same year as the previous event ( time"

430 Chronicles and 411 Histories Hisham's reign there is a brief notice about an earthquake on (724-43) in December and during the account of Marwan's rule in Syria 717, a the note about stars falling from is sky in Jan- (743-50) there short 78 Conrad from both occasions a change infers author, but 743. uary of cases the narrative immediately reverts to the former subject in both the style the same. It is simply that the notices are very and remains part of is understandable in this as of the out sequence, occasionally 79 is abundant and dates a chronicle way apart. where The material long noticed Conrad ca. 713-18 is by significant, but not disjunction more indicating a change of author, rather for it marks the point at because which compiler is able to supplement the bare chronological records the and natural phenomena with oral sources battles rulers, of patriarchs, from point ow·n lifetime. And indeed, it is from this material and his are ever we more profuse and detailed information about given that northern Mesopotamia, the chronicler's homeland. in events most obvious indication that the fourth part of The chronicle is the the of a single writer drawing on different sources, rather than of work separate contributions, is that there are several making writers different features unifying of this The first to found in the very aim section. is to leave a warning for future generations: writing, namely does speak of "us" occasionally, as Conrad says, and once he states that "all these (Chron. Zuqnin, 181), but this simply suggests that things days" happened our in lived through Even if an expression such as "the present day" did occur, he them. his easily explained by the could that the chronicler very often cites be it fact (cf. Palmer, "Review," obvious without slavishly making even sources emendments black," of ("wearers that the mistranslation of msawwede argues 145). Conrad also someone awkiime ("blacks") by who further on as to Abbasids) a reference the to claim knowledge of Arabic is best accounted for two assuming that the by seems But the author did know what references to belong different layers of the text. msawwede meant; he says "all their clothes were black and for this reason they were called awkiime" which Syriac language is translated the ( Chron. msawwede, in Zuqnin, The question is why, when he knew the 193-94). sense of the word, correct he chose such a rendering. still 78 Chron. 169-71 (AG 1043-1029-1040-1045), 192-96 (AG 1060-1054- Zuqnin, 743. The events are also reported by Syriac CS, s.a. 716-18, 1061-1062). 79 Ibid., (AG 1063-1061-1064), 221-22 (AG 1075-1072-1076), 227- E.g. 206-207 (AG 1077-1074-1078). 28 that the Arab capture of Tyana, included in the Note narrative on Maslama's acitivities of 716-17 (ibid., 159-60), is also misplaced (all and other date it between 707 sources 711; see Syriac CS, s.a. 707-708).

431 Chronicles Histories and 412 In 1. a record of this evil time and the bitter oppression order to leave which has in our days earth times ... and the suffered world that who will come into the wished after us might We 2. those fear the Lord and walk uprightly before Him, lest He tremble and of them, has] us, into the hands [He this rapacious also as deliver wolf. order to leave some record for those who come into the world 3. In ... us after these things I shall speak, 4. these things I shall tell, about About 80 write them for those who and after us. I shall [come] Secondly, is the use made of Isaiah x.5, which speaks of the there to the God's wrath sent by Him of castigate His way- rod Assyrians as ward people alludes the frequently cites or chronicler to when which and 81 oft-voiced the opinion Accompanying this is rule. of speaking Arab our chronicler that his fellow Christians have merited such chastise- of This be tone permeates this fourth part, and may ment. moralising even notices. the cursory pre-713 detected Thus, regarding 'Abd in the census 692, he says: "Thereafter al-Malik's sons of Hagar began in be- subject the sons of Aram to Egyptian slavery; but it is our fault: to 82 slaves gained authority over sinned, we Finally, there is the us." cause on Mesopotamia, which again, though affecting events concentration where the chronicle is fuller, is discernable even in most noticeable near reports. example, Amida, which was For the author's earlier the 3 in six entries for the years monastery, features 622-50.~ 8 Zuqnin, 301, 333. °Chron. 146, 146, 81 146, 192, 232, 262, 302, 314. Use oflsaiah x.5 and of the Ibid., to refer Assyrians to enemies is also made by ps.-Joshua Christian John of Ephesus (then meaning and John of use of the Zuqnin chronicler's principal sources. Heavy two Persians), the also Ephesus, extent of wholesale plagiarism, is the made by the chronicler of to it comes to constructing an of of the mid-eighth-century outbreak account when the plague Harrak, "Literary Borrowings bubonic (see Chronicle of Zuqnin"). in 82 Chron. Zuqnin, 154. Another feature common to all the fourth part is extensive as quotation Bible, not merely of the odd phrase the in earlier sections, but from of whole passages. 83 Ibid., 150-52: Cyriacus, bishop of Am ida, dies; Heraclius builds church at patriarch Amida; bishop of Amida, flourishes; Thomas, John Sedra is buried at

