1 Journal of Behavioral Economics for Policy, 2, No. 1, 61-67, 2018 Misconceptions about nudges 1 * Cass R. Sunstein Abstract Some people believe that nudges are an insult to human agency; that nudges are based on excessive trust in government; that nudges are covert; that nudges are manipulative; that nudges exploit behavioral biases; that nudges depend on a belief that human beings are irrational; and that nudges work only at the margins and cannot accomplish much. These are misconceptions. Nudges always respect, and often promote, human agency; because nudges insist on preserving freedom of choice, they do not put excessive trust in government; nudges are generally transparent rather than covert or forms of manipulation; many nudges are educative, and even when they are not, they tend to make life simpler and more navigable; and some nudges have quite large impacts. D01; D9; B41; H11; H2 JEL Classification: Keywords nudges — behavioral economic — default rules — manipulation 1 Robert Walmsley University Professor, Harvard University * Corresponding author : [email protected] Nudges are private or public initiatives that steer people in (Conly, 2012); about whether people in diverse nations ap- prove of nudges, or not (Reisch and Sunstein, 2016); and particular directions but that also allow them to go their own way (Thaler and Sunstein 2008; Thaler 2015). A reminder is about when and why nudges fail. Much of what has been a nudge; so is a warning. A GPS device nudges; a default rule, learned is insistently empirical (Halpern, 2015; Benartzi et al., automatically enrolling people in some program, is a nudge 2017). With every month, new knowledge becomes available, (Ebeling and Lotz, 2015). To qualify as a nudge, an initiative and it is by turns chastening, surprising, confirmatory, and must not impose significant material incentives (including inspiring. disincentives). My goal here is not to celebrate what has been learned, or to engage the many productive objections, clarifications, and A subsidy is not a nudge; a tax is not a nudge; a fine or refinements (Goldin and Lawson, 2016; Allcott and Kessler, a jail sentence is not a nudge. To count as such, a nudge 2015; Goldin 2015; Rebonato, 2012), but more modestly must preserve freedom of choice. If an intervention imposes to catalogue some common mistakes and misconceptions. significant material costs on choosers, it might of course be Unfortunately, they continue to divert attention both in the justified, but it is not a nudge. Some nudges work because public domain and in academic circles, and hence to stall they inform people; other nudges work because they make progress. certain choices easier; still other nudges work because of the A pervasive problem, I suggest, is undue abstraction, as power of inertia and procrastination. people are misled by large-sounding nouns that do not engage In the ten years since Nudge was published, policymakers with specific practices. Commenting on Sir Joshua Reynolds, have shown a great deal of creativity and initiative in using William Blake suggested that “to Generalize is to be an Idiot. nudges and other behaviorally informed approaches, often To Particularize is the Alone Distinction of Merit”. To be sure, saving money and lives in the process. A full catalogue has Blake’s suggestion is itself a generalization (and to that extent yet to be produced, but partial accounts are available (White- self-contradictory). But let’s not be too fussy. Blake was right, head et al., 2017; Halpern, 2015; Sunstein, 2014). There and I shall try to follow his guidance here. has also been an extraordinary outpouring of new academic thinking and research on behaviorally informed approaches, 1 : Without further ado with particular reference to public policy (for a sampling, see Sunstein and Reisch 2016). As a result, we now know a great deal more about the 1 I am not going to struggle here over definitional questions, though in consequences of information, reminders, and default rules recent years, a great deal of work has been devoted to those questions. My hope is that the opening sentence of this essay is clear enough, at least if it (Johnson and Goldstein, 2013); about how to analyze the com- is informed by the examples that immediately follow it. In the same vein, plex welfare effects of nudges (Allcott and Kessler, 2015); see Nudge , p. 8: “a nudge, as we shall use the term, is any aspect of the about the promise and the limits of mandatory choosing choice architecture that alters people behavior in a predictable way without and prompted choice; about how to think about paternalism forbidding any options or significantly changing their economic incentives”.
