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1 “The Poor Also M ust Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. October 2016

2 “The Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. Author: Gbenga Komolafe, General Secretary, Federation of Informal Workers' Organizations of Nigeria (FIWON) October 2016 Publication Date: About FIWON: FIWON is a membership based organization of self - employed workers in onomy. Whereas workers in the informal sectors the informal sectors of the Nigerian ec - constitute over 80% of non agricultural employment, 60% of the urban employment and over 90% of new jobs in Nigeria, they are often subjected to arbitrary and excessive taxation, downright extortion, arbitrary arrests and imprisonment while their basic needs for social security is ignored. Informal workers constitute the bulk of the poor and marginalized people in Nigeria. FIWON was inaugurated June 18, 2010 in Abuja in the course of its 1st employed workers’ organizations in National Conference in Abuja with over 34 self - attendance. Today, there are over 120 organizations from 15 states of the Nigerian federation. FIWON’s overall goal is to transform the working and living conditions of informal workers to an acceptable standard that guarantees their basic human rights as citizens and workers. FIWON builds leadership capacities of informal workers for resisting rights violation and for and Thrift arm representation in decision making public institutions. It has a Cooperative that provide soft loans for members while it collaborates with public and private institutions for vocational and entrepreneurial training of members. “The Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State.

3 This was conducted by the Federation of I nformal Workers’ Organizations of Nigeria survey , which represents the interests of poor traders and other informal workers (FIWON) , and The goal was the support of the Heinrich Boell Stiftung Foundation. to gain insights into with , an d production clusters in the recent upsurge in demolition of informal housing, markets Lagos me of the state government to turn Lagos into a ‘ mega city ’ as part of the program of the Informal Sector within the context of a larger project by the HBF Integrati on : into the Economic Policy Framework of Lagos . The focus however was on the traditional open markets , which typically accommodate mostly women d ealing in foodstuff, household utensils, building materials, office stationer y, cosmetics, toys, clothing materials, s at the va lidity of the promise to and light peripheral . The study also tried to look displaced traders accommodate - modern’ shopping malls built in place of the in new ‘ultra destroyed traditional markets. These ‘ultra - modern’ markets come with better facilities complete with municipal services such as park , and electricit y , ing lots, toilets, running water facilities . that are often lacking or are very inadequate in the open traditional markets development on the livelihoods and nto the overall effects of this i Finally, the study probes general well - the traders involved . being of : The Making of an Urban Development Conundrum Lagos th evolved, at least from the 15 c entury , as a trade center and seaport with focus on Lagos I in 1861 the slave trade. to tap into the trade in palm products t became a British colony an . In 1906, Lagos joined with the British protectorate of d other goods with the interior outhern Nigeria. In 1914, when S outhern and S orthern Nigeria amalgamated, they N became part of the coastal colony of Nigeria. In 1954, most of the colonies were merged with the rest of Nigeria, but Lagos was mad e a separate federal territory till 1991 when the moved to Abuja capital was . as The 1980 s marked a period of unprecedented prosperity know n s through the early 1970 the ‘oil boom’ era with marked physical infrastructural development of Lagos State, the then Federal Capital. New roads were constructed with bridges linking the Lagos Mainland with the Island to ease accessibility for people. Most of the nation’s manufacturing industrie s, large construction companies, and governmental institutions, were located in Lagos, to take advantage of the ports. With over 2,000 industries, 65 per cent of the country's commercial activities are carried out in the state. Two of the nation's largest seaports — Apapa Port and are located in Lagos State. — Tin - Can Port Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