432 Chronicles and Histories 413 Up until the year 717, when there is a long description of the Arab siege of Constantinople, the fourth part of the chronicle consists mostly of very short notices, only four being of any length. These concern 84 85 compulsory baptism of Jews, the Arabs' first civil war, 'Abd al- 86 Malik's census and tax reforms, and the following rather polemical notice on the appearance of Mul)ammad and the Arabs: The Arabs subdued the land of Palestine as far as the river Euphrates, while the Romans fled and crossed over to the east of the Euphrates, and the Arabs gained authority over them in it (Palestine). The first king was a man from among them by the name of Mul)ammad. This man they also called a prophet, because he had turned them away from cults of all kinds and taught them that there was one God, Maker of Creation. Also he laid down laws for them, be- cause they had been firm adherents of the worship of demons and adoration of idols and particularly of trees. And since he had shown them the one God, and they had conquered the Romans in battle under his direction, and he had ap- pointed laws for them according to their desire, they called him prophet and messenger ( rasillii) of God. They are a very covetous and carnal people, and any law, whether pre- Amida; John of the Arabs is buried at Amida; Simeon, bishop of Edessa, dies at Amid a. 84 /bid., 148-49. The author seems to be referring to the same incident narrated by the Doctrina Jacobi (see the entry thereon in Chapter 3 above), but places it in Palestine during the reign of Phocas instead of in North Africa in the time of Heraclius. 85 Chron. Zuqnin, 152-53. Writers active in Palestine and Syria generally accord 'All ibn Abi ':falib no official status and simply say that Mu'awiya defeated him at Siffin (see the entries on "Short Chronologies" and "Latin Texts" in this chapter, those on the "Maronite Chronicler" and "George of Resh'aina" in Chapter 4 and that on the Jewish Apocalypse on the Umayyads in Chapter 8 above), but the Zuqnin chronicler says that 'Ali (though oddly calling him 'Abbas) was considered "king" in Mesopotamia and the East (thus also Chron. 819, 12) and that the fighting between him and Mu'awiya lasted a full five years. 86 Ibid., 154. Note his observation: "From this time the poll-tax (gz!tii) began to be levied on the skulls of adult males ... Up till this time kings had levied tribute ( madattii) on the land, not from men."