2 Misconceptions about nudges — 62/67 . In free societies, . The 2. Nudges are based on excessive trust in government 1. Nudges are an insult to human agency most intuitive objection to nudging is rooted in fear of gov- people are treated with respect. They are allowed to go their ernment. To put that objection in its sharpest form: Suppose own way. Some people object that nudges are troublesome that public officials are incompetent or corrupt. Suppose that because they treat people as mere objects for official control your least favorite leaders are or will be in charge. Would you (Waldron 2014). want them to nudge? The objection is off the mark. One of the main points of Or suppose that you are keenly alert to public choice prob- nudging is to preserve freedom of choice –and thus to maintain lems, emphasized by James Buchanan and his followers, or people’s capacity for agency (Sunstein, 2016). Many nudges “the knowledge problem”, emphasized by Friedrich Hayek are self-consciously educative, and hence they strengthen that and his followers. If interest groups are able to push govern- very capacity; consider calorie labels, or warnings about risks ment in their preferred directions, and if public officials lack associated with certain products. With information, warnings, crucial information, then you might insist: Do not nudge! and reminders, people are in a better position to choose their Reliance on private markets might seem far better (Glaeser, own way. Noneducative nudges, such as uses of healthy choice architecture at cafeterias or in grocery stores, allow 2006). people to choose as they wish. We should pause here to emphasize that a recognition of Perhaps it could be argued that if the goal is to promote public choice problems, or the absence of relevant informa- tion, should lead first and foremost to an attack on mandates agency, some nudges, such as default rules, are problematic. and bans, not on nudges. If we distrust government, we should But because such rules are omnipresent in both law and life, be most concerned about coercion. For that reason, it is odd, and often a great blessing. it is not easy to see how that ar- and a continuing puzzle, that in recent years, those who dis- gument might be made convincing. Would it make sense to trust government have often aimed at nudges –and libertarian excise default rules from the law of contract? To say that em- ployers, hospitals, and banks are forbidden from using default paternalism– rather than attacking the modern regulatory state, and perhaps adopting a full-scale program in favor of some rules? In practice, what would that even mean? Those who are inclined to reject default rules out of respect for individual version of Thatcherism, Hayekianism, or (much more rad- ically) uncompromising enthusiasm for free markets. But agency would do well to ponder the countless contexts in let us put this point to one side. It is fair to worry that if which such rules make life simpler and easier to navigate. (On governments err, official nudging may go badly wrong. the immense importance of navagibility, more in a moment). Indeed, behavioral science itself might be taken to put this A narrower argument would be that in certain settings, worry in bold letters. There is no reason to think that public those who prize agency should insist on active choosing in officials are immune to behavioral biases. In a democratic preference to default rules. In Nudge , Thaler and I make society, the electoral connection might mean that they will exactly that argument in the context of organ donation, urging respond to the same biases that affect ordinary people (Kuran that when people receive drivers’ licenses, they ought to be asked whether they want to be organ donors. In some settings, and Sunstein 1999). To be sure, structural safeguards might active choosing is indeed better. help, especially if they ensure a large place for technocrats, insistent on science and on careful attention to costs and ben- Note, however, that sometimes people cannot easily choose efits. But in any real-world polity, behavioral distortions on (because they lack bandwidth or expertise) or do not want to the part of public officials are difficult to avoid. We have had choose (Sunstein, 2015); they consider default rules to be a them in the past and we will have them in the future. blessing. One reason is that people have limited time and attention (ibid.; Mullainathan and Shafir, 2015), and they ex- These are fair and important points, but if they are taken a ercise their own agency by relying on default rules. If we as an objection to nudging, they run into a logical problem: aim to respect individual agency, we will often be inclined to great deal of nudging is inevitable . So long as government favor those rules has offices and websites, it will be nudging. If the law estab- for that