4 T , the failure to pro vide similar physical and social he historical advantages of Lagos frastructures , and the concomitant social and economic opportunities available in Lagos in generally lacking in other parts of the country, that are have combined to pose a tremendous pull factor that bring people into Lagos daily from other parts of the coun try . , averaging Lagos has witnessed one of the most rapid population growth rates in the world per cent per annum in the 1970s with an estimated population increase of about 14 , the United Nations predicted that the city's 275,000 persons per annum. In 1999 metropolitan area, which had only about 290,000 inhabitants in 1950, would exceed 20 1 ties in the world . million by 2010 and thus become one of the ten most populated ci Markets in Lagos State Authority (LAWMA) According to the data provided by the Lagos State Waste Management Lagos State on mark e ts , there are about 425 markets in Lagos State . Out of this number, data on the number of lock - up shops and stalls are available for only about 50 markets , 2 add up to roughly 28,371 lock - up shops and 15,342 stalls . Though there are no data on ing the remaining 375 markets, it is safe to estimate based on available data, that there would be no less than 250,00 0 lock - up shops and stalls in Lagos markets . This number exclude s traders operating on open grounds around these markets, in neighbourhoods, in markets , and around residential houses. An estimate of all of these would within housing estates amount to nothing less than 2 million market shops, stalls, and sheds providing employment to at least 5 million people, with women and their children constituting at least o per cent of th at figure. The bigger, well - 70 n Lagos Island due known markets are located to their closeness to the Apapa Wharf . T he bulk of imported materials sold in these markets go to Nigeria. The markets include Obalende, Balogun, Idumota, Sangrouse, Ita Faji, which Pelewu and Oke Arin , all of ra, attract traders from all over Nigeria and other parts of West Africa. Other markets located in the Lagos hinterland (Mainland) are also important as they also enjoy the benef i ts of close proximity to the Lagos ports. These include market M clusters in Oshodi, the Alaba International M arket, Ketu/Mile 12 foodstuff arket cluster, Oyingbo and Mushin M M arket cluster is an exception in that it arkets. The Ketu/Mile 12 and livestock tuff , veg etables , deals mainly in local foods brought from other regions , s especially the n orthern parts of Nigeria and other countries such as Niger and Chad, unlike most of the other markets that deal in imported materials. 1 See Factsheet: Nigeria Population figures, Africa Check, and "State of Lagos Megacit y and Other Nigerian Cities: Report" , Lagos State Ministry of Economic Planning & Budget, 2004. 2 , PRS Data Bank. Data on Markets in Lagos See Lagos Waste Management Authority “The Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State.

5 The p opular Balogun Market; busy despite falling R ain ( FIWON, Sept ember 2016 ) . The Story of Home and Livelihood Demolition and Traders’ Eviction in Lagos Market demolition and traders’ ev iction from their markets, within the context of what has ’ ‘illegal structure , come to be popularly known as ‘slum clearance s ’, ‘urban renewal’ , s in official circles demolition , etc . s , is not new. The first slum clearance was recorded in 1920 when there was a demolition by the Lagos Executive Development Board (LEDB) — which is now known as the Lagos State Development and Property Corporation (LSDPC) — in response to the outbreak of bubonic plague. This was followed by the pre - independence - of Eko clearance to give the visiting Queen demolition which resulted in the celebrated Isale Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

6 Engl of the area . The pre - independence and immediate post - and a pleasing view a series of evictions in the 197 Some independence clearances in Nigeria were marked by 0s. ir of the documented evictions include Adeniji Adele with 5,000 people evicted from the F , homes and workplaces in 1975. 1976 was a bad year as 5,000 or poor people in Lagos people were evicted in Iponri from their homes and workplaces Central Lagos and Ketu ; recorded that 10,000 were evicted , respectively, in that single year. Perhaps the most celebrated eviction in Lagos so far took place in 1990 when the sprawling Maroko from their forcibly ejected community was demolished with estimated 300,000 people 3 . homes and livelihoods Later, the area was transformed into a condominium known as Oniru Private Housing Estate beyond the reach of the urban poor in a classic case of 4 . gentrification and urban dispossession Market Demolitions in Lagos Recent Market demolition and redevelopment in Lagos have followed a clearly discernible pattern in the last one and a half decades of democratic governance. Either Government moves to demolish a market under the pretext of poor municipal facilities — roads, water, parking a ‘mysterious’ fire put it, engulfs a market and as an informant lots, toilets , etc . — or , government quickly moves in to demolish the market after which the market usually gets fenced off pending redevelopment wh with few ich typically lasts several years. Lastly, , market redevelopments have been undertak en s exception through private ‘developers’ who typically price the rebuilt markets out of the reach of the original occupants of those markets , raising fears of a deliberate and systematic displacement of poor traders from erest s working in cahoots with the state traditional markets in favour of private int . The only exceptions to this rule are the Balogun and Ita Faaji markets in the government Lagos Island , which accommodated most of the displaced traders after reconstruction by because the rebuilt stalls are of modest sizes which private developers. This was possible them relatively affordable to most of the traders. Some of the more notorious cases of make demolished markets include : ! Tejuosho market demolition after fire incidents in 2004 and 2007 ; ! Jankara market d emolition in Dec ember 2012 , after a fire incident that gutted some buildings around the market ; 3 See Agboola T. and Jinadu A.M. Forced Eviction and Forced Relocation in Nigeria, the Experience of Maroko in 1990 in Environment and Urbanization Vo. 9, No. 2, Oct. 1997. 4 Gentrification in Lagos State: Challenges and Prospects See Nwanna, Chinwe, in the British Journal of ial Science, 2012. Arts and Soc Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