433 Histories and Chronicles 414 another God-fearing person, that by Mu}fammad scribed or set is with their desire, they neglect and aban- in not accord and is with their will accord complements what in But don. it be instituted by their contemptible desires, though one they to it, saying: hold was appointed them, among "This prophet and messenger by God, and moreover it was the of to charged seven by governed them for He God." him thus 87 years. period from 587 to 717 takes up Whereas ten pages of printed this only the six decades occupy an following 240 pages and con- text, impressive a rich repository stitute information for the history of eighth-century of much it not found in of other chronicle and to a large any Mesopotamia, based on experience. Of course, from a man who closes extent first-hand Lord with God, "Take heed and fear the the your warning: preface his lest He visit you these same afflictions," one must expect that he upon be concerned particularly to enumerate the evils perpetrated by will out the divine punishments meted and to them. And the Christians many of his pages plagues, taken up with the description of are indeed natural disasters (floods, earthquakes, famines etc.), brigandage and invasions, tyranny of governors and fiscal oppression. But amid this are also accounts on the Kharijites, religious pretenders, the revealing structure of Mesopotamia and the intellectual life of social northern certain policies and the decisions of taxation monasteries, its Abbasid 88 caliphs. 87 149-50 (AG 932). Further Chron. (ibid., 299) .the chronicler calls Zuqnin, on "their guide and legislator" (mhaddyiinhon w-sii'em niimosayhon). Mu~ammad Note that image of Mu~ammad as a lawgiver is very common; cf. Sebeos, this (tr. XXX 95); John bar Penkaye, 146-47/175 (tr. Brock, 61); Monk ofBeth Mader, 494; Disputation, I:Jale, Hist. Patriarchs XIV, PO 1, fol. Chron. Siirt CI, PO 6a; 13, 600. 88 E.g. this chronicle is the earliest Christian source to refer to Yazid II's edict topics (ibid., For instances of the 163). mentioned in this paragraph against images Ishaq, Significance al-Zuqnln!;" idem, "The see of the Syriac Chronicle "Al-ta'rTkh contains that this text the first non-Muslim lit- of Note also Pseudo-Dionysius." 195); Zuqnin, Chron. ( term "Muslim," written mashlmiinii the to erary reference this inscription term only features in an before the of 123/741 (Ory, "Les graffiti AH umayyades de 'Ayn al-Garr," 100) and as the name a governor (Meslem) in the of late seventh 94). (Nessana Papyri, no. 58; cf. ibid., no. century

434 Chronicles and Histories 415 The Ehnesh Inscription covers This blocks of the south wall of the three inscription limestone 89 at in church Syria, northern and chronicles a series Ehnesh S. Sergius the local Christian inhabitants: for catastrophes of year 309 the Messiah came to the In the world, 90 930 the the year came to the land, Arabs And in in And the there was a battle at $iffin ( $eje) 968 year a great the 995 there was year famine, And in in And the 1005 there was a darkness, year cap- year 1088 the the of Mar'ash entered into vale And in in the of the Romans by reason of our sins, tivity territory in And 342, 24 March, day year the Messiah suffered, the 6, ( the year 1091 the commander of the am"irii faithful in And 91 came entered as far and Gihon, and he da-mhaymne) as and ordered that returned churches be torn down and the that the Taniikh become Muslims ( nhaggriin). The notices on Christ seem, in both cases, intended to serve as a coun- of the that follows. The coming notice Christ and the joy terpoint to brought contrasts it with of the coming and the misery it the Arabs the passion of Christ entailed salvation, the appearance of brought; that there was some brought suspects One also Mahd! enslavement. intended irony in juxtaposition of Messiah and Mahd! (which means the "saviour" in Arabic); reason for the the positive term "comman- using Arabic in the faithful" is not obvious. Though it is common of der epithet was usually eschewed and such a religious inscriptions writings, 89 the east wall of the 0n building is another inscription which comprises same quotes from Psalms xliv.5, xxxiv.6, xcii.l5. 90 A later hand has corrected this to 933. For the significance of the date see the entry on Chronology ad annum "Short in this chapter. 775" 91 "Mahdl" is written on an adjacent course of stone, either added in explanation omitted in the first place. or accidentally