very reason (Sunstein 2017b). For lishes contract, property, and tort law, it will be nudging, if people who are busy, or who face poverty, default rules can be only because it will set out default rules, which establish what particularly valuable, even essential (Mullainathan and Shafir, happens if people do nothing. (Much of the law is a form 2015). of choice architecture). If the government provides informa- To be sure, it is a complex question when active choosing tion, it will be nudging. As Hayek himself wrote, the task of should be preferred to default rules, or vice-versa. A simple establishing a competitive system provides “indeed a wide framework, on which much more would have to be said: In- and unquestioned field for state activity”, for “in no system quire into the costs of decisions and the costs of errors. That that could be rationally defended would the state just do noth- framework helps to explain and organize sensible intuitions ing. An effective competitive system needs an intelligently about when a large menu is an excellent idea (because people designed and continuously adjusted legal framework as much like to choose, and because a default option would produce as any other” (Hayek, 1943). errors) and when it is a terrible blunder (because people do not wish to choose, and a default rule will serve them well As Hayek well understood, a state that protects private enough). property and that enforces contracts has to establish a set
3 Misconceptions about nudges — 63/67 of prohibitions and permissions, including a set of default is hidden. (If it is, there is a problem; the right to opt out entitlements, establishing who has what before bargaining should be clear). In the United States, nudges have generally begins. For that reason, it is literally pointless to exclaim, “do been adopted after an extended period of public comment. They have been on the front pages of newspapers. They not nudge!” –at least if one does not embrace anarchy. have benefited, and been improved, by continuing scrutiny The second answer to those who distrust government is (Sunstein 2014). In these circumstances, the objection seems that because nudges maintain freedom of choice, they insist on a bit daft. a safety valve against official error. Those who favor nudges are keenly alert to the public choice problem and the knowl- Why, then, have intelligent people argued that nudges edge problem, and to the possibility that public officials will are covert? Is there anything at all to that objection? One show behavioral biases. Recall that if one distrusts govern- possibility is that when people participate in a randomized ment, the real focus should be on mandates and bans (as well controlled trial, they may not be informed of that fact. (A as subsidies and taxes). Nudges ought not to be free from randomized trial might not work if people are told about the scrutiny, but they should be a relatively low priority, because various conditions). But I suspect that the real answer is that they are less intrusive, and because they insist that people some nudges work, in practice, even though people do not must be allowed to go their own way. (Rebonato, 2012) focus on them, or even think about them While they are hardly hidden, the people who are influenced It is true, of course, that some nudging is optional. Gov- by them may be unaware of them, or at least unaware of their ernment can warn people about smoking, opioid addiction, purposes and effects. and distracted driving, or not. It can seek to protect con- sumers against deception and manipulation, or not. It can For example, a cafeteria might be designed so that the undertake public education campaigns, or not. If you think healthy foods are most visible and placed first, and people that government is entirely untrustworthy, you might want it might choose them for that very reason. Such a design is to avoid nudging whenever it can. In the abstract, that position hardly hidden; it is entirely transparent. People can see where cannot be ruled out of bounds. On highly pessimistic assump- foods are. At the same time, people may not be aware that tions about the capacities and incentives of public officials, their cafeteria has been specifically designed so as to promote and highly optimistic assumptions about the capacities and healthy choices. To be sure, they know that the fruits are more incentives of those in the private sector, nudging should be why visible than the brownies, but they might not know , and minimized (Glaeser, 2006). But private actors nudge, and their decision to select a fruit might be quick and automatic sometimes it is very much in their interest to exploit cognitive rather than reflective. Or people might not think much about biases (Akerlof and Shiller, 2016). Consider, for example, the default rules that come with (say) an agreement with a