7 ! Mushin Ajina market, demolished in September 2012 ; ndgrouse Market demolition on 3 February 2015 ; ! Sa Owonifari, Oshodi market demolition on 6 ! January 2016 ; ! Daleko market demolished 28 Feb 2016 ; ruary ! Alade market, Allen Avenue, Ikeja, demolished in July 2016 . Markets under threat of demolition in ltra - Modern M arket , Mosafejo, clude Olorunshogo U , Pelewura Oshodi and Ebute markets o n the Lagos Island . , We shal l focus on a few of these cases with a view to establish common trends and draw relevant lessons. Tejuosho Market The first phase of the Tejuosho market was built in the early 70s as a model market while the second phase was completed by the Alhaji Lateef Jakande in the early 80s. The market was , however, gutted by mysterious fire twice in 2004 and 2007 when it was completely he Lagos T e destroyed , causing traders to los . billions of naira ’s worth of goods and propert y state government embarked on a reconstruction of the market on a scale and subsequently hat was destroyed. The new Teju dimension that dwarfed the relatively massive edifice t osho arket , M on 26 August 2014 by the then governor of Lagos state, Governor commissioned Raji Fashola, is a sp rawling f ive - storey building, comprising no fewer than 4,000 shops, a police post, a fire station and a parking space that can accommodate 800 vehicles at a , time. The new market also boasts of a waste disposal system, a water supply system, a mini power plant, elevators , and ramps, among others. It is interesting that almost two years after official commissioning, the new market is only about 30 per cent occupied , with most of the present occupants being banks, he alth spas, pharmacies, ICT sales and servi ce outlets , and such other high - brow customers. , offices Some of the old Tejuosho traders can only afford to do business in open spaces on the ground floor! The reason is not far - fetched. The new rents and rates are simply prohibitive! According to the Tejuosho Property and Development Company Limited, the concessionaire, one year rent for different sizes of shops in the market ranges from N65 0 ,625 to - N1,575,000 . T hree - year rent ranges from N577,500 to N3,465,000, while five - year rent ranges from N500,00 0 to N5,000,000. T he purchase price of a shop space goes for N600,000 per square meter and beyond, while restaurant space sells for N700,000 or more, ize. s depending on the Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

8 Displaced Tejuosho market traders lament that these new rents and rates are simply . In the words of an old Tejuosho trader, ‘ hat do I sell? Children toys, children outlandish W ... clothing, bed sheets, house hold utensils The entire value of my ware cannot pay for a small shop for one year in the new market. They know what they are do i ng, they don’t want us there! They say it costs between N5 million to N7 million to own a shop. Even for rent, we were asked to pay not less than N1.5 million. Where would one whose total goods do not amount to N1 million get money to pay for such shop? We now hawk our goods around the railway tracks where KAI (Kick Against Indiscipline) men are pursuing us here and there and confiscating our wares." Another trader working close to the Yaba Motor Park says “ All I sell you can see; cosmetics, soap, detergent, matches and other household stuff...th ey could provide small collapsible stalls, klamps, kiosks to accommodate people like us in the new market. ” . 2016) The Tejuosho Ultra - Mod ern Market r emain s l argely e mpty ( FIWON, September Oyingbo Market The old Oyingbo market started in the 1920s as a depot for agricultural produce. The fast growth of Ebute Metta and other communities around the market and the movement of traders from Apapa environs in the 1930s boosted the size of the market and expand ed the array of a vailable goods to include meat and livestock. by the Lagos Island Local Government under The old market was demolished in 1991 leaving the traders with no other option than to fan out into Engi n e er Sulaiman Larinde , adjoining streets to ply their trade while the long wait for the reconstruction of the market Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