435 Chronicles Histories and 416 Christian writers favour of some more secular term, most often by in 92 "king." Dionysius of Tellma~re a wealthy well-established Edessan family. He from and came Dionysius monasteries studied Qenneshre and of Mar Jacob at Kayshum at the of elevated before being leadership of the Jacobites in 818, which to the 93 held he position At the request 845. John, metropolitan of until of consented to undertake what others, despite his exhortations, he Dara, declined to do, namely "to set down had writing for the genera- in past] come the events to have occurred [in the which tions are which 94 was in our own time." which The finished product occurring and are by a described later chronicler as follows: composed it in two parts and in sixteen books, each He part containing books divided into chapters. He wrote eight at of request of John, metropolitan it Dara. In this the period chronicle the times, a included of 260 years, from are the beginning of the reign of Maurice-that is, from the year Greeks (582)-until the year 1154 (842) in which the 894 of died Theophilus, of the Romans,· and Abu there emperor 95 king of the Arabs. lsl)aq (Mu'ta~im), division into parts-one devoted to church history, the other to His history-and and secular chapters indicates a sophisticated ap- books proach which from that found in earlier Syriac historiography. differs as his Dionysius characterises his work In a pragmateia, a term preface 92 Though "commander of the faithful" is used in Chron. Zuqnin, 174, 258, 282, thereon Chron. Willi bald (see the entry of in Chapter 6 above), and in Life in the Hisp. 754, which depends upon §49, source. The inscriptions are discussed a Syrian at length by Palmer, "Messiah and Mahdi;" see also idem, West-Syrian Chronicles, 71-74. 93 and Dionysius Tellmahre, discusses the Abramowski, von its relationship church with the state in Dionysius' time and also Dionysius' own contribution as patriarch. 94 (Dionysius' the Syrian 10.XX, 378/358 Michael preface). 95 Ibid. 12.XXI, 544/111.

436 Chronicles and Histories 417 used writers to mean a treatise strictly and systematically by classical he distances from those who "composed their and himself formulated, a and fragmented fashion without preserving narratives summary in events." the order of succession of In or either chronological accuracy bring aim this "Our in is to together he such says: to contrast writings, to assistance, God's with is able, self everything our which book feeble as to accuracy [of each report] the attested by and ascertain collect, worthy of credence, to select [the best version] and many persons then 96 down in [correct] order." write to it a fragments Dionysius' achievement unfortunately does not Bar few 97 Much can, however, survive. be by comparing the writ- recovered of who later drew upon those notably the Jacobite patriarch it, ings the Syrian and an anonymous Edessan chronicler of Michael (1166-99) 98 the early two authors thirteenth compiling their These century. were a decade of one another and chronicles seem to have been within would 99 Moreover, both explicitly cite Dionysius a working independently. 100 times, number and Michael implies of he was their only sub- that 96 rendering; 11.XVIII, is a literal This the translation of Ibid. 454/487-88. West-Syrian Chronicles, 94-95, makes it clearer: "Weak as I Palmer, my aim am, is follows: To collect with the help as God whatever information I can find and to of put it all in this book in good order, selecting the most reliable version of events at- tested by majority of witnesses and writing them down here in the the trustworthy For correct discussion more sequence." detailed format Dionysius' chronicle the of of "Syriac Perspectives," 28-39; Palmer, West-Syrian see 85-104. Conrad, Chronicles, 97 are edited and translated by fragments Dionysius von These Abramowski, Tellmahre, 130-44. 98 terminal colophon states The the author completed the civil history in AG that 1514/1203 the ecclesiastical history on 1 February 1515/1204 ( Chron. 1234, and 340). breaks we have it, the work 2.213-14, off mid-sentence ca. 1234 and hence As the work generally referred to as is Chronicle the of 1234. Presumably another writer continued it, probably to ca. 1240. A few very brief citations from Dionysius are also by Elias given Nisibis, Chronicle, (AH 138, 140, 142, 146, 152- of 1.174-80 53). further Abramowski, Dionysius von Tellmahre, 14-29. See 99 it is difficult to 0therwise why each of them will on different occasions explain have detailed account a more the other. than these two authors and their For chronicles see, in addition to the survey works cited at the beginning of this section, Chabot, Chronique Michel le Syrien. Introduction, and Fiey's introduction to de the translation the second volume of of Chronicle of 1234. the 10 ° Chron. 1234, 2.17-20, 257, 267; for the numerous references of Michael to Dionysius see Conrad, "Syriac Perspectives," 30 and n. 87 thereto.