efforts to promote purchases of unhealthy foods; to market rental car company. If people are automatically enrolled into cigarettes; and to encourage poor financial choices with re- some kind of insurance plan and allowed to opt out, they spect to mortgages and credit cards (ibid.). Would it be a might say, “yeah, whatever”, and simply go along with the good idea to forbid public officials from taking steps to reduce Nudge identified only one new heuristic, default. (By the way, smoking and distracted driving? and it’s that: the “yeah, whatever” heuristic). To be sure, nudges, like other interventions from such In that sense, it is correct to say that some nudges can officials, should be constrained by democratic requirements, work even if or perhaps because people are unaware that they including transparency, public debate, and independent moni- are being nudged. Note, however, that emerging evidence toring (including, critically, ongoing evaluation of how they finds that the effects of such nudges are not diminished even work in practice). Public choice problems, and the knowledge if people are told that nudging is at work. Transparency about problem, are real and important. Constraints of this kind can the existence and justification of default rules appears not to reduce the risks (without eliminating them). The fundamental reduce their impact in general (Bruns et al. 2016; Loewen- point is that those risks are far larger with other tools, above stein et al. 2015). For some people, such clarity may even all mandates and bans, which remove freedom of choice. increase that impact, by amplifying the informational signal that some default rules offer (Mackenzie et al 2006). On plau- 3. Nudges are covert . Some people have argued that man- sible assumptions, drawing attention to the healthy design dates, bans, and taxes have one advantage: They are trans- of a cafeteria will actually increase the effect of that design, parent. People know what they are. No one is fooled. By because it will convey valuable information. (To be sure, it contrast, nudges are covert and in that sense sneaky, a form may produce “reactance” in some consumers). of trickery (Glaeser, 2006). They affect people without their knowledge. 4. Nudges are manipulative . In a variation on the claim that nudges are covert, some people have objected that nudges For countless nudges, this objection is hard to understand. are a form of manipulation (Conly 2010). But return to the A GPS device nudges, and it is entirely transparent. Labels, hazards of abstraction and in particular (!) to the points I warnings, and reminders are not exactly hidden; if they are, have just explored: If people are reminded that they have a they will not work. When an employer automatically enrolls employees into a savings plan, subject to opt out, nothing doctor’s appointment next Thursday, no one is manipulating
4 Misconceptions about nudges — 64/67 them. The same is true if people are given information about of retirement planning. Similarly, default rules work in part because of inertia, the caloric content of food or if they are warned that certain foods contain shellfish or nuts, or that if they take more than which undoubtedly counts as a behavioral bias. Relevant words from Samuel Beckett’s the recommended dosage of Benadryl, something bad might : Waiting For Godot happen. Vladimir: Well? Shall we go? To be sure, we could imagine a graphic warning about Estragon: Yes, let’s go. opioid addiction, or about the use of cell phones while driving, (They do not move). that would create immediate fear or revulsion, or intensely engage people’s emotions; it might be objected that nudges of Many human beings are like Vladimir and Estragon (who this kind count as a form of manipulation. To know whether were, by the way, unrealistically optimistic. Nudging can be they do, we need a definition of manipulation. To make a . But it is misleading –a effective because they do not move (very) long and complex story short, philosophers and others form of rhetoric, in the not-good sense– to suggest that nudges have generally converged on the view that an action can be “exploit” behavioral biases. counted as manipulative if it subverts people’s capacity for (Barnhill 2014; Sunstein 2016). On any rational deliberation 6. Nudges wrongly assume that people are irrational . Some view, most nudges do not qualify. True, some imaginable critics object that nudges are based on a belief that human nudges might cross the line, but that is very different from 2 beings are “irrational”, which is both insulting and false . (It saying that nudges are manipulative as such. is also unclear what, exactly, is meant by the term “irrational”, which behavioral economists usually abhor, and almost never . Some people object 5. Nudges exploit behavioral biases use). This objection takes different forms. that