9 started. In 2007, Governor Babatunde Fashola awarded the construction of the market to L ted in 2007, but was later awarded to Messrs Palmyra Messrs ELCON Properties Nigeria imi ruction Nigeria Limited in 2009 , Const who completed it 60 weeks later. The completed four - storey massive complex sits on a 544 sq uare metres with a 622 open shops , 102 lockup and 150 shops 48 open offices, 134 toilets , 6 exit gates , , - car capacity parking lot on the ground floor. Other features in the new market complex include an industrial borehole, water treatment plant, fire protection , air cooling system, cold room, refuse chute, sewage 250 1 KVA treatment plant, ground and overhead water tanks, 100 KVA transformers, two , generators , and a 100 KVA fire alarm system/smoke detector. Like the Tejuosho market, s largely vacant since May 2015 when it was commissioned. the New Oyingbo market remain (FIWON, September The New Oyingbo M arket , largely vacant 2016) . Arena Market, Oshodi At the Bolade, Oshodi end of the ever congested Agege Motor Road lies a sprawling edifice M arket, a beautiful architectural masterpiece completed in 2009. The known as the Arena edifice , owned by the Nigerian Army, was constructed under a lease arrangement between the Nigerian Army, the owner of the market site , and Woobs Resources Limited , which was the granted a concession right to construct, manage , and operate ultra - modern market for a and transfer basis. , period of 25 years on a build, operate Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

10 Located on parts of the new Arena arket was a ‘mammy m arket ’ belonging to the Army . M January 2002 bomb explosions that The mammy market was largely vacated after the onment’s Armoury , which led to loss of many lives and massive occurred at the Ikeja Cant destruction of structures belonging to t he military and civilians alike. 3,000 stalls made up of lock - The Arena market boasts of and open and warehouse up shops structures, some of which are en suite . Support facilities in the market include seven restaurants ; parking space for 1,016 vehicles, including a 32 - truck parking bay ; and covered loading and off loading bays at the flanks of the premises to ease management of - cattle and bulk goods. Ther e are also b anking halls and a facility management office , all complete with 216 public toilets and 72 bathrooms built in seven clusters within the market. The Arena also has a dedicated fire service station to complement the fire hydrants spread all over, including a police post, abattoir, incinerator , and a modern refuse disposal system s well as adequate and water boreholes with a dedicated electricity transformers, generators , water storage facility. It is sad to note , however that only a few of the lock - up shops are occupied seven years , after official commissioning of the market. Most of the shops are under lock and key while he complex is many of the warehouses remain un - occupied . But the open stalls section of t about 80 per cent rented and bubbling with traders and buyers of foot wear , clothes, fruits, vegetables , and other perishables. The major reason given for the low trader occupation of the market is the relatively high rental cost. - up shop at the complex cost s A lock a lease for five N300,000 per annum, while years goes for N1.25 million. Rental values for a lock - up shop en suite cost N326,000 per annum, while the open stall s cost N55,000 per annum. Space for warehouse goes for s in the shopping arcade range from N4,000 arge N421,000 per annum, while the service ch Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

11 to N5,000 per month. The lower rental value of the stalls obviously accounts for the higher Though there are insinuations that the presence occupation rate of those classes of shops. onnel manning the entrance g ates into the market might also of uniformed military pers away traders and their customers, the question is why are the relatively cheaper open scare stalls still largely occupied? , Simpson Street, Lagos Sura Shopping Mall The story of the Sura Shopping Mall on Simpson Street, Lagos Island , is indicative of the low use value of the kind of futuristic reconstruction of traditional open markets gaining increasing social currency in Lagos right now. Built about two decades ago by the Ibile , the investment company of the Lagos State Government H oldings , the Sura Shopping Mall up shops of various sizes, open and lock - up warehouses with - comprises over hundred lock standby electricity generating set, running water, adequate parking space , as well as goo d security. A visit to Sura market today would reveal an almost deserted market with most and service centers by some IT companies stalls now being used as offices, pha rmacies , e a lot of e relatively high cost of whil complain about th ls remain empty. Traders the stal rent plus difficult access as the reasons for the sparse volume of commercial activities in the the Sura s popular among government and private sector market. Yet model remain M arket developers in Lagos State. “The Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State.

12 fter ng Mall o ver 20 y ears Sparse Sura Shoppi , c onstruction — an indication of how the New a Tejuosho Market will Look in 20 years’ time? (FIWON, Aug ust 2016) . Demolished, Y et - to - be Rebuilt Markets Sandgrouse Market sland Market is one of the oldest markets in the Lagos The Sandgrouse Lagos I on Metropolitan Area. t has a chequered history and was demolished and rebuilt after fire I outbreaks in 1971 and 1981. It is noteworthy however, that the 1981 reconstruction was very sensitively handled by the then Alhaji Lateef Jakande government. Older traders recall how those occupying the market before the fire outbreak were given a temporary site before the reconstruction and were promptly resettled in the market after reconstruction. s State government In July 2015, t he market was again demolished by the Lago the who, in following month, signed an agreement with DHB Construction L imited to commence redevelopment Bakare of DHB Construction of the market . Though Mr. Hakeem Alobo - ocated to another site pending reconstruction of the promised that traders would be rel Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