437 Chronicles Histories and 418 common stantial the period 582-842. We can, therefore, be source for that common to both writers derives from every notice sure reasonably of us two pass Dionysius on to neither intact, these Dionysius. However, 01 102 reshape. rephrase and add, rather Michael abbreviate/ both omit, up breaks of Dionysius and distributes the material over three the text are to ecclesiastical affairs, natural phenomena devoted which columns one history. of 1234 has chronicler continuous narrative civil The and time of Constantine, then divides until notices into secular and the his history, church relegating to latter end. Michael's ecclesiasti- the the as civil by but much of this is treated history extensive, column cal is 03 chronicler whose church history is relatively smalP of It the 1234, patriarch, that his position as given would have Dionysius, likely seems ecclesiastical history the more important deemed so given it his and space, it is difficult to but for sure. greater say In preface to his work Dionysius states that he would the from take parts which are reliable and do not those Theophilus Edessa "only of proviso from The reason for this truth." is the rivalry in deviate the faith, Dionysius being a Jacobite and their a Maronite. In Theophilus Theophilus either than of more us reality, however, conveys Dionysius to or Agapius, albeit only Theophanes through the filters of Michael and the Chronicle 1234. Most of the notices in Mich"ael's civil history of 630-750 have a counterpart in Theophanes and the period for column so many clearly represent Theophilus; but and of the most Agapius, of phenomena and almost all natural the eccl,esiastical reports notices on 104 been of The Chronicle thought 1234 has often elsewhere. derive from 101 than different will have a longer account each the other; since historical At times about the seventh and eighth centuries was scarce, information is unlikely that it either able to add new details, so was must both at times be abbreviating. they 102 An example is given by Brock, "Syriac Life of Maximus," 337-40, who compares their accounts of career. Maximus' 103 the part the conquest of Egypt E.g. in entry on the "Conquest of Cyrus' (see in Chapter 13 below), demons at Egypt" (see the entry on "Daniel of Qenneshre Edessa" in s.a. 4 above), false Tiberius (see Syriac Chapter the 737). Though CS, there are occasions when the reverse is true; e.g. the notice on the Arab attack on the convent Simeon of Stylite 1234, the ecclesiastical part of Chron. the 2.260, is in in the civil section of Michael11.VI, 417/422. but 104 from Michael reports a number of censuses, seemingly not drawn also Theophilus; e.g. ca. 668 Abi.ll-A'war made a census of Christian labourers/soldiers

438 419 Chronicles and Histories best to and so Theophilus. This is true to the preserve Dionysius, it often Dionysius in full and does not break up the that quotes extent subject categories like Michael. Yet on closer into narrative structure proves to be quite an eclectic work. For example, it dislikes it study notices, preferring short a worth before accepting to have paragraph's and so omits most entries on natural phenomena. And for report, the a and the first Arab civil war conquests turns to Muslim sources, Arab it 105 borrowing but wholesale. supplementing, not merely is evident that produced a comprehensive and carefully It Dionysius The history takes centre stage, coming first structured church work. array history of documents; the secular a formidable and comprising made efforts but great as were assemble to size, smaller follows, in material as possible. The each, parts, assigned eight books two much then and otherwise linked by glimpses forward cross-referenced were florid and the whole was set forth in a fluid Syriac and flashbacks, and 106 valuable Islamicists it is Syriac as For best witness to the the diction. revealing for attributable to Theophilus of Edessa and Source Common the life and conditions of the Christians, who still us something to of Dionysius' majority the a of the Near East in of constituted population day. of 819 and 846 The Chronicles former of these two texts extends from the birth of Christ to the The of consecration patriarch Dionysius of Tellmal;tre in 818-19. The the number notices concerning Qartmin monastery suggest it was large of by a monk of that establishment, presumably in written soon after or 819. the earlier part of the For the principal source used is the chronicle for the first time (Michaelll.XII, 435/450); in AG 1009/698 'Atlya made a census (ibid. 447/473; Chron. 819, 13). ll.XVI, offoreigners 105 over to note; I had myself, taking important received wisdom that the This is of 1234 accurately Chronicle Dionysius, assumed the Arabic material represented was by Dionysius (see Hoyland, inserted Syriac and Greek Historiogra- "Arabic, phy"). But since not a single item of it is found in Michael, this cannot be so and date. it have become included in the Chronicle of 1234 at a later must 106 for Palmer, West-Syrian Chronicles, 85-89, See references and further dis- cussion.