nudges “exploit” or “take advantage of” behavioral biases. In one form, the objection is that while people rely on sim- nudges as exploitation of behav- Indeed, some people define ple heuristics and rules of thumb, nothing is wrong with that; ioral biases (Rebonato 2010). That does sound nefarious. But those heuristics and those rules, work well, and so nudging the objection is mostly wrong, and while people can define is not needed, and can only make things worse. In another terms however they wish, this particular definition is a recipe form, the objection urges that the whole idea of nudging is for confusion. (One of its least attractive qualities is its use based on weak psychological research and on an assortment of framing; the word “exploit” suggests something untoward, of supposed laboratory findings that do not hold in the real whereas the term “take account of” does not –and is more world. In yet another form, the objection is that people can accurate). and should be educated rather than nudged. In what seems Many nudges make sense, and help people, whether or not to me its best form, this objection urges that people’s utility behavioral biases are at work. A GPS is useful for people who functions are complex and that outsiders may not understand do not suffer from any such bias. Disclosure of information them; what seems to be “irrationality” may be the effort to is helpful even in the absence of any bias. A default rule trade off an assortment of goals (Rebonato 2010). A mundane simplifies life and can therefore be a blessing whether or not example: People might eat fattening foods not because they a behavioral bias is involved. As the GPS example suggests, suffer from present bias, but because they greatly enjoy those many nudges have the goal of increasing navigability –of foods. A less mundane example: People might fail to save for making it easier for people to get to their preferred destination. retirement not because they suffer from optimistic bias, but Such nudges stem from an understanding that life can be either because they need the money now. simple or hard to navigate, and a goal of helpful nudging is to These objections raise many questions, and I shall be brisk promote simpler navigation. with them here. No one should doubt that heuristics generally work well (that is why they exist), but they can also misfire. had made this point clearer, and had I wish that Nudge When they do, a nudge can exceedingly helpful. For example, connected nudging to the central idea of navigability. (I devote people might use the availability heuristic, or something like a separate paragraph to the point, not because that is a good it, in deciding whether a risk is serious. For those who lack use of the paragraph break, but because it is worth singling statistical knowledge, it might be reasonable to do exactly that. out). But even if a risk has come to fruition in the recent past, it At the same time, it is true that some nudges counteract be- may nonetheless be low as a statistical matter. The availability havioral biases, and that some nudges work because of behav- heuristic can lead to severe and systematic errors, and a nudge ioral biases. For example, many human beings tend to suffer might serve as a corrective to either hysteria or complacency. from present bias, which means that they give relatively little weight to the long term; many of us suffer from unrealistic 2 The least lovely, and the most peculiar, version of this claim comes from optimism, which means that we tend to think that things will a German psychologist: “The interest in nudging as opposed to education should be understood against the specific political background in which it turn out better for us than statistical reality suggests. Some emerged. In the US, the public education system is largely considered a nudges try to counteract present bias and optimistic bias –as, failure, and the government tries hard to find ways to steer large sections of for example, by emphasizing the long-term risks associated the public who can barely read and write. Yet this situation does not apply everywhere” (Gigerenzer 2015). with smoking and drinking, or by suggesting the importance