13 market, almost one year after the traders still remain in limbo with most of them operating behind the iron roofing sheets with which the demolished market was fenced off. The demolished Sandgrouse market fenced off with roofing sheets. Note the picture of the futuristic ‘Sandgrouse Mall’ inside the fence. Outside the fence, traders manage to do business close to the thick vehicular traffic (FIWON, Aug ust 2016) . Owonifari Market, Oshodi Many traders claimed they lost goods worth billions of naira to the bulldozers and debris to construct 2016 demolition of the market a world class bus ‘ following the 6 Jan uary ’ around the place . While traders blamed the government for not giving s ufficient terminus notice to move their wares, the government insisted to have not only given the traders but had actually provided another alternative site at enough notice , Isopakodowo Market, Bolade, also in Oshodi . The traders , he Owonifari Market accommodated about , maintain that whereas t however 000 traders, the new one has slots for just 600, excluding the kee clamps. , Traders also 5 Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

14 fear that they might be able to afford the price tags of the market stalls in the relocated not site. The demolished Owonifari Market, Oshodi, to make way for the ‘Oshodi Transport Interchange’ (FIWON, Aug ust 2016) . Jankara Market, Lagos Island was demolished , Jankara M arket , located at the center of Adeniji Adele area of Lagos Island in December 2012 following a fire incident which razed a few buildings around the market. the traders , who were The market site was subsequently fenced off and left to operate behind the fence and in adjoining streets , became subject to frequent harassment and especially the Kick Against Indiscipline (KAI) Brigades. extortion by government agencies , Unlike other cleared markets, there is no discernible plan to rebuild the market in the foreseeable future. Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

15 Traders outside the fence in Jankara (FIWON , Aug ust 2016) . Mushin Ajina Market The Mushin Ajina M arket , estimated to be over 100 years old , was demolished in 2012 by the Mushin Local Government Council under the chairmanship of Mr. Babatunde Adepitan. up shops clamps, it was one of the biggest - k With close to 2,000 market stalls, lock - and , markets o n the Lagos Mainland. A wide variety of goods , ranging from foodstuff s , cloth, household and general merchandi s livestock, and ushin traded in the market. The M e , w ere rather fuzzy arrangement with a private sector property developer local government has a to redevelop the market, an arrangement that has not seen the light of the day almost four years after the demolition of the market. Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

16 The roofing sheet fencing of the Mushin Ajina Market . The market remains undeveloped and abandoned four years after demolition (FIWON, Aug ust 2016) . Daleko Market Daleko Market, the popular rice, vegetable oil , and staple market in Lagos, was demol ished ruary 2016, two days before the ultimatum given to traders to vacate the market. in Feb were said to have agreed to the market re develop ment leaders The traders and the market the traders are expressing fear that the as championed by the Iyaloja . However, now plans, prior arrangement , wherein those owning stalls in the demolished market would be given new shops free after reconstruction , was already being breached even before any trader : reconstruction had started. In the words of one “The Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State.

17 “ I sell rice and I have been in this market since 1983. It wasn’t the government’ s ... y came around 8 a.m. y esterday asking us to vacate the place. It took decision. The six hours to remove the roofs of the shops. It is the Iyaloja G eneral. We them about our , but why should we pay for the market are not saying she shouldn’t develop shops. We were told that whether we have documents or not, we would buy the shops. Is the notice fair enough? ” The Story of a – be – demolished Market to Olorunshogo Ultra M odern Market, Onigbongbo, Oshodi Lagos , has an interesting but The chequered history that started in 1987 with a protest during Col. Raji Rasaki ’s stint as the military administrator of Lagos state. The immediate cause of the protest was the fact that hy environment. As a result of the protest, the traders were operating in a swampy, unhealt the military administration granted the traders permission to build permanent structures in the market , but the developers, in the opinion of the traders, overpriced the new stalls at the cost of N18,000. In 1991 , the traders took the developers to court to protest the high stalls n 2006, a developer, which was then reduced to N12,000 by the court. I cost of the , modern’ market status Larry Ogun undertook to upgrade the market to ‘ultra - ., musere & Co nt involving the state government, the traders , and the developer. in an arrangeme A new twist developed in the story , howev e r , when on 4 January 2016, the traders received on the a seven - day eviction notice from the Lagos State Ministry of Physical Planning ground ubsequently embarked on rs s s or infrastructure in the market. The trade of po massive renovation to further enhance the value of the market. Despite all effort however, s, the Lagos state government served the traders another eviction notice in A pril 2016. T he traders succeeded in having a meeting with the Go vernor Ambode in during which the July , governor made it clear that the shopping complex would be demolished by September 2016 to make way for the proposed ‘Oshodi Transport Interchange’ to which his governm ent was irrevocably committed. However , he promised to compensate the traders as well as provide A recent intervention has helped another site for a new market in Olushosun area of Ojota. to postpone the demolition threat pending the development of the Olu shosun site. Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