5 Misconceptions about nudges — 65/67 It is true that many nudges build on well-established behav- traction from what might actually help, or help most. Some skeptics think that with an understanding of nudging, we ioral findings, demonstrating that people depart from perfect might have some fresh ideas about how to tweak letters from rationality. For example, default rules work in part because of government to citizens, producing statistically significant in- the power of inertia (Johnson and Goldstein 2013); reminders creases in desirable behavior. But that is pretty small stuff. If are necessary and effective in part because people have lim- behavioral economists want to make a contribution, shouldn’t ited attention; information will be more likely to influence they focus on much more important matters? behavior if it is presented in a way that is attentive to people’s imperfect information-processing capacities. These and other It is true and important that behaviorally informed ap- claims are based on evidence, both in the laboratory and the proaches are hardly limited to nudges; mandates, bans, and in- real-world. Let us underline the latter point; much of the evi- centives may well have behavioral justifications (Thaler, 2017; dence comes from the real world and not from the laboratory Loewenstein and Chater, 2017; Conly 2010). The policy pro- at all (Benartzi et al. 2017; Sunstein and Reisch, 2016). To gram of behavioral science is hardly exhausted by nudges be sure, it is important to test whether a finding in one setting (Thaler 2017). Mandates, bans, and incentives might turn will generalize to others. out to be the best and most effective tool. It is also true that some nudges produce only modest changes. But sometimes Those who embrace nudges do not use the term “irrational- they do not, and in multiple domains, nudges have proven far ity”. On the contrary, they abhor it; “bounded rationality” is more cost-effective than other kinds of interventions, which much better. Nor does anyone doubt that education can work. means that per dollar spent, they have had a significantly As I have emphasized, many nudges are educative and target larger impact (Benartzi et al., 2017). deliberative capacities (System 2, in contrast to the more au- By any measure, the consequences of some nudges are not tomatic System 1, as elaborated in Kahneman 2014) More properly described as modest. One reason is that a seemingly ambitious educative efforts, such as efforts to teach statisti- small initiative, directed at a very large population, may have cal literacy, are usually complements to nudges, and rarely massive effects. Another reason is that some initiatives have substitutes or alternatives. Whether they work is an empirical such effects all by themselves. Consider three examples: question, and no one doubts that in some settings, such efforts may have real promise. As a result of automatic enrollment in free school meals 1. It is also true (and important) that third parties might not programs, more than 11 million poor American children be able to understand people’s utility functions, which may are now receiving free breakfast and lunch during the reflect (for example) delight in high-calorie foods, alcohol, school year. and very late nights out; that is one reason that nudgers insist on preserving freedom of choice. To the extent that nudging 2. Credit card legislation, enacted in 2010, is saving Amer- is inevitable, it is pointless to contend that because of the ican consumers more than $10 billion annually; signifi- complexity of people’s utility functions, nudging should be cant portions of those savings come from nudges and avoided. To the extent that nudging is optional, it should nudge-like interventions (Agarwal et al. 2013). be undertaken with an appreciation of the risk of error and with careful efforts to ensure that it promotes, and does not With respect to savings, automatic enrollment in pen- 3. undermine, people’s welfare. A GPS device does not decrease sion programs has produced massive increases in par- welfare. In general, information about health risks and po- ticipation rates (Chetty et al., 2012; Thaler, 2016). tential financial burdens should increase welfare (Agarwal et al., 2013). To be sure, the concept of welfare requires New nudges, now in early stages or under discussion, specification (Adler, 2011), but most nudges can be tested could also have a major impact. If, for example, the goal is without getting into murky philosophical waters; we can have to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, automatic enrollment in an “incompletely theorized agreement” that some approaches green energy can have large effects (Ebeling and Lotz, 2015; promote welfare, and others do not, without resolving disputes Pichert and Katsikopoulos, 2008). The Earned Income Tax among Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill, and Amartya Sen. Credit is probably the most effective anti-poverty program in the United States, but many eligible people do not take Of course nudges must be tested to ensure that they are advantage of it. Automatic enrollment would have large con- doing what they are supposed to do (Halpern 2015; Thaler sequences for the lives of millions of people. 2015). Some nudges fail. When they do, the right conclusion It is true, of course, that for countless problems, nudges may be that freedom worked –or that we should nudge better are hardly enough. They cannot eliminate poverty, unemploy- (Sunstein 2017a). ment, and corruption. But by itself, any individual initiative –whether it is a tax, a subsidy, a mandate, or a ban– is un- 7. Nudges work only at the margins; they cannot achieve likely to solve large problems. Denting them counts as an . If experts are asked to catalogue the world’s ma- a whole lot achievement. jor problems, many of them would single out poverty, hunger, unemployment, corruption, premature deaths, terrorism, and For nudging, the last decade has been one of extraordi- nary achievements –not only because of the creation of many climate change. On one view, nudges are an unfortunate dis-