18 Comparing Costs in Open Markets with Costs in the ‘Ultra - Modern’ Markets. Depending on the size , location, and nature of shops, the cost of a shop or stall in an open market ranges from N30,000 per annum to N100,000 per annum. Other costs include an ‘agree ment fee’ of N25,000 while the Local Government and LAWMA collect N2,400 each, N3 , 000 is paid as security fees while the Lagos state government colle cts N2,500 personal income tax, which has just been increased by 100 p er cent to N5,000 per annum. In the ‘ultra modern’ markets, on the other hand, a prospective shop seeker pays – ,000 to N5 million , depending on the location and size excluding other average of N500 charges, levies, taxes , and fees. Market Demolitions and Evictions Implications of The effects of market evictions and demolitions on the traders operating in the traditional markets are enormous. Almost all the markets we visited and conducted interviews in open had recorded several deaths during and after demolitions and evictions . S everal traders reportedly succumbed to deteriorating health conditions , especially heart - related diseases. Needless to say, given the tradition of social division of labour among the Yorubas of Southwest Niger ia, and the l ower access to formal education and skills , women predominate trad women form the bulk end - ing and lower commercial activities. Expectedly therefore, in market are more heavily affected by the those operating in of s and petty trading and a demolitions and evi ctions that have become very frequent in recent years. According to women f researcher who conducted extensive field research on implications of evictions o traders : “... As entrepreneurs, women’s economic potential is capped due to the lack of access - to safe work spaces and start up capital. Among the evicted women traders, forced evictions ... are a major cause of insecurity. The destruction of market stalls does not mean t he demolition of market stalls alone but often means that the informal enterprises/livelihoods that the women traders engage in are also destroyed. Women, children and other vulnerable and disadvantaged groups are most adversely Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

19 affected by such evictions which invariably increases rather than reduces, the 5 problems that they set out to ‘solve’”. Some of the issues raised by women interviewed in the course of this work, include the following : I nability to pay for a shop, in the newly reconstructed ‘ultra - m odern’ markets and • getting a new working capital. , • such as withdrawing Backward coping strategy children from fee - paying scho ol for low standard non - fee paying schools. • e in street In some extreme cases, withdrawing children from schools to engag to or hawking sending children trading and live with other members of extended out famil y . In conclusion, it is clear that the Lagos State Government needs to develop an inclusive urban development policy will include the needs of the poor in urban upgrade s and that redevelopment initiatives . Such policies would ensure better access for the poorer residents of Lagos state to housing and trading needs. For instance, it is clear that the ‘ultra - modern’ in include poor traders’ accessible parts of markets could easily need for very small spaces attract competitive rates that wo uld be affordable to would the new markets. Such spaces traders , who usually deal s, in highly perishable ware the poorer such as foodstuffs, vegetables, meat, fish , and frui t . The private developers should by now also realize that , as of Lagosians are poor, their needs should be consciously incorporated into majority the the poor also must live !” redevelopment plans . A s one interviewee put it , “ However, since the right things are not always apparent to policymakers , development experts and social, environmental , and human rights activists should team up with the Federation of Informal Workers’ Organizations of Nigeria (FIWON) . Together, they can campaign vigorously for inclusive urban development policies especially in the areas of , housing and market redevelopments. 5 See Olabisi, Sherift Yusuff, Gender and Urban Renewal Development; An Examination of in the American journal of Rural Challenges of Evicted Market Women in Lagos state, Nigeria Development, Vol. 1, No. 2, 2013. Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State. “The

20 A Map Showing Markets Surveyed in this Study. “The Poor Also Must Live!” Market Demolition, Gentrification and the Quest for Survival in Lagos State.

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