6 Misconceptions about nudges — 66/67 “nudge units”–, but more fundamentally because of the incor- Ebeling, F., and Lotz, S. (2015). “Domestic uptake of poration of nudges in policymaking at the very highest levels Nature Cli- green energy promoted by opt-out tariffs”. and the acceleration of new findings, in academic circles and 5 (9), 868-871. Retrieved from: Doi: mate Change 10.1038/nclimate2681. in government, that have produced conceptual and empirical breakthroughs (Mullainathan and Shafir 2015; Kling et al. Fryer Jr, R. G., Levitt, S. D., List, J., and Sadoff, S. (2012). 2012). Money has been saved; so have lives. “Enhancing the efficacy of teacher incentives through There is much more to do, and much more to learn. Mis- Na- loss aversion: A field experiment” (No. w18237). conceptions are a terrible distraction. Unburdened by them, . Retrieved from: tional Bureau of Economic Research let’s get to work. Doi: 10.3386/W18237 Gigerenzer, Gerd (2015). “On the supposed evidence for Acknowledgments Review of Philosophy and libertarian paternalism”. I am grateful to Richard Thaler for friendship, collaboration, Psychology 3: 361. and countless nudges, some of which have made this essay Univer- Glaeser, Edward (2006). “Paternalism and policy”. much better. Thanks also to Michelle Baddeley and Lucia sity of Chicago Law Review 73: 133-56. Reisch for superb suggestions. Goldin, Jacob and Nicholas Lawson (2016). “Defaults, man- dates, and taxes: Policy design with active and passive References American Law & Economics Review decision-makers”. . Cam- Welfare and fair distribution Adler, Matthew (2011). 18: 438. bridge: Cambridge University Press. Yale Law Goldin, Jacob (2015). “Which way to nudge?”. Agarwal S., Chomsisengphet S., Mahoney N. and Stroebel J. 125: 227. Journal (2013). “Regulating consumer financial products: Evi- Inside the nudge unit Halpern, David (2015). . London: dence from credit card”. National Bureau of Economic Ebury Press, , Working Paper. Research . Chicago: Hayek, Friedrich (1943). The road to serfdom Phishing for Akerlof, George and Robert Shiller (2016). University of Chicago Press. . Princeton: Princeton University Press. phools Homonoff, T. A. (2013). “Can small incentives have large Allcott, Hunt and Judd B. Kessler (2015). “The welfare effects? The impact of taxes versus bonuses on dis- effects of nudges: A case study of energy use social posable bag use”. , Prince- Industrial Relations Section , comparisons”. National Bureau of Economic Research ton University Working Paper, (575). Retrieved from: Working Paper 21671. http://arks.princeton.edu/ark:/88435/dsp014q77fr47j. Kling, Jeffrey and Sendhil Mullainathan, Eldar Shafir, Lee Manip- Barnhill, Anne (2014). “What is manipulation?” in Vermeulen, and Marian V. Wrobel (2012). “Compari- ulation: Theory and practice 50, 72 (Christian Coons son friction: Experimental evidence from prescription and Michael Weber eds.). 127: 199- Quarterly Journal of Economics drug plans”. Benartzi, Shlomo et al. (2017). “Should Governments invest 235. , available at Psychological Science more in nudging?”. Kuran, Timur and Cass R. Sunstein (1999). “Availability http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/09567976 cascades and risk regulation”. Stanford Law Review 51: 17702501. 683-762. Bruns, Hendrik et al. (2016). “Can nudges be transparent and Johnson, Eric and Daniel Goldstein (2013). “Decisions by yet effective?”. Available at https://papers.ssrn.com/sol Default”. In: Eldar Shafir (Ed.). Behavioral founda- = 2816227. 3/papers.cfm?abstract d i , Chapter 24, pp. 417–427. Princeton: tions of policy Princeton University Press. Chetty, Raj, John N. Friedman, Soren Leth-Petersen, Torben Nielsen and Tore Olsen (2012). “Active vs. passive deci- Loewenstein, George and Chater, Nick (2017). “Putting sions and crowdout in retirement savings accounts: Evi- nudges in perspective”. Behavioral Public Policy 1: dence from Denmark”. Available at http://www.nber.org 26-53. /papers/w18565. Loewenstein, George, Cindy Bryce, David Hagmann and Sachin Rajpal (2015). “Warning: You are about to be Conly, Sarah (2013). Against autonomy . Oxford: Oxford University Press. nudged”. Behavioral Science & Policy 1: 35-42.
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